We have every reason to believe, that the natives are divided into tribes, and that the persons belonging to each tribe derive their name from the chief. We have heard much of -Camme-ro-gal_, who lives in the interior part of the country, and is a great warrior. Wolare-warre must have had some severe conflicts with this chief, as he showed several scars which proceeded from wounds that he had received from him.

The tribe of Camerra inhabit the north side of Port Jackson. The tribe of Cadi inhabit the south side, extending from the south head to Long-Cove; at which place the district of Wanne, and the tribe of Wangal, commences, extending as far as Par-ra-mata, or Rose-Hill. The tribe of Wallumede inhabit the north shore opposite Warrane, or Sydney-Cove, and are called -Walumetta_. I have already observed, that the space between Rose-Hill and Prospect-Hill is distinguished by eight different names, although the distance is only four miles.

Wolare-warre has given us to understand, that there are apparitions in the country which he calls "-Mane:-" he describes them as coming up with a strange noise, and catching hold of any one by the throat: he made use of many words on this occasion, and pointed up to the sky: he also informed us, that these apparitions singe the beards and the hair: this, he describes as a very painful operation, rubbing his face after every application of the brand.

They put their dead, for some time, in a fire, after which they are laid at length in a grave, dug very clean out, the bottom being first very carefully covered with long grass, or fern; the body is then put in, and covered over with long grass, and the grave is then filled with earth, the mould rising above it as in England.

No signs of any religion have been observed among them, yet they are not entirely ignorant of a future state, as they say the bones of the dead are in the grave, and the body is in the clouds; or, as those we have had with us may have been misunderstood, they probably mean that the soul is in the clouds: Wolare-warre once asked the judge-advocate, if the white men went to the clouds also. The sun, moon, and stars, they call -Were (bad): the native girl once went into very violent convulsions on seeing a falling star, and said that every body would be destroyed, although some who were about her observed, that she particularly alluded to the "-Murray nowey," the Sirius.

The Emu, (Maroang) the Patagorang, and the Menagine, (a small animal) are all named "-Goa-long," which term is supposed to mean an animal, as Wolarewarre uses it in contradistinction to a bird or a fish: on being asked, if the Emu was a bird, (Binyan) he shook his head, and said, "-Goa-long." He calls Governor Phillip, Beanga- (father); and names himself, Dooroow (son): the judge and commissary he calls Babunna (brother). He sings a great deal, and with much variety: the following are some words which were caught—"E eye at wangewah-wandeliah chiango wandego mangenny wakey angoul barre boa lah barrema." He throws the spear ninety yards with great force and exactness. In counting the numerals, he cannot reckon beyond four; viz. One, Wogul, or Ya-ole; Two, Bulla and Yablowxe; Three, Boorooi, or Brewe; Four, Cal-una-long. On laying down a fifth object, he named it with the rest, "-Marry-diolo." He calls the four principal winds by the following names:—The North, Boo-roo-way; The South, Bain-marree; The West, Bow-wan; The East, Gonie-mah.

The natives sing an hymn or song of joy, from day-break until sunrise. They procure fire with infinite labour, by fixing the pointed end of a round piece of stick into a hole made in a flat piece of wood, and twirling it round swiftly betwixt both hands, sliding them at the same time upwards and downwards until the operator is fatigued, when he is relieved by some of his companions, who are all seated in a circle for that purpose, and each takes his turn in the operation until fire is procured: this being the process, it is no wonder that they are never seen without a piece of lighted wood in their hand.



Chapter XVI

VOYAGE TO BATAVIA AND VOYAGE FROM BATAVIA TO ENGLAND

April 1790 to December 1790

-Lieutenant King sails for Batavia.—Meets with a dangerous shoal.—Discovers Tench's-Island.—A description of the inhabitants.—Prince William-Henry's Island described.—Touches at Kercolang.—A description of the inhabitants, their cloathing and utensils.—Passes through the Streights of Salayer.—Arrival at Batavia.—Interview with the governor.—Batavia described.—Situation and extent.—Manners and customs of the inhabitants.—Government and police.—Annual exports.—Departure from Batavia.—Mortality amongst the sailors.—Arrival at the Isle of France.—An account of that island.—Sails from the Isle of France.—Arrival in the English Channel.-

Having received the dispatches for his Majesty's principal Secretary of State, and for the Secretary of the Admiralty, from Governor Phillip, together with his order for me to go on board the Supply, and to proced in her to Batavia, and from thence, to make the best of my way to England, with the above dispatches, and Lieutenant Ball having also received his orders, I took my leave of the governor, and at noon on the 17th of April, we set sail; carrying with us the fervent prayers of those we left behind, for our safety.

From this time till the 22d, we had variable weather, the wind in general from the south-east. Lieutenant Ball was directed to call at Norfolk-Island, if it did not occasion him too much loss of time; but, as the winds seemed to hang to the eastward, there was every probability of losing at least a fortnight; and, as the Supply did not carry any thing which could be of the least assistance to those on the island, he thought proper to proceed on the voyage, and accordingly bore up in order to go to the westward of the shoal seen by the Golden-Grove, in latitude 29 deg. 25' south, and 159 deg. 59' east longitude: Lieutenant Shortland also saw another shoal, as hath already been mentioned, which may probably be the same, if they exist: this, however, seems to be a matter of doubt, as Lieutenant Ball, in July, 1789, cruized in these and the adjacent latitudes and longitudes for a fortnight, and could not see the least appearance either of an island or shoals; although Mr. Blackburn, the master of the Supply, who was at that time on board the Golden-Grove, is very confident that a shoal was seen in that vessel.

We had very heavy gales of wind from east until the 28th, with violent squalls, attended with rain: the air in general thick and hazy, and a high hollow sea running. At one o'clock on the 28th, we perceived a great alteration in the sea, which was become so smooth, that at four o'clock it was, comparatively speaking, smooth water: at half past five, the man who was stationed at the mast-head, saw breakers in the south-east, which were found to be a shoal, bearing from south-east by east to east-south-east, about seven miles distant: it appeared to trend south-south-east and north-north-west; and the north end seemed to break off suddenly in a small bluff.

The man at the mast-head had seen this shoal a considerable time before he spoke of it, and, when asked why he did not mention it sooner, he said that he took it for the reflection of the setting-sun; forgetting that the sun, if it had been visible, set to the westward: this circumstance occasioned Lieutenant Ball to name it "-Booby shoal:-" its latitude is 21 deg. 24' south, and the longitude, by the time-keeper, 159 deg. 24' east of Greenwich. Immediately after passing this shoal, we found the same high hollow sea running as we had in the morning.

At noon on the 3d of May, our latitude was 12 deg. 13' south, and the longitude, by the time-keeper, 161 deg. 33' east. We were now drawing near the situation in which Lieutenant Shortland had discovered land, and being surrounded by birds, and a number of trees floating about the vessel, we were induced to suppose ourselves not far distant from it. In the evening of the 4th we sounded, but got no ground with 150 fathoms of line. The next morning high land was seen, bearing from north-north-west to west-north-west, seven or eight leagues distant; it seemed to trend about north-north-east, and south-south-west. At noon, the latitude was 11 deg. 7' south, and the longitude 162 deg. 34' east: the northernmost land bore north by west, five leagues distant: it appeared like a small island covered with trees; and in the center of it there is a conspicuous mount, formed by some very high trees: the land to the west-ward, which extends from this island as far as north-west a quarter north, is low, and in clumps like islands. The weather now was very hot and sultry, with dark heavy clouds all round the horizon: we had also a great deal of thunder and lightning, attended with heavy rain.

In the afternoon of the 6th, we perceived the northernmost land to be two small islands, which appeared to trend north-north-east and south-south-west; the main land lying a little to the westward of them. The easternmost of these two islands Lieutenant Ball named Sirius's-Island; it is situated in 10 deg. 52' south latitude, and 162 deg. 30' east longitude: the other was named Massey's-Island. We observed by the land, that a very strong current, or tide, set us fast to the northward. It is unfortunate that the changeable state of the wind and weather did not permit us to range this coast, by hauling in with the land, as something might have probably been discovered, without occasioning any loss of time. In the evening we had very heavy squalls, attended with rain, thunder, and lightning.

At eight o'clock the next morning, we saw land, which had the appearance of a large high island, lying along the shore: Lieutenant Ball named it Smith's-Island; it is situated in 9 deg. 44' south latitude, and 161 deg. 54' east longitude. On the 8th, at day-light, the land bore from west by south to south by west, seven or eight leagues distant: Smith's Island then bearing south-south-east ten leagues.

This land in general is very high, and appears well wooded: there is the appearance of a number of openings, resembling bays or harbours; but our distance from shore was too great to ascertain any observation of that kind. At noon our latitude was 9 deg. 00' south, and the longitude 161 deg. 41' east; and the land trending away to the north-west, it was evident that we had rounded the east part of that island which Lieutenant Shortland coasted on its south side, from the latitude of 10 deg. 44' south longitude 161 deg. 41' east, to 6 deg. 55' south latitude, and 156 deg. 30' east longitude.

As Lieutenant Shortland made the land on the opposite side of this island in latitude 10 deg. 44' south, longitude 161 deg. 30' east, and the Supply being this day in latitude 9 deg. 00' south, longitude 161 deg. 41' east; there remains a space between the situation of the two vessels, which, reduced to bearings and distances from these latitudes and longitudes, will give south 6 deg. east; distance 104 miles: now, the Supply was ten leagues off shore, and, admitting the Alexander (Lieutenant Shortland's ship,) to have been four leagues, it will make the breadth of the island 62 miles, and its length and bearings will be south 57 deg. east, and north 57 deg. west, 436 miles.

The eastern extremity of this land is an island about 18 miles in circuit, lying at a small distance from the main island: I have before observed that it was named Sirius-Island, between which, and the Queen Charlotte's Islands, there cannot be many leagues, supposing Captain Carteret's longitude to have been right.

The north-east coast of this island Lieutenant Ball named "-Ball's Maiden Land;" and the passage between Sirius and Queen Charlotte's Islands, "-Supply's Passage."

At day-light in the morning of the 9th, land was seen, bearing from south to west, eleven leagues distant; it was very high, and there appeared to be a number of openings in it. Our latitude at noon on the 10th, was 7 deg. 16' south, and the longitude 162 deg. 23' east. We now daily found the vessel set considerably to the northward and westward, and on the 16th she was set 48 miles west-north-west during the 24 hours.

A different kind of sea-fowl was seen about the vessel to any we had hitherto met with; it was of the ganet kind; the back, wings, and head being a glossy black, and the breast entirely white.

At ten o'clock in the morning of the 19th, we saw an island bearing west by north six or seven leagues distant: the latitude at noon, was 1 deg. 44' south, and the longitude 150 deg. 39' east. With a fine breeze at east-south-east, we steered for the island, as it lay directly in our course, and soon perceived that it was inhabited, as we saw a number of people standing on the south point, and a great many canoes were coming off to meet us; but as the vessel approached them they paddled towards the shore; yet they seemed desirous to have some communication with us, and the vessel being hove to, in a short time they came near us, but no invitation or intreaty could prevail on them to come along-side.

At length, two of the canoes, which had seven men in each, and two others, with two men each, came close under the stern, but none of them would venture on board, and it was with great difficulty they were persuaded to come near enough to receive a string of beads which were let down over the stern; after this, they all paddled on shore.

During the time these canoes were near the vessel, the beach on the island was covered with natives; and on the south point of the island, a man stood alone, with a long pole in his hand, which had something large at the end of it, and which he seemed to use as a signal to those in the canoes. These canoes appeared to be made out of a large tree, and were well shaped, with a hook made of wood at each end, the use of which we could not possibly guess: the largest of them appeared to be about 28 feet long. Each canoe had a long out-rigger, to prevent them from oversetting.

The natives who were in the canoes, were the stoutest and healthiest looking men I ever beheld; their skin was perfectly smooth and free from any disorder: they were quite naked, and of a copper colour; their hair resembled that of the New-Hollanders. Some of their beards reached as low as the navel, and there was an appearance of much art being used in forming them into long ringlets; so that it should seem as if the prevailing fashion on this island was that of keeping the beard well combed, curled, and oiled. Two or three of the men had something like a bead or bone suspended to a string, which was fastened round the neck. The size and very healthy appearance of these people excited our admiration very much; indeed it is wonderful how so small a spot of ground can support the vast number of inhabitants we saw on the island, all of whom appeared equally strong and handsome as those who were in the canoes.

The island cannot be more than two miles in circumference: it is low, but entirely covered with trees, many of which are the cocoa-nut; we likewise saw a number of large trees which bore a very fine red blossom, but the red was so very conspicuous, that I am inclined to think the leaves were of that colour. These trees reached to the margin of a very fine sandy beach, which entirely surrounds the island; a great number of canoes were lying on the beach, and, from the number of natives we saw there, besides what were in the canoes, there cannot be less than a thousand inhabitants on the island. Lieutenant Ball named this place Tench's Island, after Captain Watkin Tench of the marines: it is situated in 1 deg. 39' south latitude, and 150 deg. 31' east longitude.

After lying-to near an hour, and finding we could have no farther intercourse with the natives, without considerable loss of time, we bore up and kept on our course, steering west by north. At sun-set, we saw another island bearing west by north, Tench's Island bearing east half north. The next morning at day-light, the island seen the preceding evening, bore from south by west, to west by south, about three leagues distant; on this, we altered our course, in order to run along the shore. This island is pretty high, and appears to be about 70 miles in circumference, if I may judge from the length of its east side, which I measured by angles. It is well wooded, and there were a number of clear cultivated tracts of ground, on which something was growing that had the appearance of Indian corn, or sugar-cane.

As we ran along shore, we could not perceive any place of shelter for a vessel on the east side of the island, but there probably is on some part of it. The island is surrounded by a sandy beach, on which the surf beats with some violence: a number of canoes were lying on the beach, and some parts of the shore were covered with the natives; but none of them attempted to come off, although the vessel was not more than a mile and a half from the shore. We saw several houses amongst the trees, which appeared to be large and well constructed. This island has a luxuriant and picturesque appearance, and there can scarcely be a doubt but it is very fertile and well peopled. The natives were quite naked, and seemed to be the same sort of people we had seen at Tench's Island; and their canoes were apparently of the same construction.

At ten o'clock in the forenoon, being abreast of the south-east point of the island, we bore up and made sail, steering west-north-west. Lieutenant Ball requesting me to name this island, I called it Prince William-Henry Island, in honour of his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence. In making this island from the eastward, a very high mount rises in the center of it, which Lieutenant Ball named Mount Phillip, in honour of Governor Phillip: it lies west-north-west from Tench's-Island, and is situated in 1 deg. 32' south latitude, and 149 deg. 30' east longitude.

At midnight on the 22d, we had a perfect deluge of rain, but it did not continue more than a quarter of an hour. We had now a vast number of tropic birds and ganets round the vessel: the sea was covered with trees of the largest size, which had both roots and branches to them; there were also cocoa-nut trees, sugar-cane, bamboo, and a variety of other drift wood: many of the trees were so large, that we could plainly see them at the distance of two leagues: most of the roots lay to the west-north-west, from which circumstance, and the vessel being considerably to the westward of account by the time-keeper, we were induced to suppose that a strong current set in that direction. We steered west-north-west until the 4th of June, with moderate breezes from the eastward, and pleasant weather: the sea was constantly covered with large entire trees, junks of wood, bamboos, and a variety of other drift wood and rock weed. Our latitude at noon on the 4th, was 4 deg. 33' north, and the longitude, by the time-keeper, 127 deg. 58' east.

At day-light the next morning, we saw an island bearing north-west, which is called Kercolang in the charts; finding we could not weather the south end, we bore up to go to the northward of it. At noon, it bore from north 68 deg. west to south 41 deg. west: our latitude was 4 deg. 25' north, and the longitude, by lunar observation, 126 deg. 50' east. Another island, called Kerolang in the charts, bore from north to north 14 deg. east; having a remarkable hummock on the east end of it.

At eight o'clock in the morning of the 6th, being close under the east side of Kercolang, we saw a canoe with a matt sail coming towards us: the natives soon came under the stern without any signs of fear. There were twelve Malays in this canoe, who were all cloathed: the outriggers of the canoe, which were long and slight, would not permit them to come alongside, but a jacket and a hatchet being given them, and signs made for them to go on shore and bring something to eat, they left the vessel and went towards the shore, where we followed them. Before they landed, a still larger canoe, with fifteen Malays in it, went to the canoe which had left us; and as we were not more than two miles from the shore, Lieutenant Ball and myself went in the jolly-boat and joined the two canoes; on this, two of the Malays jumped out of the canoes into our boat, and went immediately to the oars: such a step could not be misunderstood, it was saying, "we put ourselves entirely in your power without any precaution."

When we came near the beach, observing the surf to break on it, we made signs for the canoes to go on shore, and bring us some cocoa-nuts and plantains, as we saw vast quantities on the trees. They were very desirous for our boat to land; but that not being agreed to, they left a native in the jolly-boat, and one of our men went on shore in the canoe: he soon returned with several canoes which were laden with cocoa-nuts, yams, plantains, sweet potatoes, rice, a little flour, and several other articles, all which we purchased for axes and other barter: soon afterwards we returned on board, and were followed by upwards of an hundred canoes. At noon, a breeze springing up from the northward, we made sail, and many of the canoes followed us to a considerable distance.

The latitude of the north end of Kercolang is 4 deg. 28', and the longitude of the center 126 deg. 31' east. This island is between eighty and one hundred miles in circumference, and is in general of a very good height: the face of the country seems to be steep hills and extensive vallies, and every part of it was covered with trees and verdure: there were also some cultivated grounds which had a very pleasant appearance. These Malays wore no erid or cress, nor did we see any offensive weapons amongst them, excepting two which were on the beach, who had something like halberts in their hands, but whether they were of iron or wood we could not discern. The houses stood on posts; they appeared to be well built, and neatly thatched.

Their canoes were also neatly made, being hollowed out of trees, with bamboo outriggers on each side to prevent them from oversetting; a piece of wood is left at the stern, which projects like a proa, to break the water before it comes to the bow: each canoe has a mast, on which they hoist a square piece of matt as a sail. Their fishing-hooks and lines are mostly European, and it is possible that there is a Dutch resident on the island, as we saw a small Dutch flag placed before a house to the northward of the place where we went with the boat; though it is natural to suppose, that if any European had been there, he would have come to the boat, or that the natives would have made us understand there was one on the island.

The cloathing these people in general wore, was made of a coarse kind of callico, though some of them wore silk, and most of them had something resembling a turban round their heads; a few, indeed, wore a Chinese pointed hat. There can be no doubt but the Dutch supply these people with cloathing and other necessaries, which, of course, must be for some production of the island. I showed one of the natives some cloves, and he gave me to understand that they had the same. I do not think the Dutch send very often to this island, from the extreme avidity the natives showed in purchasing our hatchets and cloathing: they are mild, and apparently a quiet people, and the confidence they placed in us was sufficient to prove that strangers were not unwelcome guests among them.

From the 6th to the 10th, we had fresh gales of wind at west, with very heavy squalls and much rain, which often obliged us to clew all up. During the last four days we only got eight leagues on our course, and there being every appearance of a continuation of westerly winds, (this being the south-west monsoon in the China seas) with heavy squalls, or rather tornados of wind and rain, which endangered the masts: on the 10th, Lieutenant Ball relinquished the purpose of going through the streights of -Macasser, and adopted that of making the passage between -Celebes and Gilolo, through the Moluccas and the streights of Salayer; accordingly, at six in the morning, we bore up for the south point of Lirog, which lay south-east by east twelve or fourteen leagues distant. At day-light on the 12th, we saw the island of Morotia, which bore from south 31 deg. east, to south 4 deg. east.

At noon, we were in 2 deg. 36' south latitude, and 127 deg. 51' east longitude: in a chart of Hamilton Moore's, there is an island without a name laid down exactly in that situation; but, as the weather was very clear, and no such land could be seen, the existence of it is very doubtful. The weather was now extremely pleasant, with light winds from south by west to south-east. At noon on the 14th, Gilolo bore from south by west half west, to east by north: there is a chain of small islands laying the whole length of these bearings about two leagues from Gilolo; between which and that island, there appears to be good shelter. On the 16th, we were directly opposite three remarkable conical hills; they are very high; the southernmost lies in 1 deg. 30' north latitude, and 127 deg. 5' east longitude. The land near this situation is high and well wooded, with some cultivated spots: the shore appears bold to. At midnight, we had a perfect deluge of rain, attended with loud thunder and very fierce lightning, which lasted two hours; after which, the weather became serene and pleasant.

The next morning, the island of Ternate bore south-south-east, and a little to the northward of it there appears to be a large and safe harbour, on the island of Gilolo, which now bore east by south five or six leagues distant. Ternate rises in a high conical mount; its latitude is 00 deg. 50' north, and the longitude 127 deg. 4' east. A very pleasant little island lies about two miles to the north-north west of Ternate, which, in the charts, is called Heri; it is pretty high, and not more than two miles in circumference. The cultivated spots on this island, contrasted with the brown shade of the trees, and the interspersed situation of the houses, give this little spot a most picturesque appearance: it appeared, as well as Ternate, to be in a perfect state of cultivation; and from the number of houses we saw, they must both be well inhabited. The latitude, at noon, was 1 deg. 2' north, and the longitude 126 deg. 49' west: Heri then bore south-east by east; the peak of Ternate, south-east half south; the south point of Tidere, south by east, and Makian, south-south-east.

All these islands are very high; they rise in peaks, and are well cultivated. We saw a vast number of fires on Ternate, which probably were lighted for a signal. Besides the island of Makian, which is not more than two miles in circumference, there are a number of other small islots, which form a considerable group, and they were all cultivated. A number of boats were passing from one islot to another, with some Europeans in them. The weather was excessive hot and sultry; the thermometer, when in the open air and shade, being 91 deg..

On the 19th, we perceived a great ripling on the water, which appeared to be a strong current, and we afterwards found it had set the vessel considerably to the westward. At noon, the north-west point of _Manere_ or _Batachina_ bore east-north-east nine leagues distant; its latitude is 0 deg. 16' south, and the longitude 126 deg. 41' east. At noon on the 20th, an island a head, which we took to be _Pulo Oubi_, bore east half south about twelve leagues distant, and _Stemo Sulla_, south-south-west thirteen leagues: the latitude was 1 deg. 17' south, and the longitude 126 deg. 22' east. Hitherto, we had found the currents set us to the westward; but in the morning of the 21st, a strong ripling of a current set the vessel considerably to the east-south-east, which may easily be accounted for: the passage between New Guinea and Aigeu was quite open, and bore from us south-east, and I think that the current we now felt is an out-set; and as we had experienced a southerly current ever since we made the island of Morotia, it may be presumed that there is an indraught between the Celebes and Gilolo; and an out-set between Gilolo, New Guinea, and Aigeu, which is called "-Pitt's Passage_."

In the afternoon, the boat was hoisted out in order to try the current, when it was found to set east by south, at the rate of a mile and an half an hour; however, the current among these islands is by no means certain, as we found, on the 22d, a strong current or tide setting to the north-west. A great number of very large whales were seen, which moved exceeding slow, and came very near the vessel. At noon, the center of Burro bore south, and the south point of Sulla Bessi, north 76 deg. west. Burro is a very high island, and may be seen at the distance of twenty leagues with great ease.

As the following latitudes and longitudes were taken with great exactness, they perhaps may not be unacceptable.

South latitude. East longitude. deg. ' deg. ' East point of Burro 3 7 126 38 West point of ditto 3 4 125 41 North-east point of Sulla Mangol 2 0 126 3 South point of Sulla Bessi 2 29 125 57

In the afternoon of the 23d, being clear of the south point of Burro, we found a strong south-east trade, with which we steered south-south-west. We passed a great quantity of drift wood, and some very large trees with both roots and branches to them, some of which were so large as to be taken for vessels.

In the morning of the 25th, we saw two small islands bearing south-east about six miles distant; we imagined them to be the northernmost of the small islands, called Touchaeilly, in the charts: soon afterwards, we saw land bearing south-west, which we took to be Bouton, but we soon perceived it to be three islands lying nearly north and south. At this time, our longitude, by the time-keeper, was 123 deg. 39' east, and the latitude, by two altitudes, was 5 deg. 36' south.

Concluding the islands we saw in the morning were those of St. Matthew's, and the others Touchaeilly, we bore up in order to run between the northernmost and middle of three islands in sight. In our run from Burro to St. Matthew's Island, we found a strong current setting to the south-east. St. Matthew's Islands are situated in 5 deg. 23' south latitude, and 123 deg. 51' east longitude. With a moderate breeze from the south-east, we steered west-south-west between the Toucaheilly Islands; and at noon on the 26th, we passed a sandy key, which had a tuft of green bushes on its north end, and its south end runs off in a long spit for three or four miles, on which the sea breaks very high. These islands are covered with wood, and well cultivated.

At four o'clock in the afternoon we hove to, and soon afterwards a small proa came alongside loaded with cocoa-nuts, which we purchased. The people in this canoe gave us to understand, that the island on our starboard hand was called -Combado_, and that on the larboard _Toucambaso_. At half past four, we made sail, and soon afterwards, a man, who was stationed at the mast-head, said he saw a shoal a-head of the vessel; on this we looked out, and saw a reef about six miles distant, extending from the west-north-west as far as the eye could reach in a south-east direction: on this, we hauled the wind and lay under Combado during the night.

The next morning, we made sail and steered west-north-west, looking out for the shoal and running along its eastern side about four miles distant. This reef is very large, and its eastern side is bound with rugged rocks, and when the water is smooth there is no breaker on it. At four in the afternoon, we rounded the shoal at two miles distance, and steered for the south end of Bouton, which we passed early the next morning, and soon afterwards passed the streights, steering west half north. When you are to the eastward of Camborra, the entrance of the streights of Bouton may be known by three small islands which lie off the east point that forms the streights, one of which is large, and the other two are small: off the large one lie several rocks, but at no great distance. The only chart we had on board, which took any notice of these islands and the shoal, was one of Hamilton Moore's, which we found tolerably correct, except in some instances where the islands are misplaced, as St. Matthew's Islands, Toucambessis, the south end of Bouton and Kercolang, with some other trifling differences; however, upon the whole, it may be called a good chart.

At day-light, the island of Salayer bore from south 40 deg. west to north 80 deg. east, and the entrance of the streights north 70 deg. west. On entering the streights, we found a very strong ripling of the sea, which we were apprehensive were overfalls; but we found it was a strong current setting to the westward. At noon, being through the streights, we hauled up west by south. The best passage through these streights is between the two small islands, the southernmost of which lies close to -Salayer_. The island of Salayer appears to be well inhabited, and cultivated to advantage, as each piece of ground was fenced in, and the houses appeared to be very good ones.

The course from the streights of _Salayer_ to -Cambona_ is east by south eighty-four miles: they lie west by north half north, and east by south half south, about five miles through: the entrance to the westward is in 5 deg. 45' south latitude, and 120 deg. 3' east longitude. This latitude was determined by a good meridional altitude, and the longitude by the time-keeper and lunar observations, so that there is a very considerable mistake in Hamilton Moore's chart respecting the position of these streights. At three in the afternoon, a man, who was stationed at the mast-head, said he saw a great ripling, and on looking over the side, the bottom was distinctly seen; on this, we hauled off to the southward, and hove the lead, but got no ground, and the vessel going very fast, we immediately lost sight of the bottom, and soon afterwards steered west by south. At the time we were on this bank, the south end of Salayer bore south-south-east, and the north end, east.

In my opinion, ships going through the streights of Salayer from the westward, should bring the north point of _Salayer- to bear east, or east half north, with which course there could be no risk from that bank. We now steered west by south, and having run sixty-six miles in that direction from the streights of Salayer, on the morning of the 29th, we saw some high land on the Celebes, bearing north-east nine leagues distant; this must be the land between the south-west point of Celebes, and the islands called, by Captain Carteret, _Tonakiky_; so that the end of Celebes from the streights of Salayer to the south-west point cannot be more than twenty leagues, as Mr. Dalrymple has already observed in a small pamphlet.

Lieutenant Ball directed the vessel to be kept north-north-west, in order to make the land plainer; but the charts we had on board differed so much in the position and extent of the land, and some time might perhaps be lost in looking for Tonakiky, to take a departure from, Mr. Ball determined on bearing up and running in that parallel of latitude which was likeliest to keep the vessel clear of danger, viz. 5 deg. 45' or 5 deg. 50' south. At noon, the observed latitude was 5 deg. 48' south, and the longitude 118 deg. 44' east. At half past two in the afternoon, having steered west twelve miles since noon, we saw what we took for Tonyn-'s Islands, or -Sarras, bearing north. Hamilton Moore's chart places the south end of this shoal in 5 deg. 58' south, but it cannot be farther than 5 deg. 40' south at most, as we were now in latitude 5 deg. 48', and the island could only be seen from the mast-head, bearing north: the longitude of the south end of these islands and shoal (if there be any) is 118 deg. 11' east.

On the 30th, at ten in the forenoon, we saw the great -Solombo bearing north by west half west two leagues distant. On sounding, we struck the ground with 32 fathoms, over an oozy bottom. The next morning, the island of Lubeck- bore from south 14 deg. west to south 55 deg. west, five leagues distant. This island is considerably misplaced in the charts. A very good altitude was got at eight in the morning, for the time-keeper, and a very good meridional altitude was also taken for the latitude; which, with the bearings of Lubeck in the morning and at noon, places it in 5 deg. 50' south latitude, and 112 deg. 22' east longitude.

On the 3d, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the isles of -Cariman Java_ were seen, bearing south 79 deg. west. During the night, the weather was very squally, attended with much thunder and lightning. The latitude of Cariman Java is 5 deg. 56' south, and the longitude 110 deg. 12' east.

At half past three o'clock in the morning of the 5th, we saw a small island bearing west half south, not more than a mile and a half from the vessel; on this we hauled our wind to the southward, and tacked occasionally until day-light. We sounded with twenty-six fathoms, over a bottom of blue mud. This island is called in the charts Pulo Packit: it is very low and covered with trees. There are two islands laid down in Dunn's and Moore's charts, but we only saw one island, and a rocky reef: this island is laid down in Dunn's chart in 6 deg. 18 deg. south, but its real latitude is 5 deg. 50' south: this mistake had very near proved fatal to the Supply, but it being a moon-light night, the danger was discovered, though at the distance of two miles only. Ships bound to the westward, or to Batavia from Carimon Java, should steer west half north, or west by north, to avoid the shoal to the northward of Pulo Packit.

In the afternoon, seeing a brig at anchor under the land, we bore up in order to speak her, and in standing in, had regular soundings to seven fathoms. I went with Mr. Ball on board the brig, where we learned that the point of Pamonakan bore south-south-west from us; on this, we returned on board the Supply and made sail, and in the afternoon of the 6th, we anchored in Batavia Road. Upwards of thirty Dutch ships were lying there, besides a number of snows and Chinese junks.

The next morning, I waited on the general, at the request of Lieutenant Ball, and settled the salute, which took place at five in the evening, when the Supply saluted the fort with nine guns, which were returned by an equal number.

On the 8th, Lieutenant Ball waited on the general, accompanied by the Shebander and myself. As the general could not speak any other language than Dutch, and the Shebander could not speak sufficient English to explain himself, I was obliged to interpret between Lieutenant Ball and the latter; and I beg here to remark, that during this conversation, which was in the general's office, we were not asked to sit down; indeed, had the general been polite enough to have made the offer, there was not a second chair in the room; so unusual a thing is it to be seated in the general's presence, when talking to him on business.

After Lieutenant Ball had signified his business, and the service he was sent on, a number of frivolous enquiries were made respecting the setlement at New South Wales, and much astonishment was expressed, that we came from that country and could not tell what became of the Bounty, Lieutenant Bligh's Ship.

No other answer could be got, than that the council were to be requested to permit Lieutenant Ball to purchase whatever he wanted, and to hire a vessel to carry what he might want to Port Jackson: this being settled we took our leave. The Shebander drew up a request, which Lieutenant Ball signed, and the next day it was presented to the council, (at which the director-general presided, on account of the general's indisposition) when every thing was granted; but they refused to interfere in taking up a vessel, or in purchasing provisions, saying, that those matters were to be managed by Lieutenant Ball.

As every vessel here either belonged to the company, or were too flimsy to go on such a voyage, it was for a short time doubtful whether one could be procured: at length, the Shebander hearing that a snow of 250 tons or upwards lay at a port called -Samarre_, on the east side of Java, he offered her to Lieutenant Ball; saying that he would purchase her and fit her out completely, if Mr. Ball would contract with him to pay eighty rix-dollars a ton for the voyage; the Shebander to take all risques upon himself, with respect to the loss of the vessel. As the necessity for a supply of provisions was very great, and as there was no other vessel to be procured, Lieutenant Ball was obliged to make the agreement, and the snow was sent for. Provisions were easily purchased, and at a cheap rate: very excellent beef and pork at six-pence per pound. Of flour, there was little to be procured, as all the people here eat rice, Europeans as well as natives.

Batavia has been so very well and so fully described in Captain Cook's first voyage, that any attempt of mine to describe this vast and splendid settlement may be deemed superfluous; however, as these pages may probably fall into the hands of some who have read no other account, I shall subjoin what few remarks occurred to me during my stay there.

According to the best accounts I could obtain, the city and its environs cover a space of eight square miles: it is situated about half a mile from the sea-shore, and has communication with it by a canal, which will admit vessels of eight feet draught of water. The city stands on a flat, which extends forty leagues to the foot of the nearest mountains. Two large rivers, which are divided into a number of canals, run through all the principal streets of the city, and on both sides of the different roads: these canals are navigable for large boats; they are planted with trees on each side, which are kept cut in the form of a fan.

The streets are all drawn at right angles, and are in general wide, with very good pavements; along the sides of which a double row of trees are planted, which greatly prevents the circulation of air, and tends very much to increase the natural unhealthiness of the place. Within the past four years, most of the canals which contained putrid water have been filled up, and great attention is now paid to removing dirt and other nuisances.

All the houses are well built; indeed, some of them are magnificent buildings, and are finished with elegant neatness; which, added to the great cleanliness observed by the inhabitants, renders them very agreeable retreats from the intense heat which is constant here.

No European can do without a carriage, the paint of which, and his other equipage, denote the rank of the owner; to whom the necessary respect must be paid by people of an inferior rank; for a noncompliance with this custom, a fine is levied by the Fiscal. The town is but indifferently defended, as the fortifications are irregular and extensive, and the walls (which are painted) are very low: it is surrounded with a deep and wide canal, but the best defence of this settlement is its extreme unhealthiness. The citadel, or castle, stands on the right of the city: in it are deposited a vast quantity of cannon and other munitions of war: the governor-general, and the rest of the company's servants, have apartments in it, and here the governor and council meet twice a week, to transact public business.

The police of this city is strictly attended to, and is calculated to preserve great order and regularity; but it is attended with some mortifying and degrading circumstances, which Europeans find great difficulty and repugnance in complying with; however, the inhabitants and the company's servants must observe its rules with a scrupulous attention, not only to avoid paying the fines, but also to avoid the resentment of those who have it entirely in their power to advance or retard their promotion.

The suburbs are inhabited by the Chinese and Portuguese: the houses of the former are very numerous, but they are low and dirty. The number of Chinese resident in and about Batavia in 1788, was 200,000: it is these people who are the support of this important settlement; and if they were obliged to abandon it by any impolitic measure, it would soon lose its splendor. The Chinese carry on every trade and occupation; the better sort are very rich, but they are subject to great exactions from the company, or their servants. They are suffered to farm the duties of exportation and importation, for which they pay the company 12,000 rix-dollars in silver money per month. All goods belonging to the company are exempt from duties, but those of every other person pay eight per cent.

About three quarters of a mile from the city is the Chinese burying-ground, consisting of fifteen or twenty acres: for the annual rent of this ground they pay 10,000 rix-dollars, and, at the end of every ten years, they repurchase it for a very great sum, which in general is regulated by the governor and council. A person of consequence assured me, that the Chinese pay a tax of 20,000 rix-dollars a year, for the privilege of wearing their hair queued; and, besides what I have already mentioned, these industrious people are subject to many more exactions.

The Chinese are subject to a set of officers (appointed by the governor and council) who are Chinese, and are previously chosen by that people: they are called captains and lieutenants, and hear all complaints, and their sentence is decisive; but cases of property, above a certain sum, and all felonies, are taken cognizance of by the fiscal and court of justices. The police established among them is so very good, that, except in cases of property, the fiscal or justices are seldom troubled with a Chinese criminal. They trade to every part of India, and the number of large junks which arrive annually from China, is between thirty and forty.

It is remarkable that the Chinese are the only strangers which are not affected by the unhealthiness of this place: indeed, much may be said in favour of their temperance and regular manner of living, although one would imagine that the close manner in which a number of them live together could not fail to produce diseases, but it certainly does not.

The roads, or rather handsome avenues, which lead from the different gates of the city, are lined with buildings, where nature and art have been exhausted to render them elegant and commodious beyond description: each house has a large garden, in which a degree of elegance and convenience is observable, equal to what there is in the magnificent piles which they surround. These houses are inhabited by the principal people of Batavia, where they pass most of their time, and those amongst them who have no inducement to return to Europe, and who enjoy their health, may spend their days very comfortably here.

The government of this island, and indeed of all the Dutch possessions in India, is lodged in the governor-general, who is assisted by a number of counsellors, called "counsellors of India," or "-edele heerens:-" twelve of these counsellors must reside at Batavia, but the number is not fixed; at this time, there is one who governs at each of the following places, viz. Cochin, Ceylon, Macasser, and at the Emperor's court at -Jamarre_, or Java, where, I am told, 400 European cavalry are kept, to _do honour_ to the emperor.

The council meet every Tuesday and Friday in the council-room at the castle; the general presides, but, if prevented by ill health or any other circumstance, the director-general supplies his place, who, as well as the edele heerens, are received into the castle, and conducted to the council-room with great pomp and ceremony. Every thing relating to the civil and military government, commerce, and every other concern of the company, is transacted by this council, but the governor-general has a plenary power to put into execution any measure he may judge necessary for the good of the company.

The present governor-general, whose name is William Arnold Alting, has been resident upwards of thirty years at Batavia, eleven of which he has been governor-general: I am told his private character is very amiable and respectable, but how any man possessed of common feelings, can suffer such humiliations from those around him, I cannot conceive. When any person approaches the general to speak to him, his behaviour and address must be the most abject imaginable, and the respect and profound submission which every servant of the company, and every inhabitant must necessarily assume on these occasions, are little short of the adoration paid to the Divinity: this homage is carried to so great a height, that when the general enters the church, although the congregation may be at prayers, yet every person is obliged to get up and face him until he is seated in his pew, bowing as he passes.

The deference paid to the several ranks, is not confined to carriages, but extends to the cloathing of individuals, as no person under the rank of an edele heeren is permitted to wear velvet: there are a number of other distinctions in dress equally ridiculous, but they seem to be wearing away: a few years ago, the women were strictly forbid wearing any European dress, and ordered to conform to the Malay custom.

At the time I was at Batavia, there were only five European women on the island of Java, the rest being born of Malay or Creole mothers; and it is really distressing to see how much they affect the manners of their Malay slaves in chewing beetle, and other actions equally disagreeable. Their dress is a loose white or flowered muslin robe, which is open and large, reaching to the wrists and neck: but if the adjustment of their garments does not take up much time at the toilet, the arranging of their hair makes sufficient amends for it: they have in general very thick long black hair, which is gathered into a knot on the back part of the head, and is so nicely combed that not a single hair is out of its place; round this a wreath of diamonds is fixed, which is more or less valuable, according to the circumstances of the wearer. In the evenings, a large wreath of jessamine is also put round the hair, which gives a very agreeable perfume. Not more than two women in Batavia could speak any other language than Dutch or Malay, the former of which they understand very imperfectly, always preferring Malay.

The office of shebander is a principal one in this place, and is a situation of much profit; no stranger can transact the least business without his permission; the exports and imports are entirely regulated by him; every boat which goes into the road pays him a certain sum; he also regulates and comptrols the Chinese in the receipt of duties: this post is very laborious, but is also very lucrative.

Nineteen thousand pekul* of tin are brought every year from -Palambam, or Sumatra, to the company's stores on -Onrust, which is sent in their ships to China. The company send annually from hence to Europe 20,000 pekul of pepper, for which they pay on an average two stivers and an half per pound, and sell it in Europe for fourteen stivers per pound: they also export annually 200,000 pekul of coffee, at two stivers and an half per pound, which is sold in Holland at ten stivers per pound.

[* A pekul is equal to 130 pounds.]

Onrust is a very small island, about a quarter of a mile in circumference, and situated about two leagues and an half from Batavia: here the company's ships refit and heave down, there being very good wharfs for that purpose, at which five ships may heave down at one time; there are also large machines for dismasting vessels. Small as this island is, there are generally from five to six hundred people on it; of which number, one hundred are European carpenters, but, excepting a few officers and a few other Europeans, the rest are slaves. The baas, or master carpenter, is the commandant of the island: an under merchant is also resident here, to receive and take care of the tin, pepper, and coffee, which is brought into the company's stores here, from Sumatra and different parts of Borneo and Java. Onrust is surrounded by guns, and there is a kind of citadel on it; but as no troops are kept there, in the war, the carpenters were trained to the use of great guns.

It is supposed that Onrust is more healthy than Batavia, and it may be so; but when I say that twenty men are constantly employed in making coffins for those who die on this island, it cannot be supposed to have a very healthy scite.

During my stay at Batavia, I lived at the hotel, which was the governor-general's house at the time Captain Cooke was here: it is a large and spacious building, divided into two parts, one of which is occupied by strangers, and the other by Dutch. Every person, who is a stranger, is obliged to live at this hotel: the terms are three rix-dollars a day, for which you have good lodging, and a well furnished table is provided. Gratitude induces me to say, that I received the greatest attention and civility from many of the first people at Batavia, who, not content with showing me every politeness in their power during my stay there, extended their good offices to me after my departure.

On the 21st of July, the Snelheid, a packet of 140 tons, belonging to the company, arrived at Onrust, and I made application to the governor and council for a passage to Europe in that vessel: on this, the captain of the packet was ordered to receive me, for which I paid 190 rix-dollars into the company's chest. The order to the captain specified, that in consideration of that sum being paid, I was to have a passage to Europe in the Snelheid, and to be accommodated and victualled as a sailor: I therefore found myself necessitated to make a further agreement with the captain for the use of half of his cabin, (Mr. Andrew Millar, late commissary of stores and provisions at Port Jackson having the other half) for which I was to pay him 300 rix-dollars, and my proportion of what provisions were laid in by him, above what the company allowed.

Being informed that the packet would be dispatched in a few days, I went to Onrust on the 31st, in order to be in readiness. Lieutenant Ball expected to sail for Port Jackson on the 8th of August, and the snow which he had taken up was to be dispatched on the 24th.

The captain of the packet having received his final orders, we sailed from Onrust on the 4th of August; and in the evening of the 5th, were clear of the streights of Sunda.

It was now that the pestiferous air of Batavia began to show itself; for the vessel had not been five days at sea before six men were taken ill with the putrid fever; and very soon afterwards, the captain, his two mates, and all the sailors, except four, were incapable of getting out of their beds; and what aggravated the horror of this situation was, that the surgeon, who indeed knew very little of his profession, was so ill that he could not even help himself.

In this dilemma, I found it absolutely necessary to use every means for self-preservation; and having obtained the consent of the captain (who was not yet delirious) and the chief mate, I spoke to the only four men who were well, and represented to them, that going below would subject them to the infection; I assured them that I would never go below myself, except on extraordinary occasions, when I should use every precaution against the infection; and I further observed, that the preservation of our lives and the vessel, with the recovery of those who were sick, depended on their conforming to my orders; and that I hoped, with God's assistance, not only to preserve them in health, but to get the vessel into a port.

They promised me implicit obedience, and I began to make a tent on the after part of the quarter deck, for us to lie under. I had great difficulty to make them relinquish the drams of new arrack, of which they got ten a day; but this was effected, and in lieu of it, I gave to each man three large wine glasses of port wine, with two tea-spoons full of bark in each glass: fortunately, I had a small supply of those articles, as there were not any medicines on board. Three of the sick men soon died of the putrid fever, their faces being covered with purple spots: I ordered them to be lashed up in their hammocks, and hove overboard with their cloaths, making those who performed that office, wash themselves very freely with vinegar, and fill their noses with tobacco. The captain was now delirious, as were most of those who were sick.

On the 12th, I obtained the captain and chief mate's consent to bear up for the Isle of France, when we should get into the latitude of it. The chief mate's complaint terminating in an intermitting fever, I prevailed on him to lie under the tent; and by a plentiful administration of bark and port wine, he became able to keep a day watch.

On the 14th, my friend and companion Mr. Millar was taken ill, and the captain and most of the sailors were dying, not having had any medicine administered to them during their illness: three or four among them, of a strong constitution, were in a state of raving madness, uttering dreadful imprecations against the doctor, so that I was obliged to order them to be lashed in their hammocks, and they died a few days afterwards.

Being in 18 deg. 46' south latitude, and 80 deg. 59' east longitude, after some persuasion, the chief mate consented to bear up for the Isle of France; it may, indeed, be thought strange that he should hesitate one moment in our present distressing situation: however, going to the Isle of France did not destroy the hopes he had formed, when he objected to bearing up. Between the 12th and the 27th, five men died; and on the 28th, Mr. Millar departed this life: the whole were carried off by a most malignant putrid fever.

On the 29th, we made the Island of Mauritius, and anchored the same day at the entrance of the north-west harbour. The captain and three sailors died as we were carrying them on shore.

Most providentially, we had a succession of the finest weather and the fairest winds we could have wished, from the time we left the streights of Sunda until our arrival at the Isle of France; and another great consolation was, that the vessel was perfectly tight.

From the direction of the wind being at south-east, all vessels going to the north-west harbour, must luff close round the gunner's quoin, and haul over for the island, taking care to avoid the reefs with which the shore is lined, and on which the surf breaks with great violence. A continuation of forts and batteries extend from the harbour's mouth as far as it is possible for any vessel to fetch; though, independent of these forts, landing here must be attended with much danger, from the constant surf which breaks on the reefs already mentioned; and as the wind always blows out of the harbour, every vessel is obliged to warp in. No vessel ought to touch at this island during the hurricane months*, as the harbour cannot afford shelter for more than six or eight vessels. In 1788, six large ships were wrecked in this harbour.

[* October, November, and December.]

At this time there were lying in the harbour, La Thetis, of 38 guns, commanded by Compte M'Namarra, Chef de Division; La Nymphe, 38 guns, Le Compte de Forineaux, Chef de Division; La Medusa, 38 guns, Le Compte de Rossilly; three American vessels, and a great number of French merchant ships.

The revolution of this island, which had taken place about three weeks before our arrival, was attended with great excesses by the people, who carried Le Compte M'Namarra to the gallows, where he was near being executed. The governor, Le Compte de Conway, had resigned his government to a Monsieur De Caussigny, commandant of Bourbon, who arrived here only three days before us. Monsieur de Conway waited the equipment of La Nymphe frigate, in which ship he proposed returning to France.

The town of Port Louis is large, and covers a deal of ground, but the houses are in general paltry buildings. Here are large stores, and every thing necessary for the equipment of fleets. The number of inhabitants on the island, exclusive of the military, is about 8000; and blacks, 12,000.

Fresh provisions, especially butchers meat, are very scarce here; what there is costs 20 sous per pound; but turtle is procured from St. Branden, and sold at a much cheaper rate.

The general object of cultivation on this island is the indico, of which from four to five crops a year are procured: one person sent to Europe 30,000 lb. in 1789, of a very superior quality. Attempts have been made here to rear cochineal, as the island abounds with the plant which the insects lie on, but a small bird destroys the insect. The soil of this island is little superior to that at Port Jackson. At the distance of three leagues from the port, is le gardin du Roi, which is kept with the utmost care: a gardener lives here at the King's expence, who rears the plants, and distributes them, gratis, to the colonists. This year the following plants were to be distributed to those who chose to ask for them.

300 True acacias. 150 Bibeaux. 84 Avocayers. 10 Baobabs. 180 Bibaciers. 80 Bilembiers. 300 Badamiers. 17 Brindaonniers. 86 Cocoa-nut trees. 50 Camphor trees. 104 Caneficiers. 148 Caramboliers aigres. 50 Ditto doux. 10 Quince trees. 200 Dolbiers. 20 Foccias. 4163 Clove trees. 50 Illipes. 50 Jamiers. 12 Jaquiers, large kind. 8 Jambou—boles. 3000 Jambou—rosadiers. 92 Lataniers nains de la chine. 23 Longaniers. 20 Lit-chis, grosse espee. 36 Sapotes, negros de Moluquas. 30 Tata-mapacas of Madagascar. 3000 Small voakoas. 80 Mangostans. 56 Molavis. 1544 Nutmeg trees. 218 Sweet oranges. 4 Peach trees. 50 Perchers. 40 Rangoustans. 400 Rouffias. 40 Savonniers des Antillas. 80 Spirceas de la China. 300 Sagoutiers. 145 Wova-jourindis of Madagascar 40 Wouau guasailliers.

It should be observed, that 550 of the nutmeg trees were reserved for Cayenne, St. Domingo, Martinico, and the Seyehilles.

I cannot omit mentioning the great civilities I received from Messieurs De Conway, M'Namarra, Fourneaux, Rossilly, and in short all the respectable people here, who all did their utmost to persuade me to take my passage in La Nymphe frigate: Monsieur de Fourneaux very politely offered me half his cabin, and no inducement was wanting to make me accept it; besides, there was a probability of the fever not being totally eradicated in the packet; but as I heard of a misunderstanding between England and Spain; I thought it my duty to remain with that vessel. I mention this circumstance for no other reason than to express my gratitude to the above officers for their polite attention to me during my short stay at this island.

The packet being thoroughly cleansed, and a fresh crew entered, which was composed of all nations, we sailed on the 21st of September, having only four sailors on board out of the twenty-six, which came from Batavia, the rest being either dead, or left at the hospital with little hopes of recovery.

Nothing material happened during our passage from the Isle of France until our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, on the 9th of October. Here I found Lieutenant Riou waiting for orders from England. As I understood that all vessels belonging to the Dutch Company were strictly forbid stopping at any port, or having communication with any vessels during their passage from the Cape to Amsterdam, I wrote a letter to Mr. Van de Graff, the Dutch governor, representing my being charged with dispatches, and requesting that the captain might be permitted to heave the vessel to, off the most convenient port in the English channel, in order to land me with the dispatches: this request he very readily granted, giving the captain an order for that purpose, and furnishing me with a copy of it.

Five large French ships put in here loaded with slaves from the east coast of Africa, and bound to the West-Indies. On the 20th of October, La Nymphe frigate arrived here from the Isle of France, and the same day the packet sailed. On the 2d of November, we passed the Island of St. Helena, with a strong gale at south-east; and on the 7th, we saw the Island of Ascension. We crossed the equator in 20 deg. 18' longitude west of London. The south-east trade carried us as far as 5 deg. north latitude, when we got the north-east trade, which did not come to the eastward of north-east until we got near the western islands.

After a pleasant voyage of two months from the Cape of Good Hope, I arrived in England on the 20th of December, having been absent on the public service, in various stations, and in different places, in the southern hemisphere, three years and seven months.

* * * * *

Here ends Lieutenant King's Journal, which, as it gives an authentic account of the first settlement of a new colony, in a very distant region, must ever be interesting to those, who delight in tracing the origin of nations. The following Narrative was taken from the official dispatches of Governor Phillip, and forms a continuation of the history of the people and country under his charge, from the conclusion of his late Voyage to the I test period.



Chapter XVII.

TRANSACTIONS AT PORT JACKSON

June 1790 to July 1790

-The Lady Juliana Transport arrives at Port Jackson.—Loss of the Guardian.—A settlement made at Sydney-Cove.—A state of the settlements at Sydney-Cove and Rose-Hill.—A general return of male convicts, with their employments.-

The Lady Juliana transport, which sailed from England in September, 1789, arrived at Port Jackson on the 3d of June, 1790, bringing supplies from England, and also dispatches from the Guardian at the Cape of Good Hope; which having sailed from England in August, struck unhappily on the 23d day of December, 1789, in 44 deg. south latitude, and 41 deg. 30' east longitude, on an island of ice.

By the unfortunate loss of the Guardian the colony was deprived of those liberal supplies, which had been sent from England, the want of which threw the settlement back so much, that it will require a length of time to put it in the situation it would have been in, had the Guardian arrived before Governor Phillip was obliged to send away the Sirius, to give up labour, and to destroy the greatest part of the live stock.

Nevertheless, the settlers had little to apprehend from the natives; against whom, no one ever thought any defence necessary, more than what out-houses and barracks afforded: indeed, at the first landing, a barrier would have been very desirable; but at that time, and for months afterwards, the slighest defence could not have been made, without neglecting what was so absolutely and immediately necessary, for securing the stores and provisions. There is, however, little reason to think that the natives will ever attack any building, and still less to suppose they will attack a number of armed men: not that they want innate bravery, but they are perfectly sensible of the great superiority of fire-arms. Setting fire to the corn was what was most feared, but this they had never attempted; and, as they avoided those places, which were frequented by the colonists, it was seldom that any of them were now seen near the settlement.

If the natives should find any cattle in the woods, they undoubtedly would destroy them, which mischief is all that the settler would have to apprehend. They naturally attack the strangers, who go out to rob them of their spears, and of the few articles they possess; and who do this too frequently; since the punishments that the delinquents sometimes meet with are not attended with the desired effect.

The situation of Port Jackson, between two harbours, so that if a ship fall in with the coast in bad weather, a few miles either to the northward or to the southward, she can find immediate shelter, is a great advantage; and it perhaps will be found hereafter, that the seat of government has not been improperly placed. Governor Phillip observes, that they, as first settlers, laboured under some inconvenience from not being able to employ the convicts in agriculture on the spot where the provisions and stores were landed; but this was the only inconvenience, as having the convicts at some distance from the military was attended with many advantages.

When the governor first arrived, he had little time to look round him, as his instructions particularly pointed out, that he was not to delay the disembarking of the people, with a view of searching for a better situation than what Botany-Bay might afford. He was obliged to look farther, but did not think himself at liberty to continue his searches after he had been Sydney-Cove.

Had he seen the country near the head of the harbour, he might have been induced to have made the settlement there, but nothing was known of that part of the country, until the creek which runs up to Rose-hill was discovered, in a journey that the governor made to the westward, three months after they landed; and although he was then fully satisfied of the goodness of the soil, and saw the advantages of that situation, most of the stores and provisions were landed, and it required some little time to do away the general opinion, that such a situation could not be healthy, and that he was inclined to think himself, until he had examined the country for some miles round, and was satisfied that there was a free circulation of air, in the goodness of which, few places equal it. The numbers of people, who had been settled at Rose-Hill, on an average for eighteen months, exceeded one hundred; and during that time they had only two deaths: a woman, who had been subject to a dropsy, and a marine, who had been there but a very short time before he died.

It is in that part of the country, that the governor proposed employing the convicts in agriculture, and in the neighbourhood of which, he proposed fixing the first settlers who might be sent out.

The impossibility of conveying stores and provisions for any distance inland obliged the governor to mark out the first township near Rose-Hill, where there is a considerable extent of good land: the sea-coast does not offer any situation within their reach at present, which is calculated for a town, whose inhabitants are to be employed in agriculture.

In order to know in what time a man might be able to cultivate a sufficient quantity of ground to support himself, the governor, in November, 1789, ordered a hut to be built in a good situation, an acre of ground to be cleared, and once turned up: it was then put into the possession of a very industrious convict, who was told, if he behaved well, he should have thirty acres. This man had said, that the time for which he had been sentenced was expired, and he wished to settle: he has been industrious, has received some little assistance, and in June, 1790, informed the governor, that if one acre more were cleared for him, he would be able to support himself after next January: this was much doubted, but it was thought he would do tolerably well, after being supported for eighteen months. Others may prove more intelligent, though they cannot well be more industrious.

The river Hawkesbury will, no doubt, offer some desirable situations, and the great advantages of a navigable river are obvious; but before a settlement can be made there, proper people to conduct it must be found, and they must be better acquainted with the country.

The Lady Juliana being the only vessel, which was at that time in the country, Governor Phillip was obliged to send her to Norfolk-Island with a part of the provisions; and had not that ship been chartered for China, he proposed sending the Sirius's officers and men to England in her; but this intention was laid aside, as the master of her informed him, that it would be attended with a loss of more than six thousand pounds to the owners, and consequently might occasion an expence to government, which would exceed what attended their remaining a few months longer in the country: besides, he was not willing to break through the charter-party, as other ships were coming out. As the Lady Juliana was to touch at Norfolk-Island with provisions, and one of the superintendants professed himself to understand the cultivation and dressing of the flax-plant, the governor sent thither most of the women who came out in that ship, and he intended to send an equal number of male convicts, when other ships should arrive.

Of the superintendants sent out in the Guardian, for the purpose of instructing the convicts in agriculture, five only arrived in the Lady Juliana, and of the five superintendants who arrived, one only was a farmer; two said that they were used to the farming business when seventeen and nineteen years of age, but they were then unable, from the knowledge they formerly obtained, to instruct the convicts, or direct a farm. The two gardeners were said to be lost, having left the Guardian in a small boat after the unfortunate accident, which deprived the colony of her invaluable cargo.

The Neptune, Surprize, and Scarborough transports arrived at Port Jackson the latter end of June, 1790, with about six hundred casks of beef and pork, which were sent round from the Guardian, and nineteen convicts, who had been transported in that ship.

In order to ascertain the time in which it is probable the colony will be able to support itself, it will be necessary to point out those circumstances, that may advance or retard the settlement. It will depend on the numbers who are employed in agriculture, and who, by their labour, are to provide for those that make no provision for themselves.

Governor Phillip did not reckon on the little labour which may be got from the women, though some were employed in the fields; as the greatest part would always find employment in making their own, and the men's cloathing, and in the necessary attention to their children. The ground, which the military may cultivate, will be for their own convenience. The providing of houses and barracks for the additional number of officers and soldiers, the rebuilding of those temporary ones, which were erected on their first arrival, and which must be done in the course of another year, as well as the building of more store-houses and huts for the convicts as they arrive, employed a considerable number of hands, and works of this kind will always be carrying on.

Temporary buildings on their first landing were absolutely necessary; but they should be avoided in future; as, after three or four years, the whole work is to be begun again; and the want of lime greatly increases the labour of building with bricks, as the builders are obliged to increase the thickness of the walls, which cannot be carried to any height; at the same time, if very heavy rains fall before the houses are covered in, they are considerably damaged.

The annexed return will show in what manner the convicts are employed at present; and the governor had increased the number of those employed in clearing the land for cultivation, as far as it would be possible to do it before January, 1791, except by convalescents, from whom little labour could be expected. He hoped next year, that a very considerable quantity of ground would be sown with wheat and barley: but the settlement has never had more than one person to superintend the clearing and cultivating of ground for the public benefit, or who has ever been the means of bringing a single bushel of grain into the public granary. One or two others had been so employed for a short time, but were removed, as wanting either industry or probity; and if the person who has at present the entire management of all the convicts, who are employed in clearing and cultivating the land, should be lost, there would be no one in the settlement to replace him.

It was originally supposed that a sufficient number of good farmers might have been found amongst the convicts to have superintended the labours of the rest; and men have been employed who answer the purpose of preventing their straggling from their work; but none of them were equal to the charge of directing the labour of a number of convicts, with whom most of them were connected by crimes, which they would not wish to have brought forward. From their former habits of life, it may easily be supposed, that few of the convicts would be good farmers.

From what has been said, it may be seen how impossible it was to detach a body of convicts to any distance, if there had been any necessity for it. The land at Rose-Hill is very good, and in every respect well calculated for arable and pasture ground, though it be loaded with timber, the removal of which requires great labour and time; but this is the case with the whole country, as far as had been seen, particular spots excepted. As the good land could not at present be cultivated by the colonists, it was reserved for the first settlers that should come out.

The consequence of a failure of a crop, when the colony can no longer expect supplies from Great-Britain, is obvious; and to guard against such consequences, it would be of great use to have a few settlers, to whom great encouragement should be given. The fixing the first settlers in townships would, indeed, tend to prevent that increase of live stock, which might be raised in farms at a distance from villages, where the stock would be less liable to suffer from the depredations, which may be expected from the soldier and the convict, and against which there is no effectual security.

The many untoward circumstances which the colony had hitherto met with were done away; and at length there was reason to hope, that after two years from July, 1790, they would want no farther supply of flour, though various accidents might render a supply necessary after that period. How long a regular supply of beef and pork would be necessary depended on the quantity of live stock which might be introduced into the settlement, and on its increase, of which no judgment could be formed.

A town was now laid out at Rose-Hill, of which the principal street was to be occupied by the convicts: the huts were building at the distance of one hundred feet from each other, and each hut was to contain ten convicts. In these huts they will live more comfortably than they could possibly do if numbers were confined together in larger buildings; and having good gardens to cultivate, and frequent opportunities to exchange vegetables for little necessaries which the stores do not furnish; these accommodations will make them feel the benefits they may draw from their industry.

Some few inconveniences, indeed, ensue from the convicts being so much dispersed, but their being indulged with having their own gardens is a spur to industry, which they would not have, if employed in a public garden, though entirely for their own benefits, as they never seemed to think it was their own; and it was not observed, that many of those who had been for some months in huts, and consequently were more at liberty than they would be if numbers were confined together, had abused the confidence placed in them, any farther than the robbing of a garden.

A GENERAL RETURN of MALE CONVICTS, with their respective employments, on the 23d of July, 1790.

AT SYDNEY.

40 Making bricks and tiles. 50 Bringing in bricks, etc. for the new store-house. 19 Bricklayers and labourers employed in building a store-house and huts at Rose-Hill. 8 Carpenters employed at the new store, and in building huts at Rose-Hill. 9 Men who can work with the axe, and who assist the carpenters. 2 Sawyers. 9 Smiths. 10 Watchmen. 40 Receiving stores and provisions from the ships. 12 Employed on the roads—mostly convalescents. 18 Bringing in timber. 4 Stone-masons. 10 Employed in the boats. 3 Wheelwrights. 6 Employed in the stores. 38 Employed by the officers of the civil and military departments at their farms. These men will be employed for the public when the relief takes place. 2 Assistants to the provost marshal. 3 Gardeners and labourers employed by the governor. 3 Coopers. 6 Shoe-makers. 4 Taylors. 5 Bakers. 6 Attending the sick at the hospital. 3 Barbers. 3 Gardeners, and others, employed at the hospital. 3 Employed by the governor bringing in of wood, etc. 316 413 Under medical treatment. —- 729

AT ROSE-HILL.

2 Employed at the store. 3 Servants to the three superintendants. 1 Employed in taking care of the stock. 2 Employed at the hospital. 5 Men who work with the axe in building huts. 1 Baker. 1 Cook. 4 Boys variously employed. 1 Assistant to the provost marshal. 3 Thatchers. 1 Servant to the store-keepers. 1 Ditto to the assistant surgeon. 4 Overseers. 25 Sick. 113 Clearing and cultivating the ground. 12 Sawyers. —- 179



Chapter XVIII

TRANSACTIONS AT PORT JACKSON

August 1790 to October 1790

-An excursion into the country.—An interview with the natives.—Governor Phillip wounded with a spear.—A second interview with the natives.—Occurrences on that occasion.—Five convicts effect their escape in a boat.—The settlement visited by the natives.—Their customs.—Arrival of the Supply from Batavia.-

Towards the latter end of August, 1790, several officers made an excursion into the country, and going south-south-west from-Prospect-Hill for twenty miles, they came to a run of water, which they supposed to be the head of the Nepean river. They described the country through which they passed to be good land for ten miles, the rest ordinary ground, intersected by deep ravines and a large marsh, which they supposed, formed a very extensive piece of water, after heavy rains.

A number of convicts going out to search for sweet tea, some of them separated from the rest, and were lost in the woods for several days, and one of them was never heard of afterwards. It is hardly possible to conceive the obstinacy and inattention of many of these people, even in matters which concern only their own safety.

In the morning of the 7th of September, Governor Phillip went down the harbour to fix on a spot for raising a brick column, which might point out the entrance to ships which were unacquainted with the coast, as the flag-staff could not be seen by vessels until they drew very near the land, and was also liable to be blown down.

A rising ground at the distance of a cable's length from the south head was chosen, and the stone necessary for the base of the column being already cut, that work was immediately begun, and the party were returning to Sydney, when the governor was informed by some officers, who had landed in Manly-Bay, and who were going on a shooting excursion, that they had seen -Bannelong_, a native who had ran away from the settlement, and who had enquired after all his friends, and received several presents. It seems Bannelong, and _Colebe_, another native who had escaped from the settlement, with near two hundred others, were assembled in Manly-Bay to feast on a dead whale which was lying on the beach. Bannelong sent a large piece of it to the governor, as a present, which the sailors had in the boat: he was very glad to see those he knew of the party, particularly a native boy named _Nanbarre_, but seemed afraid of being retaken, and would not permit any one to come so near as to lay their hands on him.

As Governor Phillip had always been desirous of meeting with this man, and had sought an opportunity from the day he left his house, he returned to the look-out, and collecting every little thing which was likely to please him, went to the spot where he had been seen. Several natives appeared on the beach as the governor's boat rowed into the bay, but on its nearer approach, they retired amongst the trees.

It had ever been the governor's opinion, and what he had observed of these people confirmed it, that the best means of obtaining the confidence of a native was by example, and by placing confidence in him; with this purpose, he left the judge-advocate and Lieutenant Water-house, who had accompanied him in the boat, and landed himself, followed only by a seaman who had some beef and bread, with a few other articles which he was desirous of giving to such of the natives as might join him: after calling repeatedly on his old acquaintance by all his names, he was answered by a native who appeared with several others at a distance, and as he increased his distance from the boat, the native approached nearer, and took a number of little presents, on their being laid down at the distance of a few paces; but he would not come near the governor, although in answer to the question—"where was Banne-long?" he repeatedly said he was the man; this, however, could not be believed, as he was so much altered: at length a bottle was held up, and on his being asked, what it was in his own language, he answered, "the King;" for as he had always heard his Majesty's health drank in the first glass after dinner at the governor's table, and had been made to repeat the word before the drank his own glass of wine, he supposed the liquor was named "the King;" and though he afterwards knew it was called wine, yet he would frequently call it King.

This convinced the governor that it could be no other than Bannelong, and every method was tried to entice him to come near, but he always retired on their approaching him nearer than he wished, so that they were presently out of sight of the boat, though at no great distance from it; but on eight or ten of the natives placing themselves in a situation to prevent Bannelong being carried off, had it been attempted, he came up, together with Colebe, and held out his hand; but he was so changed, and appeared so poor and miserable, that even then there was a doubt whether he were the man, though Colebe was well known.

After some conversation, Governor Phillip went down to the beach, and the two officers came on shore; the boat's crew, with the arms, were still in the boat, for as the natives kept the position they had taken, which showed they were under some apprehensions, he was afraid of alarming them. Bannelong appeared glad to see his old acquaintances; he was very chearful, and repeatedly shook hands with them, asking for hatchets and cloaths, which were promised to be brought him in two days: he pointed to a small fire which was burning near them, and said he should sleep there the two nights until the governor's return. Knives, hats, and various other articles were given to him and Colebe; and the latter, laughing, showed them that he had got the iron from his leg by which he had been secured when at the settlement: he also seemed glad to see his former acquaintances, and made himself very merry at the manner of his friend Bannelong's getting away from Sydney, by laying his head on his hand, shutting his eyes, and saying, "Governor nangorar," (asleep) and imitating the manner in which his companion had ran off.

The governor and his party now began to retire towards the beach, when they were joined by a stout, corpulent native who had been for some time standing at a small distance; he approached them under strong marks of fear, but this soon subsided on his being treated in a friendly manner, and he became very conversable: he showed them a wound he had received in his back with a spear; Bannelong also was desirous of showing that he had been wounded in various parts of the body since he left the settlement; one of his wounds was made with a spear which went through his left arm, and was pretty well healed, but another dangerous one over the left eye was not in so good a state: these wounds, he said, were received at Botany-Bay.

After a pretty long conversation, our party were going away, but they were detained by Bannelong, who was still solicitous to talk about the hatchets and cloaths he was to have sent him in two days, and a native who had been standing for some time at the distance of twenty or thirty yards, was pointed out by him in a manner which showed he wished him to be taken notice of; on this, the governor advanced towards him; and on the man's making signs that he should not come near, and appearing to be afraid, he threw his sword down, still advancing towards him, at the same time opening his hands to show that he had no arms.

In the course of this interview, they had stopped near a spear which was lying on the grass, and which Bannelong took up; it was longer than common, and appeared to be a very curious one, being barbed and pointed with hard wood; this exciting Governor Phillip's curiosity, he asked Bannelong for it; but instead of complying with this request, he took it where the stranger was standing, threw it down, and taking a common short spear from a native who, with several others, stood at some distance behind him, he presented that and a club to the governor, which gave reason to suppose that the spear which had been asked for did not belong to him. As Governor Phillip advanced towards the man whose fears he wished to remove, he took up the spear in question, and fixing it in a throwing-stick, appeared to stand on his defence; but as there was no reason to suppose he would throw it without the least provocation, and when he was so near those with whom our party were on such friendly terms, the governor made a sign for him to lay it down, and continued to approach him, at the same time repeating the words—-weree weree_, which the natives use when they wish any thing not to be done that displeases them.

Notwithstanding this, the native, stepping back with his right leg, threw the spear with great violence, and it struck against Governor Phillip's collar bone, close to which it entered, and the barb came out close to the third vertebrae of the back. Immediately after throwing the spear, the native ran off, as did Bannelong and Colebe, with those that were standing to the right and left; and the latter, in their retreat, threw several spears, which, however, did no farther mischief.