[How they make Iron.] First, They take these Stones, and lay them in an heap, and burn them with wood, which makes them more soft and fitter for the Furnace. When they have so done they have a kind of Furnace, made with a white sort of Clay, wherein they put a quantity of Charcoal, and then these Stones on them, and on the top more Charcoal. There is a back to the Furnace, like as there is to a Smith's Forge, behind which the man stands that blows, the use of which back is to keep the heat of the fire from him. Behind the Furnace they have two logs of Wood placed fast in the ground, hollow at the top, like two pots. Upon the mouths of these two pieces of hollow wood they tie a piece of a Deers Skin, on each pot a piece, with a small hole as big as a man's finger in each skin. In the middle of each skin a little beside the holes are two strings tied fast to as many sticks stuck in the ground, like a Spring, bending like a bow. This pulls the skin upwards. The man that blows stand with his feet, one on each pot, covering each hole with the soles of his feet. And as he treads on one pot, and presseth the skin down, he takes his foot off the other, which presently by the help of the Spring riseth; and the doing so alternately conveys a great quantity of wind thro the Pipes into the Furnace. For there are also two Pipes made of hollow reed let in to the sides of the Pots, that are to conduct the wind, like the nose of a Bellows, into the Furnace.

For the ease of the Blower, there is a strap, that is fastned to two posts, and comes round behind him, on which he leans his back: and he has a stick laid cross-ways before him, on which he lays both his hands, and so he blows with greater ease. As the Stones are thus burning, the dross that is in them melts and runs out at the bottom, where there is a slanting hole made for the purpose so big as the lump of Iron may pass thro: out of this hole, I say, runs out the dross like streams of fire, and the Iron remains behind. Which when it is purified, as they think, enough, so that there comes no more dross away, they drive this lump of Iron thro the same sloping hole. Then they give it a chop with an Ax half thro, and so sling it into the water. They so chop it, that it may be seen that it is good, Iron for the Satisfaction of those that are minded to buy.

[How they make Butter.] For a farewel of their labours, let it not be unacceptable to relate here a piece of their Housewifry; and tell you how they make Butter. First, They boil the Milk, then they turn it into a Curd; the next morning they skim off the Cream, and drill it in an earthen Vessel with a stick having a cross at the bottom of it, somewhat like a Chocolate stick. When the Butter is come, they put it in a pan, and fry it, to get all the water dry out of it, and so put it into an earthen pot for use.

[Shops in the City.] There are no Markets on the Island. Some few Shops they have in the Cities, which sell Cloth, Rice, Salt, Tobacco, Limes, Druggs, Fruits, Swords, Steel, Brass, Copper, &c.

[Prizes of Commodities.] As to the Prices of Commodities, they are sold after this rate. Rice in the City, where it is dearest, is after six quarts for fourpence half-peny English, or a small Tango, or half a Tango; six Hens as much; a fat Pig the same: a fat Hog, three shillings and six pence or four shilling: but there are none so big as ours. A fat Goat, two and fix pence. Betle-nuts 4000 nine pence Currant price, when a Trad.

And now we are discoursing or their Traffick, we will speak a little of their Measures, Weights, and Coin.

[Of their Measures.] First for Measures. A Rian is a Cubit, which is with them from the bone on the inside of the Elbow to the tip of the fourth Finger. A Waddo rian is the Carpenters Rule. It is as much as will reach from one Elbow to the other, the Thumbs touching one the other at the tops, and so stretching out both Elbows.

For their Corn-measures, the least is a Potta, which is to contain as much Grain as a man can hold heaped up in his whole hand palm and fingers and all. Four Pottas make a lawful or Statute-measure, called Bonder Nellia, signifying the King's measure. Which is the King's ordinary allowance to a man, that is as much as he can eat in a day. But we Englishmen were allowed two. Four of these Bonder Nellias make a Courney. In fashion it is an handsom turned measure, some of them are made with Canes like a Basket. Ten of these Courneys make a Pale, that is forty measures, which is the usual quantity that they sell for a Laree, or fifth part of a Piece of eight, the usual price in Cande Vda. But in time of Harvest two Pales for a Laree. Four of these Pales make an Ommouna. In which they keep the account of their Corn, reckoning by Ommounas.

[Their Weights.] For their Weights, their smallest is Collonda, six make just a Piece of eight. They have half Collondas and quarter Collondas. When they are to weigh things smaller than a Collonda, they weigh them with a kind of red Berries, which grow in the Woods, and are just like Beads. The Goldsmiths use them, Twenty of these Beads make a Collonda and Twenty Collondas make a Pallum.

[Measures bigger than the Statute punishable, but less not; and why.] Here is no Punishment for those that make less weights and measures. They are more circumspect that their measures be not too big than too little. For Money being scarce, Corn passeth instead of Money, and every man mets by his own measure. Which therefore he makes as large as he can or dares, that so when he receives his Debt of Corn, he may get as much as he can. Which upon this account would be a great injury to the poorer sort of People, who commonly are the Debtors. Therefore the Adigars Officers will go about the Towns to examine the measures by a Statute-Measure; and where they find great ones they cut them in pieces, and hang them up in the Streets to terrifie others, and sometimes will amerce a Fine upon them that have them.

[Of their Coin.] Of Money they have but three sorts that passeth for Coin in the King's Dominions. The one was Coined by Portugals, the King's Arms on one side, and the Image of a Frier on the other, and by the Chingulayes called Tangom massa. The value of one is nine pence English, Poddi Tangom, or the small Tangom is half as much. There is another sort, which all People by the King's Permission may and do make. The shape is like a fish-hook, they stamp what mark or impression on it they please. The Silver is purely fine beyond pieces of Eight. For if any suspect the goodness of the Plate, it is the Custom to burn the Money in the fire red hot, and so put it in water: and if it be not then purely white, it is not Currant Money.

The third sort of Money is the King's proper Coin. For none upon pain of Death may Coin it. It is called a Ponnam. It is as small as a Spangle: Seventy five make a piece of Eight, or a Spanish Dollar. But all sorts of Money is here very scarce: And they frequently buy and sell by exchanging Commodities.

[Of their Play.] Pass we now from their Business to their Pastimes and Diversions. They have but few Sports, neither do they delight in Play. Only at their New year, they will sport and be merry one with another. Their chief Play is to bowl Coker-nuts one against the other, to try which is the hardest. At this time none will work, until their Astrolagers tell them, it is a good hour to handle their Tools. And then both Men and Women do begin their proper works; the Man with his Ax, Bill, and Hough, and the Woman with her Broom, Pestle, and Fan to clean her Corn.

[A Play or a Sacrafice.] There is another Sport, which generally all People used with much delight, being, as they called it, a Sacrifice to one of their Gods; to wit, Potting Dio. And the benefit of it is, that it frees the Countrey from grief and Diseases. For the beastliness of the Exercise they never celebrated it near any Town, nor in sight of Women, but in a remote place. The manner of the Game is thus. They have two crooked sticks like Elbows, one hooked into the other, and so with contrivances they pull with Ropes, until the one break the other; some riding with one stick, and some with the other; but never is Money laid on either side. Upon the breaking of the stick, that Party that hath won doth not a little rejoyce. Which rejoycing is exprest by Dancing and Singing, and uttering such sordid beastly Expressions, together with Postures of their Bodies, as I omit to write them, as being their shame in acting, and would be mine in rehearsing. For he is at that time most renowned that behaves himself most shamelesly and beast-like.

[For the filthiness of it forbid by the King.] This filthy Solemnity was formerly much in use among them; and even the King himself hath spent time in it, but now lately he hath absolutely forbidden it under penalty of a forfeiture of Money. So that now the practice hereof is quite left off.

[A cunning stratagem of an Officer.] But tho it is thus gone into dis-use, yet out of the great delight the People had in it, they of Gompala would revive it again; and did. Which coming to the King's ear, he sent one of his Noblemen to take a Fine from them for it. The Nobleman knew the People would not come to pay a Fine, and therefore was fain to go to work by a Stratagem. Pitching therefore his Tents by a Pond, he gave order to call all the People to his assistance to catch Fish for the King's use. Which they were very ready to do, hoping to have the refuse Fish for themselves. And when they were all thus assembled together with their Tools, and necessary Instruments for that purpose, the Nobleman charged them all in the King's Name according to the Countries fashion, which was by pulling off his Cap, and falling down upon the ground three times, that not a man of them should budge till they had paid such a Sum of Money, which was so much a piece, for reviving that Play that the King had forbid. Which they were forced to do before they departed from the Pond side. And the Money was carried into the King's Exchequer.

[Tricks and feats of Activity.] When they would be merry, and particularly at their great Festival in the New Moon of June or July (before mentioned;) they have People that shew pretty tricks and feats of Activity before them. A man sets a Pole of seven or eight foot long upon his Breast; a Boy gets to the top of this Pole, and leans with his Belly upon the end of it; and thus the man danceth with the Pole on his Breast, and the Boy on it, and but little holding the Pole. A man takes four Arrows with blades about a foot long, they are tied one cross another, and so laid upon the end of a Pole, which rests upon the man's Breast. On a sudden he squatts down upon the ground, and the four Arrows all fall on the four sides of him, sticking in the ground. Two Cross-bows stand bent one opposite to the other, charged with Arrows drawn up to the heads: they are placed just so high, as they may fly over a man's back when he lyes flat upon the ground. A man danceth between them and shows Tricks, and when he is pleased, he touches a string made fast to both their trickers, at which they both instantly Discharge, and he falls flat down between them, and the Arrows fly over his back, which if they hit him, undoubtedly fly thro his Body. A Woman takes two naked Swords under each Arm one, and another she holds in her mouth, then fetcheth a run and turns clear over, and never touches the ground till she lights on her feet again, holding all her Swords fast. There are divers other Diversions of this nature too large to mention.

[At leisure times they meet, and discourse of News.] At their leisure when their affairs will permit, they commonly meet at places built for strangers and way-faring men to lodge in, in their Language called Amblomb, where they sit chewing Betel, and looking one upon the other very gravely and solidly, discoursing concerning the Affairs at Court, between the King and the great Men; and what Employment the People of the City are busied about. For as it is the chief of their business to serve the King, so the chief of their discourse is concerning such matters. Also they talk of their own affairs, about Cattel and Husbandry. And when they meet with Outlandish-men they enquire about the Laws and Government of their Countrey, and if it be like theirs; and what Taxes and Duties we are bound to pay, and perform to our King, &c.

[Drunkenness abhored.] And this manner of passing their leisure time they account the greatest Recreation. Drunkenness they do greatly abhor, neither are there many that do give themselves to it. Tobacco likewise they account a Vice, but yet is used both by Men and Women; but more eaten than drunk in Pipes.

[Their great delight in Betel.] But above all things Betel leaves they are most fond of, and greatly delighted in: when they are going to Bed, they first fill their mouths with it, and keep it there until they wake, and then rise and spit it out, and take in more. So that their months are no longer clear of it, than they are eating their Victuals. This is the general practice both of Men and Women, insomuch that they had rather want Victuals or Cloths than be without it; and my long practice in eating it brought me to the same condition. And the Reasons why they thus eat it are, First, Because it is wholsom. Secondly, To keep their mouths perfumed: for being chewed it casts a brave scent. And Thirdly, To make their Teeth black. For they abhor white Teeth, saying, That is like a Dog.

The better sort of Women, as Gentlewomen or Ladies, have no other Pastime but to sit and chew Betel, swallowing the spittle, and spitting out the rest. And when Friends come to see and visit one the other, they have as good Society thus to sit and chew Betel, as we have to drink Wine together.

[The Manner of their eating Betel-leaves.] But to describe the particular manner of their eating these Leaves. They carry about with them a small Box filled with wet Lime; and as often as they are minded to eat Betel, they take some of this Lime, as much as they judge convenient, and spread it thin upon their leaf; then they take some slices of the Betel-nut, and wrap them up in the leaf, and so eat it, rubbing their Teeth therewith ever and anon to make them black. Thus they eat it generally: but sometimes they eat it otherwise, according as they please; neither spreading the Lime on the leaf, nor rolling up slices of the Nut into it: But they will take a little of the Lime out of their Box between their Fingers, and put it in their mouths, and eat of the Nut and the Leaf by themselves. But whensoever they eat of the Betel-leaf, the Lime and the Nut always accompany it.

[How they make Lime.] They have a pretty shift of making their Lime, when they chance to need it as they are travailing. They take certain Shells, almost resembling Snails Shells, which they pick up in fresh water Rivers, washed a shore with the water beating upon the Rocks. These Shells, mixed with Charcoal and, fire they wrap up in a wisp of Rice-straw, and bind them together in a round bundle of a convenient bigness, tying all up with green Withs, that they may not fall in pieces. By a With some four foot long they hold it in their hands, swinging it round over their heads. Which motion blows the Coals and makes them burn. And as they are weary with swinging it in one hand, they shift and take it in the other: and so keep swinging it for half an hour or thereabouts. By which time it will be burnt to very good Lime, and most part of the straw consumed: but it is still kept together by the green Withs. Then they take it and wet it in water, and put it into their Pots or Boxes for their use. The Lime made of white stone burnt in a Kiln they do indifferently use to eat with their Leaves, as well as this made of Shells now described.



CHAP. IX.

Of their Laws and Language.

There are three things, that ingenious men may possibly be inquisitive after, which have not yet been professedly handled, their Laws, their Language, and their Learning.

[Their Laws.] Concerning the first, here are no Laws, but the Will of the King, and whatsoever proceeds out of his mouth is an immutable Law. Nevertheless they have certain antient usages and Customes that do prevail and are observed as Laws; and Pleading them in their Courts and before their Governors will go a great way.

[Lands descend.] To hint some of them, their Lands are hereditary, and do descend from Parents to their Children. But the eldest son by Priviledg of Birth-right does not possess and enjoy all the Land, but if the Father please he can divide it among his Children. Yet in case the eldest son does enjoy the Land, then without dispute he is to maintain his Mother and her Children until they come to years or ability to provide for themselves.

[In case Corn receives dammage by a Neighbours Cattle.] They have a custom in the Land Ouvah, which is a great breeder of Cattle, and hath but very little Wood, so that they have not where with to make hedges; It is that when they sow their Lands, they drive their Cattle thence, and watch them all day that they break not into the Corn; and at night they tie their Cattle to secure them from straying into the Corn-Lands: otherwise if one Neighbours Cattle eats another neighbours Corn, he must pay the dammage.

Those that are lazy and loath to Plow, or that are Poor and want Corn to sow, the Custom is, to let out their ground to others to Till at Ande, that is at halves; but fees and accustomable dues taken, out by the Husbandman that tills it, the Owner of the Land receives not much above a third part.

[The loss of leting out land to Till.] For the Husband hath divers considerable payments besides his half share of the Corn. As namely, first he hath Cotoumaun, that is, so much Corn as they scratch off from the whole heap of trodden Corn by drawing a bundle of Thorns over it. Secondly, Waracool, that is a consideration for the expences they are at in Tilling and Sowing; for which there is a Rate according to the bigness of the field. Thirdly, Warrapoll, that is the Corn they leave at the bottom of the heap after they have done fanning. Which is the Womans fee for their pains in weeding the Corn, and in pulling it it up where it is too thick, and planting it where it is thin, &c. Fourthly, Bolerud which is the Chaff and sweepings of the Pit. This sometimes comes to a considerable value according to the quantity of Corn that is trodden. Fifthly, Peldorah, which is a piece of Corn they leave standing before the watch house, which is set up in their Corn grounds to watch their Corn from the wild beasts. And this left standing is the fee for watching. There is yet another due Ockyaul which belongs to their Gods, and is an offering sometimes carried away by the Priest; and sometimes they bestow it upon the beggar, and sometimes they will take it and hang it up in their houses, and at convenient time sacrifice it themselves. It is one of their measures, which is about half a Peck.

[The great consideration for Corn borrowed.] And in the mean time until this Corn is ripe, the Owner is fain to go a borrowing Corn to sustain himself and Family. Which he pays consideration for; which is, when his own Corn is ripe, a bushel and an half for a bushel that is, at the rate of Fifty per Cent. Which manner of lending Corn is a means that doth maintain many strangers and others. For they who have got a small stock of Corn by that Profit may competently live upon it. Which was the means that Almighty God prepared for my relief and maintenance.

Corn thus lent is somewhat difficult to receive again. For the Debtor being Poor, all the Creditors will come into the field, when the Corn is a shareing, that being the place of payment: and as soon as it is divided each one will scramble to get what he can. And having taken possession of it, from thence the Creditor must carry it home himself, be it far or near.

[The debt becomes double in two years.] If the Debt remains in the Debtors hands two years, it becomes doubled: and from thence forward be it never so long, no more use is to be paid by the Law of the Land, which Act was established by the King in favour of the Poor, there having been some whole Families made Slaves for a bushel of Corn.

[If the debtor pay not his debt he is lyable to be a slave for it.] But yet it is lawful for the Creditor, missing Corn, to lay hands on any of his goods: or if the sum be somewhat considerable on his Cattle or Children, first taking out a License from the Magistrate so to do, or if he have none, on himself or his wife, if she came with him to fetch the debt, if not, she is clear from this violence; but his Children are not.

[Divers other Laws and Customes.] If a woman goes away from her Husband without his consent, no Man may marry her, until he first be married. In lending of mony by the use of it in one years time, it becomes double. And if the Creditor receive not his mony at the expiration of the year, but lets it lie in the Debtors hands never so long after, no more than double is to be paid, the encrease never runs up higher as it is in lending Corn. If a Bond-woman has Children by a Free-man, the Children all are Slaves to her Master: but if a Bond-man has Children by a Free-woman, the Children are free: For the Children are always as the Mother, whether Bond or Free. No man may cut down a Coker-nut-Tree. If any man to a bargain or promise gives a stone in the Kings name, it is as firm as hand and seal. And if any after this go back of his word, it will bear an Action. If any man be taken stealing, he must restore seven for one, or else be made a Slave, if he be not able to pay it.

It is lawful and customary for a man in necessity to sell or pawn his Children, or himself. No man building an house either in his own or another mans ground, if he be afterwards minded to leave his Land, where his house stood, may pull it down again: But must let it stand for the benefit of whosoever comes after him.

[For deciding controversies.] For the deciding of matters in controversie especially of more abstruse cognizance, the parties do both swear before their Gods, sometimes in their Temples, and sometimes upon more extraordinary occasions in hot Oyl.

[Swearing in the Temples.] Sometimes in their Temples. To explain which, take this following relation. A Slave was accused by a Merchant to have robbed his house. Whereupon to clear himself, the Slave desired he might swear. So the Merchant and Slave went both to the Temple to swear. The Merchant swore positively that the Slave had robbed his house; and the Slave swore as poynt blank that he had not robbed his house: and neither of them having any witnesses, God who knew all things was desired to shew a Judgment upon him that was forsworn. They both departed to their houses, waiting to see upon whom the Judgment would fall. In the mean time the Slave privatly sets the Merchants house on fire, and his house was burnt down to the ground. Then it was clear by this supposed divine Judgment, the Merchant was forsworn. The Slave presently demands satisfaction for laying Theft falsly to his charge. The Merchant could not tell what to say to it, but would give him none. The Slave was now to take his own satisfaction, as he had opportunity. And his Master bids him seize upon the Merchants Person or any other relating to him, and bring them to his house, and there detain them. Within a short time after, the Slave seeing a Kinsman of the Merchants passing by, offers to seize him. But he, rather than be taken, draws his Knife and Stabs the Slave on the shoulder, and so escapes. In Fine, the Merchant was fain to bribe the Great Men to save himself from further dammage, and sit down contented with the loss of his goods and house. Though the Slave was a person of a very bad reputation, and had done divers Thefts; and some of his stolen goods he hath brought to me to sell.

[The benefit of swearing in hot Oyl.] Sometimes they do decide their debates by swearing in hot Oyl. Which because it is remarkable, I will relate at large. They are permitted thus to swear in matters of great importance only, as when Law Suits happen about their Lands, or when their is no witness. When they are to swear, each party hath a Licence from the Governor for it, written with his hand to it. Then they go and wash their heads and bodies, which is a religious ceremony. And that night they are both confined Prisoners in an house with a guard upon them, and a cloth tyed over each of their right hands and sealed, least they might use any charm to harden their fingers.

The next morning they are brought out; they then put on clean cloths, and purifie themselves, reckoning they come into the presence of God. Then they tie to their wrists the Leaf wherein the Governors Licence is, and repair under some Bogahah, God-Tree, and all the Officers of the County assemble with a vast number of people besides. Coker-nuts are brought, and Oyl is there extracted from them in the sight of the people, that all may see their is no deceit. Also they have a Pan of Cow-dung and water boyling close by: The Oyl and Cow-dung being both boyling and throughly hot, they take a young leaf of a Coker-nut Tree and dip that into the Oyl, that all may see it is hot. For it singes, and frizzels up, and roars as if you poured water into hot boyling Oyl. And so they do likewise to the Cow-dung. When all are satisfied the Oyl is hot, the two men come and stand on each side of this boyling Oyl; and say, The God of Heaven and Earth is witness, that I did not do this that I am accused of; Or, The four sorts of Gods be witness, That this Land in controversie is mine. And then the other swears quite contrary. But first the Accuser alwayes swears. The Accused also relates his own innocence, or his own Right and Title. The cloths that their hands were bound up in are taken off. And immediatly upon using the former words, he dips his two fingers into the hot Oyl, flinging it out three times. And then goes to the boyling Cow-dung, and does the same. And so does the other. Then they tie up their hands again with the cloth, and keep both of them Prisoners till the next day. When their hands are looked upon, and their fingers-ends rubbed with a cloth, to see if the skin come off. And from whose fingers the skin comes, he is forsworn. The Penalty of which is a great forfeiture to the King and great satisfaction to the Adversary.

I am able to testifie, that the fingers of some of these that have thus sworn have been whole from any scald after this use of hot Oyl: but whether it be their innocence or their Art, that it thus comes to pass, I know not. The penalty of the breach of the Laws or Customes of this Land is at the pleasure of the Judg, either amercement, or imprisonment, or both.

[How they exact Fines.] For the taking of Fines from men, on whom they are laid, this is their Custom. The Officers, wheresoever they meet the man, stop him in the place. Where they take away his Sword and Knife; and make him pull off his Cap and Doublet; and there he sits with his Keepers by him, till he pays the Fine. And if he delays paying it, they clap a great Stone upon his back; in which condition he must remain till he pays it. And if he doth not pay, they load him with more Stones, until his compliance prevent further pains. Another way they have to exact the payment of the Fines laid upon them. They take some sprigs of Thorns, and draw them between the mans naked Legs till he pays. But if he remain obstinate they clap him up in chains.

They have an odd usage among them to recover their debts. Which is this. They will sometimes go to the house of their debtor with the leaves of Neiingala a certain Plant, which is rank Poyson, and threaten him, that they will eat that Poyson and destroy themselves, unless he will pay him what he ows. The debtor is much afraid of this, and rather than the other should Poyson himself, will sometimes sell a Child to pay the debt: Not that the one is tender of the life of the other, but out of care of himself. For if the party dyes of the Poyson, the other for whose sake the man Poysoned himself must pay a ransome for his life. By this means also they will sometimes threaten to revenge themselves of those with whom they have any contest, and do it too. And upon the same intent they will also jump down some steep place or hang or make away with themselves; that so they might bring their Adversary to great dammage.

[Of their Language.] To speak now a little of their Language. It is a language peculiar to that Island: and I know not any Indian Nations that speak it but themselves. There are a few words that are common to the Chingulays and the Malabars, which they might borrow of one another, by Intercourse and Commerce, but the words are so few, that a Malabar cannot understand a Chingulay, nor on the contrary.

Their language is Copious Smooth, Elegant, Courtly; according as the People that speak it are. Who are full of words, Titles and Complements. They have no less than twelve or more Titles that they use when they speak to Women according to their ranks and qualities.

[Titles to women according to their qualities.]

Puddeci. A word for a woman of the lowest condition. Kiddekel. A term of more respect, given to a young wench. Nanda. A term for an inferior woman something in years signifies also Ant. Nandadga. A little higher yet, of the like years. Nauchere. A Title may be given to an ordinary woman, still, but yet higher. Lamhaumi. A Title higher than any yet. Ettani. Higher still. Lam-Ettani. Of more respect. Ettanihaumi. Higher than that. Maugi. Proper only to an old woman but of good quality. Maugiwanxi. Better then the Maugi. Comaurehaumi. A Title due to the greatest Ladies. Hondreunie. Given to the Queen or the King.

So that it is hard to speak to a woman without they know what she is before, least they might mistake her Title. And the women are much pleased with some of the better Titles.

[Titles given to men.] The men also have various Titles, tho not so many as the women. People give to them these Titles according to the business they have with them. If they come for some favour or kindness to be done them, they bestow the better sort of Titles upon them.

They have seven or eight words for Thou, or You, which they apply to persons according to their quality, or according as they would honour them. And they are so, Topi, Umba, Umbela, Tomnai, Tomsi, Tomsela, Tomnanxi. All these words are gradually one higher than the other.

[No difference between a Country man and a Courtier for Language.] Their ordinary Plow men and Husbandmen do speak elegantly, and are full of complement. And there is no difference between the ability and speech of a Country-man and a Courtier. When any hath a favour to beg of a Noble-man, or any business with him, they do not abruptly speak their desires or errand at first, but bring it in with a long harangue of his worth or good disposition or abilities; [Their speech and manner of Addresses is Courtly and becoming.] and this in very handsom and taking stile. They bring up their Children to speak after this manner, and use them to go with errands to great men; and they are able to tell their tale very well also.

In their speech the people are bold without sheepish shame facedness, and yet no more confidence than is becoming.

[Their Language in their address to the King.] The King they call by a name, that signifies somewhat higher than a man, and next to God. But before the Wars they stiled him Dionanxi, which is a Title higher than God by the addition of Nanxi. This Title the King took before the Rebellion, but since he forbad it. When they speak to the King concerning themselves, they do not speak in the first person, and say I did so or so, but Baulagot the limb of a Dog did it or will do it. And when they speak of their Children unto the King, they call them Puppies. As if he ask them how many Children they have, they say so many Puppy dogs, and so many Puppy-bitches. By which by the way, we may conjecture at the height of the King and the slavery of the People under him.

[Words of Form and Civility.] They have certain words of Form and Civility, that they use upon occasion. When they come to another mans house, he asks them what they come for, which is his civility, and they answer Nicamava, I come for nothing, which is their ordinary reply, tho they do come for something. And upon this they have a Fable.

A God came down upon earth one day, and bad all his Creatures come before him and demand what they would have and it should be granted them. So all the beasts and other Creatures came, and one desired Strength, and another Legs, and another Wings, &c. And it was bestowed on them. Then came the White men, the God asked them, what they came for? And they said, they desired Beauty and Valour and Riches. It was granted them. At last came the Chingulays, the God required of them, what they came for. They answered, Nicamava, I come for nothing. Then replyed he again, do you come for nothing, then go away with nothing. And so they for their complement fared worse than all the rest.

When one proffers something as a gift to another, altho it be a thing that he is willing to have, and would be glad to receive, yet he will say, E eppa queinda, No, I thank you; how can I be so chargeable to you? And in the same time while the words are in his mouth, he reacheth forth his hand to receive it.

[Full of words and complement.] Neither are they free or forward to requite them, from whom they have received a gift or good turn, otherwise than with words and windy protestations; the which shall not be wanting. But forwards they are to receive, yet very backward to part with any thing. And if one neighbour asketh ought of another, or to borrow any thing, which the other is unwilling either to give or lend, they never will plainly deny by saying, I cannot or will not; but with dissembling they will excuse themselves, saying, They have it not, or is it lent abroad already, altho it be with them in the house at the same time.

[By whom they swear.] Their usual manner of swearing in protestations, is by their Mother, or by their Children, or by their two Eyes, oftner than by their Gods. But their protestations be they never so deep, and seem they never so serious, they are not to be regarded, as proceeding more from custom than truth.

[Their Railery] Some of their words of Reproach, or Railery are such as these. One brother will say to another, and that in presence of their Mother, Tomotowoy, go lye with your Mother, the other replyes go you and lye with your Mother. And the Mother will say to the Daughter, Jopi oppota audewind, go lye with your Father; intimating she is good for nothing. They will commend their Children, when they can use their tongues in their own defence by scolding and say, Hoerri, oppana, Well said, valiantly spoken. They will say also in reproach, Creep between my legs, cut your Nose off. If you have five hundred lives, you shall be damned. The worst railery they can give a woman is to tell her, she has laid with ten sorts of inferior ranks of People, which they will rather dye than do. If any thing be stole out of their grounds or Plantations fruit or the like, they will cry out aloud, This was done by some low-cast begotten Rogue, or She was a whore to some inferior rank who dressed it; and this Language they will continue for half an hour together, tho they know not who hath done it. The worst word they use to Whites and Christians, is to call them Beaf-eating Slaves.

I shall conclude this Discourse of their Language, by giving you a tast of their Proverbs, some hints of the strain of their Speech.

[Proverbs.] Miris dilah, ingurah gotta. I have given Pepper, and got Ginger. Spoken when a man makes a bad exchange. And they use it in reference to the Dutch succeeding the Portugueze in their Island.

Datta horrala Badda perind. Pick your Teeth to fill your Belly. Spoken of stingy niggardly People.

Caula yonawa ruah atti. To eat before you go forth is handsom and convenient. Which they therefore ever do.

Kiallah tiannah, Degery illand avah oppala hanguand mordy, As the saying is, if I come to beg Butter-milk, why should I hide my Pan. Which is ordinarily spoken to introduce the business that one man comes to speak to the other about.

Hingonna wellendam cor cottonwat geah par wardenda netta. A Begger and a Trader cannot be lost. Because they are never out of their way.

Atting mitting delah hottarah harracurnowah. To lend to another makes him become an Enemy. For he will hate you if you ask him for it again.

Annuna min yain ecka ourowaying younda eppa. Go not with a Slave in one Boat. It signifies, to have no dealing or correspondence with any ones Slave. For if any dammage should happen, it would fall upon your head, and by their Law you must make it good.

Issara otting bollanowa pos cotting. First look in the hand, afterwards open the mouth. Spoken of a Judge, who first must have a Bribe before he will pronounce on their side.

Take a Ploughman from the Plough, and wash off his dirt, and he is fit to rule a Kingdom. Spoken of the People of Cande Uda, where there are such eminent Persons of the Hondrew rank; and because of the Civility, Understanding, and Gravity of the poorest Men among them.

No body can reproach the King and the Beggar. Because the former is above the slander of the People, and nothing can be said bad enough of the latter:

Like Noia and Polonga. Denoting Irreconcileable Enemies. The story of which two Serpents hath been related before.

He that hath Money to give to his Judge, needs not fear, be his Cause right or wrong. Because of the corruption of the great Men, and their greediness of Bribes.

If our Gerehah, fortune be bad, what can God do against it? Reckoning that none of their Gods have Power to reverse the fate of an ill Planet.

The Ague is nothing, but the Head-ach is all. That Countrey is very subject to Agues, which do especially afflict their heads who have them. I might multiply many more of their Proverbial sayings, but let these suffice.

I cannot pretend to give an account, of the Grammar of this Tongue; I shall only give a few instances of their words, and leave it to the Learned to make their Conjectures. First, I will give you some of their Nouns Plural.

[Something of their Grammer.]

Minnia, A Man. Minnis, Men. Cucula, A Cock. Cuculong, Cocks. Cole-la, A Boy. Colani, Boyes. Gahah, A Tree. Gos, Trees. Auhoun, A Horse. Auspio, horses. Polaha, A young Jack Polas, Jacks.

But usually when they have occasion to speak of many they express themselves by Numerals set after the Noun; as Dissawva two, three, &c. An Egg, Bittera, Eggs, Bittera cattei, word for word, Egg many.

Their Verbs they form after this manner:

Mam conna, I eat. Mam conyum, I will eat. Mam cava, I have eat. Conowa, Eating. Caupoudi, Let him eat. Caum, Let us eat. Conda, To eat. Caula, Eaten.

Mam denyam, I will give. Mam Doun na, I gave. Dila, I have given. Dendi, Shall I give? To give. Dem, Let us give. Dennowa, Giving. Dipon, Give him. Douna, or Dila tiana, Given.

Mam yonyam, I'le go. Mam yonda oni, I will go. Yong, Let us go. Yonowa, Going. Yonda dipadi, Let him go. Pollatch, Gone, spoken of an ordinary person. Pollad-da, Gone, spoken of a person of great quality.

Mam oy, I am, Eai, He, or They or He is. Mam gia atti, I have been. [Atti] signifieth [have] Gia dendi. Let him, or give him leave to go.

[A Specimen of their words.]



Dio, God. Dio loco, Heaven. Jacco, The Devil. Narra cauda, Hell. Aucoi, The Sky. Taurcoi, A Star. Deure, Water. Gindere, Fire. Gani, A Woman. Rodgura, A King. Haul, Raw rice. Bat, Boyled rice. Banglale, A Table. Wellau, Time. Wauri, Season. Colading, Harvest

Oppa, Father. Pianannah, Oppatchi,

Omma, Mother. Ommandea,

Puta, Son. Putandi,

Dua, Daughter. Donianna,

Molla, A flower. Gauhah, A tree. Courilla, A bird. Gom, A town. Oppuland, To wash cloths. Naund, To wash the body. Pinaund, To swim. Coppaund, To cut. Horraund, To bore. Hoppacaund, To bite. Coraund, To do. (done. Corowaund, To cause to be Goumanic, A journey. Gauman corowaund, To send, word for word, to cause to do a journey.

Heuwoya, All words Signifying Common Soldiers, only they Heuwoynanna, are titles one above another, and the two last Heuwoynanoura, are as much to say Gentlemen Soldiers.

Heuwaycom, To fight Coraund, as much as as to say, To act the Soldier.

Mihi, To dye. Mich, Dead. Mienyum, I will dye. Mioenowa, Dying. Eppa, Do not.

Negatind, To rise. Upaudenowa, The Resurrection. Negantind Eppa, Do not rise.

Tonnaund, To build. Tannitch, Built.

Touncheroutwitch, It is finished. Na & Natti, No, or not.

I shall only make one Observation from these words, and that is concerning the four first. It is this, that they have no words of their own Language for God and Heaven, but in all probability borrowed them from the Portugueze. But for the two next, The Devil and Hell, words of their own. They number thus,

[Their Numbering.]

Eckhoi I. Deckhoi II. Tunhoi III. Hotterhoi IV. Pauhhoi V. Hoyhoi VI. Hothoi VII. Ot hoi VIII. Novihoi IX. Dauhoihoi X. Eckolauhoi XI. Dolahoi XII. Dauhottunhoi XIII. Dauhotterhoi XIV. Paulohoi XV. Dauhossahoi XVI. Dauhahottoi XVII. Dauha ot hoi XVIII. Dauhanovihoi XIX. Vishoi XX. Tihoi XXX. Hottalehoi XL. Ponnahoi L.



CHAP. X.

Concerning their Learning, Astronomy, and Art Magick.

[Of their Learning.] Their Learning is but small. All they ordinarily learn is to read and to write. But it is no shame to a man if he can do neither. Nor have they any Schools wherein they might be taught and instructed in these or any other Arts.

[Their Books, and Arts.] Their Books are only of their Religion and of Physick. Their chief Arts are Astronomy and Magick. They have a Language something differing from the vulgar tongue (like Latin to us) which their Books are writ in. [How they learn to write.] They learn to write upon Sand, spreading it upon the ground, and making it smooth with the hand, and so write the letters with their fingers to bring their hand in use.

They write not on Paper, for of that they have little or none; but on a Talli-pot leaf with an Iron Bodkin, which makes an impression. This leaf thus written on, is not folded, but rolled up like Ribbond, and somewhat resembles Parchment.

[How they make and write a Book.] If they are to write a Book, they do it after this manner. They take the Tallipot leaf, and cut it into divers pieces of an equal shape and size, some a foot, some eight inches, some a foot and an half long, and about three fingers broad. Then having thus prepared the leaves, they write in them long ways from the left hand to the right, as we do. When the Book is finished they take two pieces of board, which are to serve for the cover of the Book. To these boards are fastened two strings, which do pass thro every leaf of the Book, and these tye it up fast together. As the Reader hath read each leaf, he lifts it up, and lays it by still hanging upon the strings, and so goes to the next leaf, something resembling Bills filed upon Wyre.

[The Priests write Books of Bonna.] The Gonnies, who are men of leisure, write many Books of Bonna, that is of the Ceremonies of their Religion: and will sometimes carry them to great Men, as a present, and do expect a reward.

[The King's Warrants how wrapped up.] The King when he sends any Warrants or Orders to his Officers, hath his Writings wrapped up in a way proper to himself, and none else do or may fold up their leaves in that manner but He.

[They write upon two sorts of leaves.] They write upon the Tallipat leaves Records or matters of great moment, or that are to be kept and preserved: but for any ordinary business as Letters, &c. they commonly use another leaf, called Taulcole. The leaves of which will bear a better impression than the Tallipat, but they are more stubborn, and harder than the other, and will not fold.

[Their Skill in Astronomy.] But to speak a little of their Astronomy. They who have understanding in it, and practise it, are the Priests of the highest Order, of which the present King's Father was. But the common sort of Astronomers are the Weavers. These men can certainly foretel Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. They make [Their Almanacks.] Leet, that is Almanacks that last for a Month. They are written upon a Tallipat leaf, a little above a foot long, and two fingers broad. In them are told the Age of the Moon, and the good Seasons and times to begin to Plough or to Sow, or to go a Journey, or to take any work in hand. On this precise time they will be sure to sprinkle their first Seed, tho they sow all their Field it may be a Month after. And so they will begin to set forth at the very moment, tho possibly they will not go till some days after.

These Astronomers tell them also when the old year ends to the very minute. At which time they cease from all work, except the Kings, which must not be omitted. They acquaint them also with the good hour of the New year, they are to begin to work. At which time every Man and Woman begins to do somewhat in their employment they intend to follow the ensuing year. They have also another season directed them by their Astronomers: that is, when to begin to wash their heads, which is assigned to every one according to the time of their Nativities, which Ceremony they observe very religiously.

[They pretend to know future things by the Stars.] These Astronomers, or rather Astrologers, are skilful in the Knowledge of the Stars, and Planets, of which they reckon nine: 'tis supposed they may add the Dragon's Head and Tail. By which they pretend to foretel all things concerning the health and recovery of Sick Persons; also concerning the fate of Children born, about which the Parents do presently consult them, and save their Children or kill them according to the fortunate or unfortunate hour they tell the Parents they were born in.

When a Person is Sick, he carries to the men his Nativity, which they call Hanna hom pot, upon the perusal of which they tell his destiny. These also direct fit times for beginning Journeys, or other undertakings. They are likewise consulted concerning Marriages by looking upon the Man and Womans Nativity.

[Their AEra, Their Years, Months, Weeks, Days, Hours.] They reckon their Time from one Saccawarsi an ancient King. Their year consists of 365 days, They begin their year upon our Eight and twentieth day of March, and sometimes the Seven and twentieth, and sometimes, but very seldom, on the Nine and twentieth. The reason of which I conceive to be, to keep it equal to the course of the Sun, as our Leap year doth. They call the year Ouredah. This they divide in to Twelve Months, named, Wasachmaha, Pomaha, Ahalamoha, Micheneha, Bochmoha, &c. They divide their Months into Weeks, each consisting of seven days, called Fridah, Sandudah, Onghorudah, Bodadah, Braspotindah, Secouradah, Henouradah. The first of which they account a good and a fortunate day to begin to do or undertake any thing: and it falls out upon our Sunday. On their Wednesdays, and Saturdays they open their Churches, and perform their Ceremonies. Their day, which they call Dausack, they divide into Thirty Pays, hours or parts, and begin their account from the Sun rising, and their Night also into as many, and begin from Sun-setting: So that the Fifteenth Pay is Twelve a Clock at Noon. They have a Flower by which they judge of the time, which constantly blows open seven Pays before Night.

[How they measure their time.] They have no Clocks, Hour-glasses, or Sun-Dials, but keep their time by guess. The King indeed hath a kind of Instrument to measure time. It is a Copper Dish holding about a Pint, with a very small hole in the bottom. This Dish they set a swimming in an Earthen Pot of water, the water leaking in at the bottom till the Dish be full, it sinks. And then they take it out, and set it empty on the water again, and that makes one Pay. Few or none use this but the King, who keeps a man on purpose to watch it continually. The People will use it upon some occasions, as if they are to sow their Corn at any particular hour, as being the good lucky Season, then they make use of the Copper Pan, to know the time exactly.

[Their Magick.] They do practise Magick. Whereof take these two remarkable instances of many that might be given.

[The Plenty of a Countrey destroyed by Magick.] The Countrey of Neurecalava formerly brought forth great plenty of Corn, occasioned by reason of its large waterings. A Neighbour Kingdom, the Kingdom of Cournegal which lyes in Hotcourley, in those times was brought to a great dearth. At which the King sends to the People of Neurecalava, that they would bring a supply of Corn to his Countrey, which they did in great store upon Beasts in Sacks, and arrived at the King's City: and there for the more expeditious measuring out every Housholder his proportion of Corn, they made a hole in the Sacks, and let it run out, still driving on the Beasts before them: and all that was shed before every man's House, was to be his share. This exceedingly gratified the King.

Afterward the King to requite them, asked what they most needed in their Countrey? They answered, They had plenty of all things only they wanted Cahah mirris, that is Turmeric and Pepper. The King to gratifie them sent them such a quantity of each as his Country could afford. As soon as this was brought to the People of Neurecalava, they went to measure it out to every man his Portion, but finding it of so small a quantity, they resolved to grind it, as they do when they use it with their Victuals, and put it into the River to give a seasoning to the water, and every Man was to take up his Dish of water thus seasoned. From whence Neurecalava had its denomination, viz. from Neur, signifying a City, and Cahah that signifies Turmeric, and Lava, as if it were Lalla, put into the River.

The King hearing of this Action of theirs was offended, in that they so contemned his gift; but concealed his displeasure. Sometime after he took a Journey to them, and being there, desired to know how their Countrey became so very fruitful. They told him, it was the water of the River pent up for their use in a very vast Pond. Out of which they made Trenches to convey the water down into their Corn Grounds. This Pond they had made with great Art and Labour with great Stones and Earth thrown up of a vast length and thickness, in the fashion of an half Moon. The King afterwards took his leave of them and went home; and by the help of his Magicians brake down this vast Dam that kept in the water, and so destroyed the Pond. And by this means this fruitful Countrey wanting her water is become as ordinary Land as the rest, having only what falls out of the Sky.

[Their Charm to find out a Thief.] When a Robbery is committed to find the Thief, they Charm a Coker-nut, which is done by certain words, and any one can do it, that can but utter the Charm words. Then they thrust a stick into it, and set it either at the Door or hole the Thief went out at. Then one holds the stick with the Nut at the end of it, and the Nut pursues and follows in the Tract that the Thief went. All the way it is going they still continue Charming, and flinging the Blossoms of the Betel-nut-Tree upon it. And at last it will lead to the house or place where the Thief is, and run upon his Feet. This Nut will sometimes go winding hither and thither, and sometimes will stand still. Then they follow their Charms, strewing on Blossoms, and that sets it forward again. This is not enough to find the Thief guilty; but if they intend to prosecute the Man upon this Discovery, the Charmer must swear against him point blank: which he sometimes will do upon the Confidence of the Truth of his Charm. And the supposed Thief must either Swear or be Condemned.

[The way to dissolve this Charm.] Oftentimes Men of courage and metal, will get Clubs, and beat away the Charmer, and all his Company, and by this means put all to an end. If the Thief has the wit to lay his tail by the way, the Coker-nut when it comes thither will stop and run round about it, but go no further. I doubting the truth hereof, once took the stick, and held it my self, when they were upon this Business, but it moved not forward while I held it in my hand, tho they strewed their Flowers, and used their mutterings to provoke it. But afterwards when another took it, it went forward. I doubted whether they did not guide it with their hand, but they assured me it guided their hand.

[Inscriptions upon Rocks.] Here are some antient writings engraven upon Rocks which poseth all that see them. There are divers great Rocks in divers parts in Cande Uda, and in the Northern Parts. These Rocks are cut deep with great Letters for the space of some yards, so deep that they may last to the worlds end. Nobody can read them or make any thing of them. I have asked Malabars, Gentuses, as well as Chingulays and Moors, but none of them understood them. You walk over some of them. There is an antient Temple Goddiladenni in Tattanour stands by one place where there are of these Letters. They are probably in memorial of something, but of what we must leave to learned men to spend their conjectures.



CHAP. XI.

Of their Sickness, Death and Burial.

[The diseases this Countrey is subject to.] Nothing now remains, but to carry you to their Sick-beds, and to tell you what they do with the Bodies of their friends deceased, and their Behavior on these occasions. They live to a great Age very often to fourscore, and hale at that age the Kings Sister was near an hundred. They are healthy and of a sound constitution. The Diseases this Land is most subject to are Agues and Feveurs, and sometimes to Bloody-fluxes. The Small-Pox also sometimes happeneth among them. From which they cannot free themselves by all their charms and inchantments, which are often times successful to them in other distempers. Therefore they do confess like the Magicians in Egypt, that this is the very finger of Almighty God. They are also subject to Aches and Pains in their Bodies. For the Remedy whereof they have excellent oyntments and oyls, which they make and keep to have ready when they have occasion.

[Every one a Physitian to himself.] Here are no professed Physitians nor Chyrurgeons, but all in general have some skill that way, and are Physitians and Chyrurgeons to themselves. Their Medicines they make of the leaves that are in the Woods, and the barks of Trees. With which they purge and vomit themselves, and will do notable Cures upon green wounds, and also upon sore eyes.

To give a few hints of their method of Physick and what Ingredients they make use of.

[To purge.] For purging they make use of a Tree called Dallugauhah. It bears no leaves, nothing but thorns, and is of a soft substance. Being cut there runs out a white thick milk; in which we soak some whole corns of Pepper a whole night. The next day the Pepper is taken out, and washed clean, and then boyled in fair water with a sower fruit they call Goraca, which we shall speak of by and by. This they drink, and it purgeth very well. This milk is rekoned as rank Poyson as any thing can be, and yet the Goats eat of the Tree greedily without harm.

[To Vomit.] For a Vomit, there is is a leaf of a Plant called Warracole in colour like a Cabbage leaf, but smaller; it grows upon a long stalk some three foot high. This leaf as soon as it is broken from the stalk is full of milk, which runs out. In this milk they put a lump of Salt, and let it lye a whole night. The next day they take the Salt out, which is not dissolved, and wash it clean: then boyl a little Rice and Water together. After tis taken off the fire, they put this salt into it, and drink it.

There is a strong Purge they make with a berry called Jawpolls, which is a little long greenish berry. Of it self it is rank Poyson. They boyl it with Goraca, and Pepper in water, and drink a little of the water.

[To heal Sores.] For drawing and healing of Sores, they have a leaf called Mockina-cola; it is a very like our Tunhoof or Ground-ivy, only it is a brighter green; it runs along upon the ground and spreads it self as Tunhoof doth. They only take the leaf and clap it upon the sore.

[To heal an Impostume.] For an Impostume in the Throat, we take the rind of the Tree Amaranga and bruise it and rub it with green Turmeric, and wrap it up in a Plantane leaf, and bury it in hot ashes, and there let it lye an hour or two till the fire hath well qualified it. Then the Patient takes it, and keeps chewing it for a day or two swallowing the spittle. The Virtue of this I my self can testifie being exceedingly ill with a sore Throat, and could not swallow. By the use of this I was well within a day and a night.

[For a hurt in the Eye.] For a sore or hurt in the eye, they take Oulcande-cole, Goderacole, two herbs, the juyce of each, and womans milk and having mingled them, drop them into the eye. I had a Thorn of a considerable length run into the gray of my eye, and put me to great pain, the Chingulays advised me to use this means, assuring me how successful it was wont to be; but I was loath to tamper with so tender a place; and thanks be to God, after some days the Thorn fell out of it self.

[To cure the Itch.] It is a speedy Cure of the Itch, to take Coudouro giddi, a fruit of a Tree in form somewhat like a Mussel but bigger. This fruit they cut in slices and fry it in Coker-nut oyl. And with this oyl they anoint the body.

[The Caudle for Lying in women.] The ordinary Caudle for Women in Child-bed, is Goraca boyled in water with Pepper and Ginger. Women in that condition use nothing else. This [Goraca.] Goraca is a fruit round like an Apple marked with divers creases along the sides of it. Being ripe it is within and without red like blood, but sower, they use this fruit as we do Lemons and Oranges. The core is sweet and pleasant, but They regarding it not sling it away. If you bite this fruit, it sticks to the Teeth like wax or pitch. But their chief use of it, is to boyl it with other things to make them tast sower. They gather them at the time of year, and break the cloves assunder by their fingers, for they, if they be pulled, will part at the creases. And then they lay them in the Sun and dry them, being dryed they look like mens ears. And so they keep them for their use. Two or three of these will give a pleasant sower relish unto a large vessel of any liquid thing. This Goraca is in great use among them.

[Excellent at the cure of Poyson.] As there are in this Countrey very many Poysonous Plants, and Creatures, so the People have excellent skill in the healing thereof. There is one plant among the rest so strong a venom, that no creature will eat or touch it; and this is the leaf, that the People sometimes carry with them when they go to demand their debts, and threaten their debtors, they will poyson themselves before them, unless they will pay them. It is called Neiingala, a sprig that springs out of the ground almost like an Hony-suckle, but not so big: and bears a curious Flower much like an Hony-suckle.

[They easily heal the biting of Serpents, by herbs.] They are oftentimes stung with venomous Serpents, upon which sudden death follows without speedy help: But if the bite be taken in time, they can certainly cure themselves, and make nothing of it. Which they perform both by Herbs and Charms. Tho upon the sting they presently vomit blood. The knowledg of these antidotal Herbs they have learned from the Mounggoutia a kind of Ferret. This creature when the Noya and he meets always fight. If he chanceth to be bitten by the Serpent, which is very venomous, he runs away to a certain herb and eats it and so is cured, and then comes back and fights again. The Chingulays when they see these two creatures fighting, do diligently observe them, and when they see the Mounggouttia goes away, they take notice of the herbs he eats, and thereby have learned what herbs are proper to cure such venoms.

[And charms.] They are skilful also in the use of Charms, to cure the stings of Serpents or to prevent them, the Noyas they can charm to that pass, that they will take them up in their hands and carry them in baskets and handle them and kiss them without any harm. But the Polonga will not hear a charm. They charm other wild and venomous creatures also; as the Tyger that he shall not hurt their Cattel.

[Nor good at healing inward distempers.] But to cure inward diseases they are not excellent. But generally when they are sick they apply themselves to their Gods. But their chief supplication they make to the Devil, as being God's instrument, sent to punish and afflict whom he pleaseth; as I have discoursed at large already.

[They both bury and burn their dead.] These People are very loath to dye, and as much afraid of the Devil in their sickness, whom at such times they chiefly invoke. Being dead none will come near the house for many days, lest they should be defiled. The better sort burn the dead, because worms and maggots should not eat them. But the poorer sort who regard not such matters bury them making a hole in the Woods, and carrying the body wrapped up in a mat upon a Pole on their shoulders with two or three attending it, and so laying it in without any ceremony, and covering it.

[They send for a Priest to pray for his Soul.] Some days after his decease, if his friends wish well to his Soul, they send for a Priest to the house, who spends a whole night in praying and singing for the saving of that Soul. This Priest besides very good entertainment, in the morning must have great gifts and rewards. And to encourage them therein, he tells them that the like bounty and liberality as they shew to him, shall the Soul of their departed friend receive in the other world. And so according to their ability they freely give unto him, such things as they are possessors of. And he out of his Wonderful good nature refuseth not any thing, be it never so mean. And thus with Drums and Pipes sounding before him, they conduct him home to his house.

[How they mourn for the dead.] Their manner of mourning for the dead is, that all the Women that are present do loose their hair, and let it hang down, and with their two hands together behind their heads do make an hideous noise, crying and roaring as loud as they can, much praysing and extolling the Virtues of the deceased, tho there were none in him: and lamenting their own woful condition to live without him. Thus for three or four mornings they do rise early, and lament in this manner, also on evenings. Mean while the men stand still and sigh.

[The nature of the Women.] These women are of a very strong couragious spirit, taking nothing very much to heart, mourning more for fashion than affection, never overwhelmed neither with grief or love. And when their Husbands are dead, all their care is where to get others, which they cannot long be without.

[How they Bury.] It may not be unacceptable to relate how they burn their Dead. As for Persons of inferior Quality, they are interred in some convenient places in the Woods, there being no set places for Burial, carried thither by two or three of their Friends, and Buried without any more ado. They lay them on their Backs, with their heads to the West and their feet to the East, as we do. Then those People go and wash; for they are unclean by handling the Dead.

[How they Burn.] But Persons of greater quality are burned, and that with Ceremony. When they are dead they lay them out, and put a Cloth over their Privy Parts, and then wash the Body, by taking half a dozen Pitchers of water, and pouring upon it. Then they cover him with a Linnen cloth, and so carry him forth to burning. This is when they burn the Body speedily. But otherwise, they cut down a Tree that may be proper for their purpose, and hollow it, like a Hog-trough, and put the Body being Embowelled and Embalmed into it, filled up all about with Pepper. And so let it lay in the house, until it be the King's Command to carry it out to the burning. For that they dare not do without the King's order, if the Person deceased be a Courtier. Sometimes the King gives no order in a great while, it may be not at all. Therefore in such cases, that the Body may not take up house-room, or annoy them, they dig an hole in the floar of their house, and put hollowed tree and all in and cover it. If afterwards the King commands to burn the Body, they take it up again in obedience to the King, otherwise there it lyes.

Their order for burning is thus. If the Body be not thus put into a Trough or hollowed Tree, it is laid upon one of his Bedsteds, which is a great honour among them. This Bedsted with the Body on it, or hollowed Tree with the Body in it, is fastned with Poles, and carried upon Mens Shoulders unto the place of Burning: which is some eminent place in the Fields or High ways, or where else they please. There they lay it upon a Pile of Wood some two or three foot high. Then they pile up more Wood upon the Corps, lying thus on the Bedsted, or in the Trough. Over all they have a kind of Canopy built, if he be a Person of very high Quality covered at top, hung about with painted Cloth, and bunches of Coker-nuts, and green Boughs; and so fire is put to it. After all is burnt to ashes, they sweep together the ashes into the manner of a Sugar-loaf: and hedg the place round from wild Beasts breaking in, and they will sow Herbs there. Thus I saw the King's Uncle, the chief Tirinanx, who was as it were the Primate of all the Nation, burned, upon an high place, that the blaze might be seen a great way. If they be Noblemen, but not of so high quality, there is only a Bower erected over them, adorned with Plantane Trees, and green boughs, and bunches as before.

[How they bury those that that die of the Small Pox.] But if any dye of the small Pox, be his Degree what it will, he must be Buried upon Thorns, without any further Ceremony.



PART IV.



CHAP. I.

Of the reason of our going to Ceilon, and Detaimnent there.

[The subject of this fourth Part.] In this Fourth and last Part, I purpose to speak concerning our Captivity in this Island, and during which, in what Condition the English have lived there, and the eminent Providence of God in my escape thence, together with other matters relating to the Dutch, and other European Nations, that dwell and are kept there. All which will afford so much variety, and new matters, that I doubt not but the Readers will be entertained with as much delight in perusing these things, as in any else that have been already related. I begin with the unhappy Occasion of our going to this Countrey.

[The occasion of their coming to Ceilon.] Anno MDCLVII. The Ann Frigat of London, Capt. Robert Knox Commander, on the One and twentieth day of January, set Sail out of the Downs, in the Service of the Honourable the English East-India Company, bound for Fort S. George, on the Coast of Cormandel, to Trade one year from Port to Port in India. Which we having performed, as we were Lading of Goods to return for England, being in the Road of Matlipatan, on the Nineteenth of November Anno MDCLIX. happened such a mighty Storm, that in it several Ships were cast away, and we forced to cut our Main-Mast by the Board, which so disabled the Ship, that she could not proceed in her Voyage. Whereupon Cotiar, in the Island of Ceilon, being a very commodious Bay, fit for our present Distress, Thomas Chambers Esq; (since Sir Thomas) the Agent at Fort S. George, ordered, That the Ship should take in some Cloth, and go to Cotiar Bay, there to Trade, while she lay to set her Mast. Where being arrived according to the appointment of those Indian Merchants of Porta Nova we carried with us, to whom those Goods belonged, they were put ashore, and we minded our Business to set another Main-mast, and repair our other Dammages we had sustained by the late Storm.

[They were not jealous of the People, being very courteous.] At our first coming thither, we were shy and jealous of the People of the Place, by reason our Nation never had any Commerce or Dealing with them. But now having been there some Twenty days, and going a Shore and coming on Board at our Pleasure without any molestation, the Governor of the Place also telling us, that we were welcom, as we seemed to our selves to be, we began to lay aside all suspitious thoughts of the People dwelling thereabouts, who had very kindly entertained us for our Moneys with such Provisions and Refreshings as those Parts afforded.

[A pretended Message to the Captain from the King.] By this time the King of the Countrey had notice of our being there, and as I suppose grew suspicious of us, not having all that while by any Message made him acquainted with our intent and purpose in coming. Thereupon he dispatched down a Dissauva or General with his Army to us. Who immediately sent a Messenger on Board to acquaint the Captain with his coming, and desired him to come ashore to him, pretending a Letter to him from the King. We saluted the Message with firing of Guns, and my Father the Captain ordered me with Mr. John Loveland, Merchant of the Ship, to go on shore and wait upon him. When we were come before him, he demanded who we were, and how long we should stay? We told him, We were English, and not to stay above twenty or thirty days, and desired Permission to Trade in his Majestie's Port. His answer was, the King was glad to hear that the English were come to his Countrey, and had commanded him to assist us as we should desire, and had sent a Letter to be delivered to none, but to the Captain himself.

We were then some twelve Miles from the Sea-side. Our reply was, That the Captain could not leave his Ship to come so far, but if he pleased to come down to the Sea-side himself, the Captain would immediately wait upon him to receive the Letter. Upon which the Dissauva desired us to stay that day, and on the morrow he would go down with us.

Which being a small request, and we unwilling to displease him, consented to.

[The beginning of their Suspition.] The same day at Evening, the Dissauva sent two of his chief Captains to the House where we lay to tell us, That he was sending a Present to the Captain, and if we pleased we might send a Letter to him; that he would send the Present in the Night, and himself with us follow the next Morning. At which we began to suspect, and accordingly concluded to write and advise the Captain not to adventure himself, nor any other on shore till he saw us. We having writ a Letter to this purpose they took it and went away, but never delivered it.

[The Captain seized, and seven more.] The next Morning the Present, which was Cattle, Fruit, &c. was brought to the Sea-side, and delivered to the Captain; the Messengers telling him withal, that we were upon the way coming down, with the Dissauva; who desired his Company on shore against his coming, having a Letter from the King to deliver into his own hand. Hereupon the Captain mistrusting nothing, came up with his Boat into a small River, and being come ashore, sat down under a Tamarind Tree, waiting for the Dissauva and us. In which time the Native Soldiers privately surrounded him and Men, having no Arms with them; and so he was seized on and seven men with him, yet without any violence or plundering them of any thing: and then they brought them up unto us, carrying the Captain in a Hammock upon their Shoulders.

[The Long-boat Men seized.] The next day after, the Long-boats Crew, not knowing what had happened, came ashore to cut a Tree to make Cheeks for the Main-mast, and were made Prisoners after the same manner, tho' with more violence. For they being rough and making resistance, were bound with Wyths, and so were led away till they came where the People got Ropes. Which when our Men saw brought to them, they were not a little affrighted. For being already bound, they concluded there could be no other use for those Ropes but to hang them. But the true use of them was to bind them faster, fearing lest the Wyths might break, and so they were brought up farther into the Countrey; but afterwards being become more tame, they were loosed. They would not adventure to bring them to us, but quartered them in another House, tho in the same Town. Where without leave we could not see one another. The House wherein they kept the Captain and us, was all hanged with white Callico, which is the greatest Honour they can shew to any. But the House wherein the other men were, that were brought up after us, was not. They gave us also as good Entertainment as the Countrey afforded.

[The General's Craft to get the Ship, as well as the Men.] Having thus taken both our Boats and Eighteen men of us, their next care was, fearing lest the Ship should be gone, to secure her: Therefore to bring this about, the Dissauva told the Captain that the reason of this their detainment was, that the King intended to send Letters and a Present to the English Nation by him, and therefore that the Ship must not go away, till the King was ready to send his Messenger and Message, and thereupon desired the Captain to send on Board to order her stay; and it being not safe for her to ride in the Bay, lest the Dutch might come and fire her, that he should take order for her bringing up into the River. Which advice of his, the Captain approved not of. But concealing his dislike of it, replied, that unless he could send two of his own men on Board with his Letter and Order, those in the Ship would not obey him, but speedily would be gone with the Ship. Which he, rather than he would run the hazzard of the Ships departing, granted; imagining that the Captain would order the Ship to be brought up into the River, as he had advised, tho the Captain intended to make another use of this Message.

[The Captain's Order to them on board the Ship.] Upon which the Captain sent two of his men, some Indians accompanying them in a Canoo to the Ship, the Captain ordering them when they were aboard not to abuse the Indians, but to entertain them very kindly, and afterwards that setting them ashore, they should keep the Canoo to themselves, instead of our two Boats, which they had gotten from us, and to secure the Ship, and wait till further order.

These two men stayed on Board, and came not back again. This together with the Ships not coming up displeased the Dissauva, and he demanded of the Captain the reason thereof. His answer was, That being detained on Shore, the Men on Board would not obey his Command. Upon this some days after the Dissauva bid the Captain send his Son with order to those aboard that the Ship might be brought into the River, but provided that he would be Security for my return; which he promised he would. His order to me was, to see the top Chains put upon the Cables, and the Guns Shotted, and to tell Mr. John Burford chief Mate, and all the rest, as they valued their Lives and Liberties to keep a Watch, and not to suffer any Boat to come near, after it was dark: and charged me upon his Blessing, and as I should answer it at the great Day, not to leave him in this Condition, but to return to him again. Upon which I solemnly vowed according to my Duty to be his Obedient Son.

[The Ships Company refuse to bring up the Ship.] So having seen all done according to his appointment, I wrote a Letter in the Name of the Company to clear my Father and my self, to this effect; That they would not obey the Captain, nor any other in this matter, but were resolved to stand upon their own defence. To which they all set their hands. Which done according to my Promise and Duty I returned again, and delivered the Letter to the Dissauva, who was thereby answered, and afterwards urged the Captain no more in that matter: but gave him leave at his pleasure to write for what he pleased to have brought to him from the Ship: still pretending the King's order to release us, was not yet, but would suddenly come. And so we remained expecting it about two Months, being entertained as formerly with the best Diet and Accommodation of the Countrey.

[The Captain orders the ship to depart.] Having continued thus long in suspence, and the time and season of the year spending for the Ship to proceed on her Voyage to some other place, and our condition being, as we feared, and afterwards found to be, the beginning of a sad Captivity, the Captain sent order to Mr. John Burford to take the charge of the Ship upon him, and to set Sail for Porto Nova whence we came, and there to follow the Agent's order.

[The Lading of Cloth remained untouched.] If any inquire what became of the Cloth of our Lading, which we brought thither, they only took an account to see what it was, and so left it where and as it was before, and there it remained until both House and Goods rotted, as the People of the same Town informed me afterwards.

[The Probable season of our Surprize.] I impute the main reason of our Surprize to our Neglect, viz. in not sending a Letter and Present to the King at our first coming. Who looking upon himself as a great Monarch, as he is indeed, requires to be treated with sutable State.

[The number of those that were left on the Island.] Thus were Sixteen of us left to the mercy of those Barbarians, the Names of which are as follow. The Captain, Mr. Joh. Loveland, John Gregory, Charles Beard, Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicolas Mullins, Francis Crutch, John Berry, Ralph Knight, Peter Winn, William Hubbard, Arthur Emery, Richard Varnham, George Smith, and my Self. Tho our hearts were very heavy, seeing our selves betrayed into so sad a Condition, to be forced to dwell among those that knew not God nor his Laws; yet so great was the mercy of our gracious God, that he gave us favour in the sight of this People. Insomuch that we lived far better than we could have expected, being Prisoners or rather Captives in the hands of the Heathen; from whom we could have looked for nothing but very severe usage.

[The Dissauva departs.] The Ship being gone, the King sent to call the Dissauva speedily to him, who upon this order immediately marched away with his Army, leaving us where we were. But concerning us was no order at all.



CHAP. II.

How we were carried up into the Countrey, and disposed of there, and of the sickness, sorrow and death of the Captain.

[They intend to attempt an Escape, but are prevented.] The Dissauva with his men being gone, the people of the Town were appointed to guard and secure us until further order. But they carryed us some six miles higher into the Countrey, and would not yet adventure to bring the Long boats-crew unto us, but kept them by themselves in another Town, fearing lest we might make an Escape, as certainly we would have attempted it had they not removed us. There was a small Moors Vessel, which lay in the River, which they had seized on about this time, as we supposed they would have done by our Ship if they could have catched her there. This Vessel had some forty men belonging to her who were not made Prisoners as we were, but yet lay in the same Town: with those we had concluded, that they would furnish us with Arms, and in the night altogether to march down, and get on board of their Vessel, and so make our escape. But being prevented in this design by our departure, we were fain to lay at their mercy.

[Their condition commiserated by the People.] In our new quarters our entertainment proved as good as formerly. And indeed there was this to mitigate our misery, that the People were courteous to us and seemed to pity us. For there is a great difference between the People inhabiting the high-lands, or the mountains of Cande, and those of the low-lands where we now are placed, who are of a kinder nature by far than the other. For these Countreys beneath the mountains formerly were in subjection unto the Portugueze. Whereby have been exercised and acquainted with the customs and manners of Christian People. Which pleasing them far better than their own have begot and bred in them a kind of love and affection towards Strangers, being apt to shew Pity and Compassion on them in their distress. And you shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the High-landers for their insolent and rude behavior.

[They are distributed into divers Towns.] It was a very sad Condition whilst we were all together, yet hitherto each others company lessened our sufferings, and was some comfort that we might condole one another. But now it came to pass that we must be separated and placed asunder, one in a Village, where we could have none to confer withall or look upon, but the horrible black faces of our heathen enemies, and not understand one word of their Language neither, this was a great addition to our grief. Yet God was so merciful to us, as not to suffer them to part my Father and I.

[An Order comes from the King to bring them up into the Countrey.] For it was some sixteen days after our last remove, the King was pleased to send a Captain with Soldiers to bring us up into the Countrey. Who brought us and the other men taken in the Long boat together: Which was an heavy meeting; Being then, as we well saw, to be carried Captives into the mountains. That night we supped together, and the next morning changed our condition into real Captivity. Howbeit they gave us many comfortable promises, which we believed not; as, that the Kings intent was not to keep us any longer, than till another Ship came to carry us away. Altho we had but very little to carry, God knows, yet they appointed men to carry the cloths that belonged to the Captain and Officers.

[How they were Treated on the way in the Woods.] We still expected they would plunder us of our cloths, having nothing else to be plundered of: but the Chingulay Captain told us, that the King had given order that none should take the value of a thread from us: Which indeed they did not. As they brought us up they were very tender of us, as not to tyre us with Travelling, bidding us go no faster than we would our selves. This kindness did somewhat comfort us. The way was plain and easie to Travail through great Woods, so that we walked as in an Arbour, but desolate of Inhabitants. So that for four or five nights we lay on the Ground, with Boughs of Trees only over our heads. And of Victuals twice a Day they gave us as much as we could eat, that is, of Rice, Salt-fish, dryed Flesh: And sometimes they would shoot Deer and find Hony in the Trees, good part of which they always brought unto us. And drink we could not want, there being Rivers and Puddles full of Water as we Travelled along.

[And in the Towns among the Inhabitants.] But when we came out of the Woods among Inhabitants and were led into their Towns, they brought us Victuals ready dressed after their fashion, viz. Rice boiled in Water, and three other sorts of Food, whereof one Flesh, and the other two Herbs or such like things that grow in their Countrey, and all kinds of ripe Fruit, which we liked very well and fed heartily upon. Our entertainment all along was at the Charge of the Countrey: So we fed like Soldiers upon free Quarter. Yet I think we gave them good content for all the Charge we put them to. Which was to have the satisfaction of seeing us eat, sitting on Mats upon the Ground in their yards to the Publick view of all Beholders. Who greatly admired us, having never seen, nor scarce heard of, English-men before. It was also great entertainment to them to observe our manner of eating with Spoons, which some of us had, and that we could not take the Rice up in our hands, and put it to our mouths without spilling, as they do, nor gaped and powred the Water into our Mouths out of Pots according to their Countreys custom. Thus at every Town where we came they used both young and old in great Companies to stare upon us.

[They are brought near Cande, and there Seperated.] Being thus brought up all together somewhat near to the City of Cande. Now came an Order from the King to separate us, and to place us one in a Town. Which then seemed to us to be very hard, but it was for the convenience or getting Food, being quartered upon the Countrey at their Charge.

[The Captain and his Son and two more quartered together.] The Captain Mr. John Loveland, my self and John Gregory were parted from the rest, and brought nearer to the City, to be ready when the King should send for us. All the Rest were placed one in a Town according to the aforesaid Order. Special Command also was given from the King, that we all should be well entertained, and according to the Countrey fare we had no cause to complain. We four were thus kept together some two Months, faring well all the while. But the King minding us not, [Parted.] Order came from the great Men in Court to place us in Towns, as the rest were; only my Father and I were still permitted to be together, and a great Charge given to use us well. [How they fared.] And indeed twice a Day we had brought unto us as good fare as the Countrey afforded. All the rest had not their Provisions brought to them, as we had, but went to eat from house to house, each house taking its turn.

[The Captain and his Son placed in Coos-wat.] On the Sixteenth of September, 1660. My Father and I were placed in a Town called Bonder Coos-wat the situation was very pleasing and commodious, lying about Thirty Miles to the Northward of the City of Cande, in the Countrey called Hotcurly and distant from the rest of our People a full days journey. We were removed hither from another Town nearer to the City where the Nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for us, had placed us to have us ready. Being thus brought to Bonder Cooswat, the People put it to our choice which House we would have to reside in. The Countrey being hot and their Houses dark and dirty, my Father chose an open House, having only a Roof but no Walls. Wherein they placed a Cot, or Bed-stead only with a Mat upon it for him, which in their Account is an extraordinary Lodging; and for me a Mat upon the Ground.

[Moneys scarce with them.] Moneys at that time were very low with us. For although we wanted not for opportunity to send for what we would have brought unto unto us from the Ship, yet fearing we should be plundered of it, sent not for any thing only a Pillow for my Father. For we held it a point without dispute, that they that made Prisoners of our Bodies would not spare to take our Goods; my Father also alledging, that he had rather his Children at home should enjoy them.

[But they had good Provisions without it.] But to make amends for that, we had our Provisions brought us without money, and that twice a Day, so much as we could eat, and as good as their Countrey yielded; to wit, a Pot of good Rice, and three Dishes of such things as with them is accounted good Cheer; one always either Flesh, Fish or Eggs; but not over much of this Dish, the other Dishes, Herbs, Pumkins or such like, one of which is always made sower.

[The Town where they were, Sickly.] The first year that we were brought into this Town, this part of the Land was extraordinary Sickly by Agues and Feavours, whereof many People dyed; insomuch that many times we were forced to remain an hungry, there being none well enough either to boil or bring Victuals unto us.

[How they passed their time.] We had with us a Practice of Piety, and Mr. Rogers seven Treatises, called the Practice of Christianity. With which companions we did frequently discourse; and in the cool of the Evening walk abroad in the Fields for a refreshing, tyred with being all day in our House or Prison.

[They both fall Sick.] This Course lasted until God was pleased to visit us both with the Countrey Sickness, Ague and Feavour. The sight of my Fathers misery was far more grievous unto me than the sence of my own, that I must be a Spectator of his Affliction, and not any ways able to help him. And the sight of me so far augmented his grief, that he would often say, What have I done when I charged you to come ashore to me again, your dutifulness to me hath brought you to be a Captive. I am old and cannot long hold out, but you may live to see many days of Sorrow, if the mercy of God do not prevent it. But my prayers to God for you shall not be wanting, that for this cause he would visit you with his Mercy, and bestow on you a Blessing.

[Deep Grief seizes the Captain.] My Father's Ague lasted not long, but deep grief daily more and more increased upon him, which so over-whelmed even his very heart, that with many a bitter sigh he used to utter these words, These many years even from my youth have I used the Seas, in which time the Lord God hath delivered me from a multitude of Dangers; rehearsing to me what great Dangers he had been in, in the Straits by the Turks and by other Enemies, and also in many other places, too large here to insert, and always how merciful God was to him in delivering him out of them all, So that he never knew what it was to be in the hand of an Enemy; But now in his old Age, when his head was grown grey, to be a Captive to the Heathen, and to leave his Bones in the Eastern Parts of the World, when it was his hopes and intention, if God permitted him to finish this Voyage, to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his Children in his Native Countrey, and to settle me in the Ship in his stead; the thoughts of these things did even break his heart.

[Their Sickness continues.] Upwards of three Months my Father lay in this manner upon his Bed, having only under him a Mat and the Carpet he sat upon in the Boat when he came ashore, and a small Quilt I had to cover him withall. And I had only a Mat upon the Ground and a Pillow to lay on, and nothing to cover me but the Cloths on my back: but when I was cold, or that my Ague came upon me, I used to make a Fire, Wood costing nothing, but the fetching.

[Their Boy's disobedience adds to their trouble.] We had a black Boy my Father brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him, who seeing his Master to be a Prisoner in the hands of the People of his own Complexion, would not now obey his Command, further than what agreed unto his own humour, neither was it then as we thought in our Power to compel or make him; but it was our ignorance. As for me, my Ague now came to a settled course; that is, once in three days, and so continued for Sixteen Months time.

[His excessive sorrow.] There appearing now to us no probability, whereupon to build any hopes of Liberty, the sence of it struck my Father into such an Agony and strong Passion of Grief, that once I well remember in Nine days time nothing came into his mouth, but cold water; neither did he in three Months together ever rise up out of his Bed, but when the course of Nature required it: always groaning and sighing in a most piteous manner: which for me to hear and see come from my dear Father, my self also in the same Condition, did almost break my heart. But then I felt that Doctrine most true, which I had read out of Mr. Roger's Book, That God is most sweet, when the world is most bitter.

In this manner my Father lay until the Ninth of February 1660/61. By which time he was consumed to an Anatomy, having nothing left but Skin to cover his Bones; yet he often would say, That the very sound of Liberty would so revive him, that it would put strength into his Limbs. But it was not the will of him, to whom we say, Thy will be done, to have it so.

[His Discourse and charge to his Son before his Death.] The evening before his Death, he called me to come near his Bed side, and to sit down by him, at which time also I had a strong Feavor upon me. This done, he told me, That he sensibly felt his life departing from him, and was assured that this Night God would deliver him out of this Captivity, and that he never thought in all his Lifetime that Death could be so easie and welcom to any Man, as God had made it to be to him, and the joyes he now felt in himself he wanted utterance to express to me. He told me, These were the last words, that ever he should speak to me, and bid me well regard and be sure to remember them, and tell them to my Brother and Sister, if it pleased God, as he hoped it would, to bring us together in England; where I should find all things settled to my contentation, relating to me after what manner he had settled his Estate by Letters which he sent from Cotiar.

In the first place and above all, He charged me to serve God, and with a circumspect care to walk in his ways, and then, he said, God would bless me and prosper me. And next, he bad me have a care of my Brother and Sister. And lastly, He gave me a special charge to beware of strong Drink, and lewd Company, which as by Experience many had found, would change me into another man, so that I should not be my self. It deeply grieved him, he said, to see me in Captivity in the prime of my years, and so much the more because I had chosen rather to suffer Captivity with him than to disobey his Command. Which now he was heartily sorry for, that he had so commanded me, but bad me not repent of obeying the command of my Father; seeing for this very thing, he said, God would bless me, and bid me be assured of it, which he doubted not of, viz. That God Almighty would deliver me; which at that time I could not tell how to conceive, seeing but little sign of any such Matter. But blessed be the Name of my most gracious God, who hath so bountifully sustained me ever since in the Land of my Captivity, and preserved me alive to see my Deceased Father's word fulfilled! And truly I was so far from repenting, that I had obeyed the Command of my Father, and performed the Oath and Promise I made unto him upon it, that it rather rejoyced me to see that God had given me so much Grace.

[His Death.] But tho it was a trouble to him, that by his means I was thus made a Captive; yet it was a great Comfort to him, he said, to have his own Son sit by him on his Death-bed, and by his hands to be Buried, whereas otherwise he could expect no other but to be eaten by Dogs or wild Beasts. Then he gave me order concerning his Burial, That having no winding sheet, I should pull his Shirt over his head, and slip his Breeches over his feet, and so wrap him up in the Mat he layd upon: and then ceased speaking, and fell into a Slumber. This was about Eight or Nine a Clock in the Evening, and about Two or Three in the Morning he gave up the Ghost, Feb. the Ninth, 1660. being very sensible unto the very instant of his Departure.

[And Burial.] According to his own appointment with my own hands I wrapped him up ready for the Grave; my self being very sick and weak, and as I thought ready to follow after him. Having none but the black Boy with me, I bad him ask the People of the Town for help to carry my Father to the Grave, because I could not understand their Language. Who immediately brought forth a great Rope they used to tye their Cattle withal, therewith to drag him by the Neck into the Woods, saying, They could afford me no other help, unless I would pay for it. This Insolency of the Heathen grieved me much to see, neither could I with the Boy alone do what was necessary for his Burial, though we had been able to carry the Corps, having not wherewithal to dig a Grave, and the ground very dry and hard. Yet it was some comfort to me that I had so much Ability as to hire one to help; which at first I would not have spared to have done, had I known their meaning.