[The means they use to obtain Peace with him.] The Dutch therefore not being able to deal with him by the Sword, being unacquainted with the Woods and the Chingulays manner of fighting, do endeavour for Peace with him all they can, dispatching divers Embassadours to him, and sending great Presents, by carrying Letters to him in great State wrapped up in Silks wrought with Gold and Silver, bearing them all the way upon their Heads in token of great Honour, honouring him with great and high Titles, subscribing themselves his Subjects and Servants, telling him the Forts they build are out of Loyalty to him, to secure his Majesties Country from Forraign Enemies; and that when they come up into his Countrey, tis to seek maintenance. And by these Flatteries and submissions they sometimes obtain to keep what they keep what they have gotten from him, and sometimes nothing will prevail, he neither regarding their Embassadours nor receiving the Presents, but taking his opportunities on a suddain of setting on them by his Forces.

[How he took Bibligom Fort.] His Craft and Success in taking Bibligom Fort in the County of Habberagon, may deserve to be mentioned. The Chingulays had beseiged the Fort: and knowing the Dutch had no Water there; but all they had was conveyed thro a Trench wrought under Ground from a River near by, they beseiged them so close, and planted so many Guns towards the mouth of this Trench, that they could not come out to fetch Water. They cut down Wood also, and made bundles of Faggots therewith, which they piled up round about their Fort at some distance, and every night removed them nearer and nearer. So that their works became higher than the Fort. Their main intent by these Faggot-works, was to have brought them just under the Fort, and then to have set it on Fire, the Walls of the Fort being for the most part of Wood. There was also a Bo-gahah Tree growing just by the Fort: on which they planted Guns and shot right down into them. The houses in the Fort being Thatched, they shot also Fire-Arrows among them: So that the beseiged were forced to pull off the Straw from their Houses, which proved a great inconvenience to them being a Rainy Season: so that they lay open to the weather and cold. The Dutch finding themselves in this extremity desired quarter which was granted them at the Kings mercy. They came out and laid down their Arms, all but the Officers, who still wore theirs. None were plundered of any thing they had about them. The Fort they demolished to the Ground, and brought up the Four Guns to the Kings Palace; where they among others stand mounted in very brave Carriages before his Gate.

The Dutch were brought two or three days journey from the Fort into the Countrey they call Owvah: and there were placed with a Guard about them, having but a small allowance appointed them; insomuch that afterwards having spent what they had, they perished for Hunger. So that of about ninety Hollanders taken Prisoners, there were not above five and twenty living when I came away.

[Several Embassadors detained by the King.] There are several white Embassadours, besides other Chingulay People, by whom the Dutch have sent Letters and presents to the King whom he keeps from returning back again. They are all bestowed in several houses with Soldiers to Guard them: And tho they are not in Chains, yet none is permitted to come to them or speak with them; it not being the custom of that Land for any to come to the speech of Embassadours. Their allowance is brought them ready dressed out of the Kings Palace, being all sorts of Varieties, that the Land affords. After they have remained in this condition some years, the Guards are somewhat slackned, and the Soldiers that are to watch them grow remiss in their Duty; so that now the Ambassadours walk about the Streets, and any body goes to their houses and talks with them: that is, after they have been so long in the Countrey, that all their news is stale and grown out of date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed. When they have been there a great while, the King usually gives them Slaves, both men and women, the more to alienate their minds from their own Country, and that they may stay with him with the more willingness and content. For his design is, to make them, if he can, inclinable to serve him. As he prevailed with one of these Embasssadours to do for the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall relate immediatly.

There are five Embassadors whom he hath thus detained since my coming there; of each of whom I shall speak a little, besides two, whom he sent away voluntarily.

[The first Embassador there detained since the Authors remembrance.] The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders some time before the Rebellion against the King; Who had detained him in the City. After the Rebellion the King sent for him to him to the Mountain of Gauluda whither he had retreated from the Rebels. The King not long after removed to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court, but left the Embassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with a Guard of Soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismal Mountain void of all society, he continued many days. During which time a Chingulay and his Wife falls out, and she being discontented with her Husband to escape from him flies to this Embassadors house for shelter. The woman being somewhat beautiful, he fell greatly in love with her. And to obtain her he sent to the King, and profered him his service, if he would permit him to enjoy her company, Which the King was very willing and glad to do, having now obtained that which he had long aimed at, to get him into his service.

[His preferment, and death.] Hereupon the King sent him word that he granted his desire, and withall sent to both of them rich Apparel, and to her many Jewels and Bracelets of Gold and Silver. Suddainly after there was a great House prepared from them in the City, furnished with all kind of furniture out of the Kings Treasure and at his proper cost and charges. Which being finished he was brought away from his Mountain into it. But from thence forward never saw his Wife more, according to the custom of Court. And he was entertained in the Kings Service, and made Courtalbad, which is cheif over all the Smiths and Carpenters in Cande Uda. Some short time after the King about to send his Forces against a Fort of the Hollanders, called Arundery built by them in the year MDCLXVI. He tho in the Kings service, yet being a well wisher to his Countrey, had privatly sent a Letter of advice to the Dutch concerning the Kings intention and purpose, an Answer to which was intercepted and brought to the King, wherein thanks was returned him from the Dutch for his Loyalty to his own Nation, and nhut they would accordingly prepare for the Kings assault. The King having this Letter, sent for him, and bad him read it, which he excused pretending it was so written, that he could not. Whereupon immediatly another Dutchman was sent for, who read it before the King, and told him the Contents of it. At which it is reported the King should say, Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, That is, He serves me for fear, and them for love; or his fear is here and his love is there; And forth with commanded to carry him forth to Execution: which was accordingly done upon him. Tis generally said, that this Letter was framed by somebody on purpose to ruine him.

[The next Embassador dying there his Body is sent down to Columbo in great State.] The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak; a fine Gentleman, and good friend of the English. This was he who was Commissioned in the year MDCLXIV. to intercede with the King on the behalf of the English, that they might have liberty to go home, and with him they were made to beleive they should return: which happened at the same time that Sir Edward Winter sent his Letters to the King for us. Which I have already spoke of in the fifth Chapter of this Part. This Embassador was much in the Kings favour, with whom he was detained till he died. And then the King sent his Body down to Columbo carried in a Pallenkine with great State and Lamention, and accompanied with his great Commanders, and many Soldiers.

[The third Embassador. Gets away by his resolution.] Sometime after the loss of the Fort of Arrundery which was about the year MDCLXX. the Dutch sent up another Embassador to see if he could obtain a Peace, which was the first time their Embassadors began to bring up Letters upon their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man was much favoured by the King, and was entertained with great Ceremony and Honour, cloathing him in Chingulay Habit, Which I never knew done before nor since. But being weary of his long stay, and of the delays that were made; having often made motions to go down, and still he was deferred from day to day, at length he made a resolution, that if he had not leave by such a day, he would go without it; saying that the former Embassador who died there, died like a Woman, but it should be seen that he would die like a man. At the appointed day, he girt on his Sword, and repaired to the Gates of the Kings Palace, pulling off his Hat, and making his obeysance as if the King were present before him, and thanking him for the Favours and Honours he had done him, and so took his leave. And there being some Englishmen present, he generously gave them some money to drink his Health; and in this resolute manner departed, with some two or three Black-servants that attended on him. The upshot of which was, that the King, not being willing to prevent his resolution by Violence, sent one of his Noblemen to conduct him down; and so he had the good fortune to get home safely to Columbo.

[The fourth was of a milder Nature.] The next Ambassador after him was John Baptista. A Man of a milder Spirit than the former, endeavouring to please and shew compliance with the King. He obtained many Favours of the King, and several Slaves both Men and Women. And living well with Servants about him, is the more patient in waiting the King's leisure till he pleaseth to send him home.

[The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present.] The last Embassador that came up while I was there, brought up a Lion: which the Dutch thought would be the most acceptable Present that they could send to the King, as indeed did all others. It was but a Whelp. But the King did never receive it, supposing it not so famous as he had heard by Report Lions were. This Man with his Lion was brought up and kept in the County of Oudapollat, near Twenty Miles from the King's Court. Where he remained about a year, in which time the Lion died. The Embassador being weary of living thus like a Prisoner with a Guard always upon him, often attempted to go back, seeing the King would not permit him Audience. But the Guards would not let him. Having divers times made disturbances in this manner to get away home, the King commanded to bring him up into the City to an House that was prepared for him, standing some distance from the Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no sign of Audience, he resolved to make his Appearance before the King by force, which he attempted to do, when the King was abroad taking his Pleasure. The Soldiers of his Guard immediately ran, and acquainted the Noblemen at Court of his coming, who delayed not to acquaint the King thereof. Whereupon the King gave Order forthwith to meet him, and where they met him, in that same place to stop him till further order. And there they kept him, not letting him go either forward or backward. In this manner and place he remained for three days, till the King sent Order that he might return to his House whence he came. This the King did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased to call him before him. And there he remained when I left the Countrey, maintained with Plenty of Provisions at the King's charge.

[The number of Dutch there.] The number of Dutch now living there may be about Fifty or Sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors, some Prisoners of War, some Runaways, and Malefactors that have escaped the hand of Justice and got away from the Dutch Quarters. To all whom are allotted respective allowances, but the Runaways have the least, the King not loving such, tho giving them entertainment.

[They follow their Vice of Drinking.] The Dutch here love Drink, and practise their proper Vice in this Countrey. One who was a great Man in the Court, would sometimes come into the King's Presence half disguised with Drink, which the King often past over; but once asked Him, Why do you thus disorder yourself, that when I send for you about my Business, you are not in a capacity to serve me? He boldly replied, That as soon as his Mother took away her Milk from him, she supplied it with Wine, and ever since, saith he, I have used myself to it. With this answer the King seemed to be pleased. And indeed the rest of the white Men are generally of the same temper: insomuch that the Chingulays have a saying, That Wine is as natural to white Men, as Milk to Children.

[The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch, and why.] All differences of Ranks and Qualities are disregarded among those Chingulay People that are under the Dutch. Neither do the Dutch make any distinction between the Hondrews, and the low and Inferior Casts of Men: and permit them to go in the same Habit, and sit upon Stools, as well as the best Hondrews; and the lower Ranks may eat and intermarry with the higher without any Punishment, or any Cognizance taken of it. Which is a matter that the Chingulays in Cand' Uda are much offended with the Dutch for; and makes them think, that they themselves are sprung from some mean Rank and Extract. And this prejudiceth this People against them, that they have not such an Esteem for them. For to a Chingulay his Rank and Honour is as dear as his life. And thus much of the Dutch.



CHAP. XIV.

Concerning the French: With some Enquiries what should make the King detain white Men as he does. And how the Christian Religion is maintained among the Christians there.

[The French come hither with a Fleet.] About the year MDCLXXII. or LXXIII, there came Fourteen Sail of great Ships from the King of France to settle a Trade here. Monsieur De la Hay Admiral, put in with this Fleet, into the Port of Cottiar. From whence he sent up Three men by way of Embassy to the King of Cande. Whom he entertained very Nobly, and gave every one of them a Chain of Gold about their Necks, and a Sword all inlay'd with Silver, and a Gun. And afterwards sent one of them down to the Admiral with his Answer. Which encouraged him to send up others: that is, an Ambassador and six more. Who were to reside there till the return of the Fleet back again, being about to Sail to the Coast.

[To whom the King sends Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort.] To the Fleet the King sent all manner of Provision, as much as his Ability could afford: and not only permitted but assisted them to build a Fort in the Bay. Which they manned partly with their own People, and partly with Chingulays, whom the King sent and lent the French. But the Admiral finding that the King's Provisions, and what else could be bought in the Island would not suffice for so great a Fleet, was forced to depart for the Coast of Coromandel; promising the King, by the Ambassador afore-mentioned, speedily to return again. So leaving some of his Men with the King's Supplies to keep the Fort till his return, he weighed Anchor, and set sail. But never came back again. Some reported they were destroyed by a Storm, others by the Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great Presents, but he would not presently receive them, that it might not seem as if he wanted any thing, or were greedy of things brought him: but since the French returned not according to their promise, he scorned ever after to receive them. At first he neglected the Present out of State, and ever since out of Anger and Indignation. This French Fort at Cotiar was a little after easily taken by the Dutch.

[The French Ambassador offends the King.] But to return to the Embassador and his Retinue. He rode up from Cotiar on Horseback, which was very Grand in that Countrey. And being with his Company gotten somewhat short of the City, was appointed there to stay, until an House should be prepared in the City for their Entertainment. When it was signified to him that their House was ready for their Reception, they were conducted forward by certain Noblemen sent by the King, carrying with them a Present for his Majesty. The Ambassador came riding on Horse-back into the City. Which the Noblemen observing, dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on foot; telling him, It was not allowable, nor the Custom. But he regarding them not, rode by the Palace Gate. It offended the King, but he took not much notice of it for the present.

[He refuses to wait longer for Audience.] The Ambassador alighted at his Lodgings. Where he and his Companions were nobly Entertained, Provisions sent them ready Dressed out of the King's Palace three times a day, great Plenty they had of all things the Countrey afforded. After some time the King sent to him to come to his Audience. In great State he was Conducted to the Court, accompanied with several of the Nobles that were sent to him. Coming thus to the Court in the Night, as it is the King's usual manner at that Season to send for foreign Ministers, and give them Audience, he waited there some small time, about two hours or less, the King not yet admitting him. Which he took in such great disdain, and for such an affront, that he was made to stay at all, much more so long, that he would tarry no longer but went towards his Lodging. Some about the Court observing this, would have stopped him by Elephants that stood in the Court, turning them before the Gate thro which he was to pass. But he would not so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his Sword, as if he meant to make his way by the Elephants; the People seeing his resolution, called away the Elephants and let him pass.

[Which more displeased the King. Clapt in chains.] As soon as the King heard of it, he was highly displeased; insomuch that he commanded some of his Officers, that they should go and beat them, and clap them in Chains: which was immediately done to all excepting the two Gentlemen, that were first sent up by the Admiral: for these were not touched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this Ambassador; neither were they now in his Company; excepting that one of them in the Combustion got a few Blows. They were likewise disarmed, and so have continued ever since. Upon this the Gentlemen, Attendants upon the Embassador, made their Complaints to the Captain of their Guards, excusing themselves, and laying all the blame upon their Ambassador; urging, That they were his Attendants, and a Soldier must obey his Commander and go where he appoints him. Which sayings being told the King, he approved thereof, and commanded them out of Chains, the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued for six Months. After which he was released of his Chains by means of the Intreaties his own men made to the great Men in his behalf.

[The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador.] The rest of the French men, seeing how the Embassador's imprudent carriage had brought them to this misery, refused any longer to dwell with him. And each of them by the King's Permission dwells by himself in the City; being maintained at the King's charge. Three of these, whose Names were Monsieur Du Plessy, Son to a Gentleman of note in France, and Jean Bloom, the third whose Name I cannot tell, but was the Ambassador's Boy, the King appointed to look to his best Horse, kept in the Palace. This Horse sometime after died, as it is supposed of old Age. Which extremely troubled the King; and imagining they had been instrumental to his Death by their carelessness, he commanded two of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom to be carried away into the Mountains, and kept Prisoners in Chains, where they remained when I came thence.

The rest of them follow Employments; some whereof Still Rack, and keep the greatest Taverns in the City.

[The King uses means to reconcile the French to their Ambassador.] Lately, a little before I came from the Island; the King understanding the disagreements and differences that were still kept on foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his Company, disliked it and used these means to make them Friends. He sent for them all, the Ambassador and the rest, and told them, That it was not seemly for Persons as they were at such a distance from their own Countrey, to quarrel and fall out; and that if they had any love for God, or the King of France, or himself, that they should go home with the Ambassador and agree and live together. They went back together, not daring to disobey the King. And as soon as they were at home, the King sent a Banquet after them of Sweetmeats and Fruits to eat together. They did eat the King's Banquet, but it would not make the Reconcilement. For after they had done, each man went home and dwelt in their own Houses as they did before. It was thought that this carriage would offend the King, and that he would at least take away their Allowance. And it is probable before this time the King hath taken Vengeance on them. But the Ambassador's carriage is so imperious, that they would rather venture whatsoever might follow than be subject to him. And in this case I left them.

[The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with the condition of these Men.] Since my return to England, I presumed by a Letter to inform the French Ambassador then in London of the abovesaid Matters, thinking my self bound in Conscience and Christian Charity to do my endeavour, that their Friends knowing their Condition, may use means for their Deliverance. The Letter ran thus,

These may acquaint your Excellency, That having been a Prisoner in the Island of Ceilon, under the King of that Countrey near Twenty years; by means of this my long detainment there, I became acquainted with the French Ambassador, and the other Gentlemen his Retinue; being in all Eight Persons; who was sent to Treat with the said King in the Year MDCLXXII. by Monsieur De la Hay, who came with a Fleet to the Port of Cotiar or Trinkemalay, from whence he sent these Gentlemen. And knowing that from thence it is scarce possible to send any Letters or Notice to other Parts, for in all the time of my Captivity I could never send one word, whereby my Friends here might come to hear of my Condition, until with one more I made an Escape, leaving Sixteen English men yet there; The Kindness I have received from those French Gentlemen, as also my Compassion for them, being detained in the same place with me, hath obliged and constrained me, to presume to trouble your Lordship with this Paper; not knowing any other means where I might convey Notice to their Friends and Relations, which is all the Service I am able to perform for them. The Ambassador's Name I know not; there is a Kinsman of his called Monsieur le Serle, and a young Gentleman called Monsieur du Plessey, and another named Monsieur la Roche. The rest by Name I know not. And then an account of them is given according to what I have mentioned above. I shall not presume to be farther tedious to your Honour; craving Pardon for my boldness which my Affection to those Gentlemen being detained in the same Land with me hath occasioned. Concerning whom if your Lordship be pleased farther to be informed, I shall be both willing and ready to be,

Yours, &c.

The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak with me. Upon whom I waited, and he after some Speech with me told me he would send word into France of it, and gave me Thanks for this my Kindness to his Countreymen.

[An inquiry into the reason of this King's detaining Europaeans] It may be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be, that the King detains the Europaean People as he does. It cannot be out of hope of Profit or Advantage; for they are so far from bringing him any, that they are a very great Charge, being all maintained either by him or his People. Neither is it in the power of Money to redeem any one, for that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me conclude, it is not out of Profit, nor Envy or ill will, but out of Love and Favour, that he keeps them, delighting in their Company, and to have them ready at his Command. For he is very ambitious of the Service of these Men, and winks at many of their failings, more than he uses to do towards his Natural Subjects. [The King's gentleness towards his white Soldiers.] As may appear from a Company of White Soldiers he hath, who upon their Watch used to be very negligent, one lying Drunk here and another there. Which remisness in his own Soldiers he would scarce have indured, but it would have cost them their lives. But with these he useth more Craft than Severity to make them more watchful.

[They watch at his Magazine.] These Soldiers are under two Captains, the one a Dutch man and the other a Portugueze. They are appointed to Guard one of the King's Magazines, where they always keep Sentinel both by Day and Night. This is a pretty good distance from the Court, and here it was the King contrived their Station, that they might swear and swagger out of his hearing, and that no body might disturb them, nor they no body. The Dutch Captain lyes at one side of the Gate, and the Portugueze at the other.

[How craftily the King corrected their Negligence.] Once the King to employ these his white Soldiers, and to honour them by letting them see what an assurance he reposed in them, sent one of his Boys thither to be kept Prisoner, which they were very Proud of. They kept him two years, in which time he had learnt both the Dutch and Portugueze Language. Afterwards the King retook the Boy into his Service, and within a short time after Executed him. But the King's reason in sending this Boy to be kept by these Soldiers was, probably not as they supposed, and as the King himself outwardly pretended, viz. To shew how much he confided in them, but out of Design to make them look the better to their Watch, which their Debauchery made them very remiss in. For the Prisoners Hands only were in Chains, and not his Legs; so that his possibility of running away, having his Legs at liberty, concerned them to be circumspect and wakeful. And they knew if he had escaped it were as much as their lives were worth. By this crafty and kind way did the King correct the negligence of his white Soldiers.

[The King's Inclinations are towards white Men.] Indeed his inclinations are much towards the Europaeans; making them his great Officers, accounting them more faithful and trusty than his own People. With these he often discourses concerning the Affairs of their Countreys, and promotes them to places far above their Ability, and sometimes their Degree or Desert. [The colour of white honoured in this Land.] And indeed all over the Land they do bear as it were a natural respect and reverence to White Men, in as much as Black, they hold to be inferior to White. And they say, the Gods are White, and that the Souls of the Blessed after the Resurrection shall be White; and therefore, that Black is a rejected and accursed colour.

[Their Privilege above the Natives.] And as further signs of the King's favour to them, there are many Privileges, which White Men have and enjoy, as tolerated or allowed them from the King; which I suppose may proceed from the aforesaid Consideration; as, to wear any manner of Apparel, either Gold, Silver, or Silk, Shoes and Stockings, a shoulder Belt and Sword; their Houses may be whitened with Lime, and many such like things, all which the Chingulayes are not permitted to do.

[The King loves to send and talk with them.] He will also sometimes send for them into his Presence, and discourse familiarly with them, and entertain them with great Civilities, especially white Ambassadors. They are greatly chargeable unto his Countrey, but he regards it not in the least. So that the People are more like Slaves unto us than we unto the King. In as much as they are inforced by his Command to bring us maintenance. Whose Poverty is so great oftentimes, that for want of what they supply us with, themselves, their Wives, and Children, are forced to suffer hunger, this being as a due Tax imposed upon them to pay unto us. Neither can they by any Power or Authority refuse the Payment hereof to us. For in my own hearing the People once complaining of their Poverty and Inability to give us any longer our Allowance, the Magistrate or Governor replied, It was the King's special Command, and who durst disannul it. And if otherwise they could not supply us with our maintenance he bad them sell their Wives and Children, rather than we should want of our due. Such is the favour that Almighty God hath given Christian People in the sight of this Heathen King; whose entertainment and usage of them is thus favourable.

[How they maintain Christianity among them.] If any enquire into the Religious exercise and Worship practised among the Christians here, I am sorry I must say it, I can give but a slender account. For they have no Churches nor no Priests, and so no meetings together on the Lord's Dayes for Divine Worship, but each one Reads or Prays at his own House as he is disposed. They Sanctifie the Day chiefly by refraining work, and meeting together at Drinking-houses. They continue the practice of Baptism; and there being no Priests, they Baptize their Children themselves with Water, and use the words, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; and give them Christian Names. They have their Friends about them at such a time, and make a small Feast according to their Ability: and some teach their Children to say their Prayers, and to Read, and some do not.

[In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen.] Indeed their Religion at the best is but Negative, that is, they are not Heathen, they do not comply with the Idolatry here practised; and they profess themselves Christians in a general manner, which appears by their Names, and by their Beads and Crosses that some of them wear about their Necks. Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from complyance with the Religion of the Countrey. For some of them when they are Sick do use the Ceremonies which the Heathen do in the like case, as in making Idols of clay, and setting them up in their Houses, and Offering Rice to them, and having Weavers to Dance before them. But they are ashamed to be known to do this; and I have known none to do it, but such as are Indians born. Yet I never knew any of them, that do inwardly in Heart and Conscience incline to the ways of the Heathen, but perfectly abhor them: nor have there been any, I ever heard of, that came to their Temples upon any Religious account, but only would stand by and look on; [An old Priest used to eat of their Sacrifices.] without it were one old Priest named Padre Vergonce, a Genoez born, and of the Jesuits Order who would go to the Temples, and eat with the Weavers and other ordinary People of the Sacrifices offered to the Idols: but with this Apology for himself, that he eat it as common Meat, and as God's Creature, and that it was never the worse for their Superstition that had past upon it. But however this may reflect upon the Father, another thing may be related for his Honour. There happened two Priests to fall into the hands of the King; on whom he conferred great Honours; for having laid aside their Habits they kept about his Person, and were the greatest Favourites at Court. The King one day sent for Vergonse, and asked him, if it would not be better for him to lay aside his old Coat and Cap, and to do as the other two Priests had done, and receive Honour from him. He replied to the King, That he boasted more in that old habit and in the Name of Jesus, than in all the honour that he could do him. And so refused the King's Honour. The King valued the Father for this saying. He had a pretty Library about him, and died in his Bed of old Age: whereas the two other Priests in the King's Service died miserably, one of a Canker, and the other was slain. The old Priest had about Thirty or Forty Books, which the King, they say, seized on after his Death, and keeps.

[The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church.] These Priests, and more lived there, but all deceased, excepting Vergonse, before my time. The King allowed them to build a Church; which they did, and the Portugueze assembled there, but they made no better than a Bawdy-house of it; for which cause the King commanded to pull it down.

Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are no differences kept up among them, but they are as good Friends, as if there were no such Parties. And there is no other Distinctions of Religion there, but only Heathens and Christians: and we usually say, We Christians.



FINIS.



Books printed for, and sold by Richard Chiswel.



FOLIO.

Speed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland, and of Foreign Parts.

Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers.

Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient time.

Wanly's Wonders of the little World, or History of Man.

Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia, &c.

Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and English.

Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle of England.

Causin's Holy Court.

Wilson's compleat Christian Dictionary.

Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philosophical Language.

Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londineisis reformata.

Judge Jone's Reports in Common Law.

Judge Vaughn's Reports in Common Law.

Cave Tabula Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum.

Hobbe's Leviathan.

Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning.

Sir W. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in 2 Vol.



QUARTO.

Dr. Littleton's Dictionary.

Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism.

The Compleat Clerk.

History of the late Wars of New England.

Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis.

Bishop Taylor's Disswasive from Popery.

Dr. Gibb's Sermons.

Parkeri Disputationes de Deo.

History of the future State of Europe.

Dr. Fowler's Defence of the Design of Christianity, against John Bunyan.

Dr. Sherlock's Visitation-Sermon at Warrington.

Dr. West's Assize-Serm. at Dorchester, 1671.

Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French Gentlemen charged with a Robbery, 1671.

The Magistrates Authority asserted, in a Sermon by James Paston.



OCTAVO.

Elborow's Rationale upon the English Service-Book.

Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England.

Bishop Wilkin's Natural Religion.

Hard-castle's Christ. Geography and Arithmetick.

Dr. Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy.

Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature of the House of Peers, in the case of Skinner.

——Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Appeals.

——Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Impositions.

——Letter about the Bishops Vote in Capital Cases.

Dr. Grew's Idea of Phytological History continued on Roots.

The Spaniards Conspiracy against the State of Venice.

Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eaton, of the Sin against the Holy Ghost, &c.

Bishop Sanderson's Life.

Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith.

Dr. Simpson's Chymical Anatomy of the York-shire Spaws; with a Discourse of the Original of Hot Springs and other Fountains.

——His Hydrological Essays, with an Account of the Allum-works at Whitby, and some Observations about the Jaundies.

Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient in reference to Physick and Physicians.

Organon Salutis: Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach: with divers New Experiments of Tobacco and Cofee: with a Preface of Sir H. Blunt.

Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity, in three Parts.

Allen's Discourse of two Covenants, 1672.

Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness.

Buckler of State and Justice against France's Design of Universal Monarchy.

A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home and abroad, in order to the Designs of France.

Bishop Taylor of Confirmation.

Mystery of Jesuitism, third and fourth Parts.

Dr. Salmon's Dispensatory.

Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists.

Record of Urines.

Dr. Ashton's Cases of Scandal and Persecution.



DUODECIMO.

Hodder's Arithmetick.

Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianae.

Bishop Hacket's Christian Consolations.



VICESIMO QUARTO.

Valentine's Devotions.

Guide to Heaven.



Books lately printed.

Guillim's Display of Herauldry, with large Additions.

Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England, Folio, in two Volumes.

Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion, folio.

Herodoti Historia, Grae. Lat. Fol.

Cole's Latin and English Dictionary, with large Additions.

William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor, Octob. 12. 1679.

——Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five Jesuits Executed for Treason, Fol.

Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France, Quarto.

——His Letter written upon the Discovery of the late Plot, Quarto.

——Decree made at Rome, March 2. 1679. condemning some Opinions of the Jesuits and other Casuists, Quarto.

Tryals of the Regicides, Octavo.

Mr. James Brome's Two Fast Sermons.

Dr. Jane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, April 11. 1679.

Mr. John James's Visitation Sermon, April 9. 1671. Quarto.

Mr. John Cave's Fast Sermon on Jan. 30. 1679. quarto.

——His Assize Sermon at Leicester, July 31. 1679. quarto.

——His Gospel preached to the Romans, Octavo.

Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bacon, in Arguments Civil, Moral, Natural, &c. with a large Account of all his Works, by Dr. Tho. Tenison. Octavo.

Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England, Octavo.

Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in Christendom; with the Danger and Remedy of Schism.

Sir John Munson Baronet, of Supreme Power and Common Right. Octavo.

Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourses upon Select Texts, Octavo.

Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: The Second Part. Fol.

——His large and exact Account of the Trial of the E. of Straf. with all the Circumstances preliminary to, concomitant with, and subsequent upon the same, to his Death. Fol.

Remarques relating to the state of the Church of the three first Centuries. By Ab. Seller. Octavo.

Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter against Baxter. Quarto.

The Countrey-man's Physician. For the use of such as live far from Cities, or Market-Towns. Octavo.

Dr. Burnet's Sermon upon the Fast for the Fire, 1680. quarto.

——Conversion and Persecutions of Eve Cohan, a Person of Quality of the Jewish Religion, lately Baptized a Christian. quarto.

——His Life and Death of the late Earl of Rochester. Octavo.

——His Fast Sermon before the Commons, Decemb. 22. 1680.

——His Sermon on the 30th of Jan. 1680/1.

New England Psalms. Twelves.

An Apology for a Treatise of Humane Reason. Written by Mr. Clifford Esq; Twelves.

The Laws of this Realm concerning Jesuits, Seminary Priests, &c. explained by divers Judgments and Resolutions of the Judges; with other Observations thereupon, by William Cawley Esq; Fol.

Bishop Sanderson's Sermons, with his Life. Fol.

Fowlis his History of Romish Conspiracies, Treasons, and Usurpations. Fol.

Markmam's Perfect Horseman. Octavo.

Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law of Nature and the Christian Religion. quarto.

Dr. Sherlock's practical discourse of Religious Assemblies. Octavo.

A Defence of Dr. Stillingfleet's Unreasonableness of Separation. Octavo.

Dr. Outram's Sermons. Octavo.

FINIS.