Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place he dispatched two friendly chiefs to the middle settlements, to offer terms of peace, and orders were sent to Fort London to bring about accommodations for the upper towns. The Indians would not listen to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrained to march against them. The most difficult part of the service was now to be performed; for the country to be passed through was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a small number of men might distress and even wear out the best appointed army.

Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at night encamped at the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he arrived at the War-Woman's Creek; and on the 20th, crossed the Blue Mountains, and made his encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. The army trod the rugged defiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever penetrated, with fearless alacrity, and the Highlanders were refreshed by coming into the presence of the mountains. "What may be Montgomery's fate in the Cherokee country," wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. It seems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into the heart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in high health and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him be wary. He has a crafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may give him most trouble when he least expects it."[139]

The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the march to the town of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee settlements, and eighteen miles distant. When within five miles of the town, the army was attacked in a most advantageous position for the Indians. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so thick that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them; and through this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company of rangers, was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indians emerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. Captain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged. The Highlanders and provincials drove the enemy from their lurking-places, and, returning to their yells three huzzas and three waves of their bonnets and hats, they chased them from height and hollow. The army passed the river at the ford; and, protected by it on their right, and by a flanking party on the left, treading a path, at times so narrow as to be obliged to march in Indian file, fired upon from both front and rear, they were not collected at Etchowee until midnight; after a loss of twenty killed and seventy-six wounded. Of these, the Highlanders had one Serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, and one Serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file wounded.

"Several soldiers of this (Montgomery's) and other regiments fell into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians, and seeing them preparing to commence the same operations upon himself, made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or sword, and that, if they would allow him to go to the woods with a guard, to collect the plants proper for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior among them. This story easily gained upon the superstitious credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that the head flew off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity, and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners."[140]

Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart of the Alleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians by kindling lights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles, never halted, till it came to War-Woman's Creek. On the 30th, it crossed the Oconnee Mountain, and on July 1st reached Fort Prince George, and soon after returned to New York.

The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the famished Fort London, situated on the borders of the Cherokee country. The garrison was forced to capitulate to the Indians, who agreed to escort the men in safety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims of treachery; for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and captured others, whom they took back to Fort Loudon.

The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the Indians. July 11th the General Assembly represented their inability to prevent the ravages made by the savages on the back settlements, and by unanimous vote entreated the lieutenant governor "to use the most pressing instances with Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king's troops, as it might be attended with the most pernicious consequences." Montgomery, warned that he was but giving the Cherokees room to boast among the other tribes, of their having obliged the English army to retreat, not only from the mountains, but also from the province, shunned the path of duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots, sailed for Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help the people's fears." Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted as one who thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in war.

In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition against Dominique, and the following year against Martinique and Havanna. At the end of October were again in New York. Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two companies that had been sent against the Indians in 1761, were sent, with a small force, to retake St. John's, New Foundland, which was occupied by a French force. The English army consisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two companies of Fraser's Highlanders, a small party of provincials, besides Montgomery's. The army landed on September 12, 1762, seven miles northward of St. John's. On the 17th the French surrendered. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and four privates were killed, and two privates wounded. After this service the two companies joined the regiment at New York and there passed the winter. As already noticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to the relief of Fort Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities an offer was made to the officers and men either to settle in America, or return to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land in accordance to their rank.[141]

The following table shows the number of killed and wounded of Montgomery's Highlanders during the war:—

====================================================================== KILLED WOUNDED - O S D & R O S D & R f e r a f e r a f r u P n f r u P n i j m i k i j m i k c e m p & c e m p & e a e e F e a e e F r n r r i r n r r i s t s s l s t s s l s e s e Fort du Quesne, Sept. 11, 1758 7 3 2 92 9 7 3 201 Little Keowe, June 1, 1760 2 Etchowee, June 27, 1760 2 6 4 1 1 24 Martinique, 1761 1 4 1 1 26 Havanna, 1762 1 2 6 St. John's, September, 1762 1 4 2 On Passage to West Indies 1 Total during the war 11 5 2 110 14 9 4 259 ======================================================================

After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser's Highlanders were not called into action, until the fall of 1762, when the two companies were with the expedition under Colonel William Amherst, against St. John's, Newfoundland. In this service Captain Macdonell was mortally wounded, three rank and file killed, and seven wounded. At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers and men having expressed a desire to remain in America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance of land granted them. The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged.

The following is a return of the killed and wounded of Fraser's Highlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763:—

====================================================================== KILLED WOUNDED F C S S D R F C S S D R d a u e r a d a u e r a . p b r u n . p b r u n O t a j m k O t a j m k f a l e m f a l e m f i t a e & f i t a e & i n e n r i n e n r c s r t s F c s r t s F e n s i e n s i r s l r s l s e s e - Louisburg, July 1758 1 3 17 1 2 41 Montmorency, Sept. 2, 1759 2 1 18 1 2 3 85 Heights of Abraham, Sept 13, 1769 1 2 1 14 2 8 7 131 Quebec, April, 1760 1 3 3 1 51 1 4 22 10 119 St. John's, Sept. 1762 1 3 7 - Total during the war 4 10 4 2 103 2 9 35 17 383

Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, concerning its soldierly bearing may also be applied to both Montgomery's and Fraser's regiments. Both officers and men were from the same people, having the same manners, customs, language and aspirations. The officers were from among the best families, and the soldiers respected and loved those who commanded them.

For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between France and England lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris was signed February 10, 1763, which gave to England all the French possessions in America eastward of the Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, and thence through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. Spain, with whom England had been at war, at the same time ceded East and West Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede to Spain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as the province of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her possessions in North America. To the genius of William Pitt must be ascribed the conquest of Canada and the deprivation of France of her possessions in the New World.

The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was regarded as a source of danger to England. As early as the year 1748, the Swedish traveller Kalm, having described in vivid language the commercial oppression under which the colonists were suffering, added these remarkable words:

"I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by English emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the English colonies in North America may constitute a separate state entirely independent of England. But as this whole country towards the sea is unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French, these dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of these colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline. The English government has, therefore, reason to regard the French in North America as the chief power which urges their colonies to submission."[142]

On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those around him, "We have caught them at last"; his eager hopes anticipating an early struggle of America for independence. The French ministers consoled themselves for the Peace of Paris by the reflection that the loss of Canada was a sure prelude to the independence of the colonies. Vergennes, the sagacious and experienced ambassador, then at Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable for a calm temper and moderation of character, predicted to an English traveller, with striking accuracy, the events that would occur. "England," he said, "will soon repent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection. She will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence."

It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind to this danger. There were advocates who maintained that it would be wiser to restore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with perhaps Martinico and St. Lucia. This view was supported with distinguished ability in an anonymous paper, said to have been written by William Burke, the friend and kinsman of the great orator. The views therein set forth were said to have been countenanced by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinion was, however, very strongly in the opposite direction.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 136: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66.]

[Footnote 137: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289.]

[Footnote 138: The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181.]

[Footnote 139: Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332.]

[Footnote 140: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61.]

[Footnote 141: See Appendix, Note L.]

[Footnote 142: Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII.]



CHAPTER XII.

SCOTCH HOSTILITY TO AMERICA.

The causes which led to the American Revolution have been set forth in works pertaining to that event, and fully amplified by those desiring to give a special treatise on the subject. Briefly to rehearse them, the following may be pointed out: The general cause was the right of arbitrary government over the colonies claimed by the British parliament. So far as the claim was concerned as a theory, but little was said, but when it was put in force an opposition at once arose. The people had long been taught to act and think upon the principle of eternal right, which had a tendency to mould them in a channel that looked towards independence. The character of George III. was such as to irritate the people. He was stubborn and without the least conception of human rights; nor could he conceive of a magnanimous project, or appreciate the value of civil liberty. His notions of government were despotic, and around him, for advisers, he preferred those as incompetent and as illiberal as himself. Such a king could not deal with a people who had learned freedom, and had the highest conceptions of human rights. The British parliament, composed almost entirely of the ruling class, shared the views of their master, and servilely did his bidding, by passing a number of acts destructive of colonial liberty. The first of these was a strenuous attempt to enforce in 1761 THE IMPORTATION ACT, which gave to petty constables the authority to enter any and every place where they might suspect goods upon which a duty had not been levied. In 1763 and 1764 the English ministers attempted to enforce the law requiring the payment of duties on sugar and molasses. In vain did the people try to show that under the British constitution taxation and representation were inseparable. Nevertheless English vessels were sent to hover around American ports, and soon succeeded in paralyzing the trade with the West Indies.

The close of the French and Indian war gave to England a renewed opportunity to tax America. The national debt had increased from L52,092,238 in 1727 to L138,865,430 in 1763. The ministers began to urge that the expenses of the war ought to be borne by the colonies. The Americans contended, that they had aided England as much as she had aided them; that the cession of Canada had amply remunerated England for all her losses; and, further, the colonies did not dread the payment of money, but feared that their liberties might be subverted. Early in March 1765, the English parliament, passed the celebrated STAMP ACT, which provided that every note, bond, deed, mortgage, lease, licence, all legal documents of every description, every colonial pamphlet, almanac, and newspaper, after the first day of the following November, should be on paper furnished by the British government, the stamp cost being from one cent to thirty dollars. When the news of the passage of this act was brought to America the excitement was intense, and action was resolved on by the colonies. The act was not formally repealed until March 18, 1766. On June 29, 1767, another act was passed to tax America. On October 1, 1768, seven hundred troops, sent from Halifax, marched with fixed bayonets into Boston, and quartered themselves in the State House. In February 1769 parliament declared the people of Massachusetts rebels, and the governor was directed to arrest those deemed guilty of treason, and send them to England for trial. In the city of New York, in 1770, the soldiers wantonly cut down a liberty pole, which had for several years stood in the park. The most serious affray occurred on March 5th, in Boston between a party of citizens and some soldiers, in which three citizens were shot down and several wounded. This massacre inflamed the city with a blaze of excitement. On that day lord North succeeded in having all the duties repealed except that on tea; and that tax, in 1773, was attempted to be enforced by a stratagem. On the evening of December 16th, the tea, in the three tea-ships, then in Boston harbor, was thrown overboard, by fifty men disguised as Indians. Parliament, instead of using legal means, hastened to find revenge. On March 31, 1774, it was enacted that Boston port should be closed.

The final act which brought on the Revolution was the firing upon the seventy minute men, who were standing still at Lexington, by the English soldiers under Major Pitcairn, on April 19, 1775, sixteen of the patriots fell dead or wounded. The first gun of the Revolution fired the entire country, and in a few days Boston was besieged by the militia twenty thousand strong. Events passed rapidly, wrongs upon wrongs were perpetrated, until, finally, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was published to the world. By this act all hope of reconciliation was at an end. Whatever concessions might be made by England, her own acts had caused an impassable gulf.

America had done all within her power to avert the impending storm. Her petitions had been spurned from the foot of the English throne. Even the illustrious Dr. Franklin, venerable in years, was forced to listen to a vile diatribe against him delivered by the coarse and brutal Wedderburn, while members of the Privy Council who were present, with the single exception of lord North, "lost all dignity and all self-respect. They laughed aloud at each sarcastic sally of Wedderburn. 'The indecency of their behaviour,' in the words of Shelburne, 'exceeded, as is agreed on all hands, that of any committee of elections;' and Fox, in a speech which he made as late as 1803, reminded the House how on that memorable occasion 'all men tossed up their hats and clapped their hands in boundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech.'"[143]

George III., his ministers and his parliament hurled the country headlong into war, and that against the judgment of her wisest men, and her best interests. To say the least the war was not popular in England. The wisest statesmen in both Houses of Parliament plead for reconciliation, but their efforts fell on callous ears. The ruling class was seized with the one idea of humbling America. They preferred to listen to such men as Major James Grant,—the same who allowed his men, (as has been already narrated) to be scandalously slaughtered before Fort du Quesne, and had made himself offensive in South Carolina under Colonel Montgomery. This braggart asserted, in the House of Commons, "amidst the loudest cheering, that he knew the Americans very well, and was certain they would not fight; 'that they were not soldiers and never could be made so, being naturally pusillanimous and incapable of discipline; that a very slight force would be more than sufficient for their complete reduction'; and he fortified his statement by repeating their peculiar expressions, and ridiculing their religious enthusiasm, manners and ways of living, greatly to the entertainment of the house."[144]

The great Pitt, then earl of Chatham, in his famous speech in January 1775, declared:

"The spirit which resists your taxation in America is the same that formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England. * * * This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates three millions in America who prefer poverty with liberty to gilded chains and sordid affluence, and who will die in defence of their rights as freemen. * * * For myself, I must declare that in all my reading and observation—and history has been my favorite study; I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world—that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under such a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. * * * All attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retreat. Let us retreat while we can, not when we must."

In accordance with these sentiments Chatham withdrew his eldest son from the army rather than suffer him to be engaged in the war. Lord Effingham, finding his regiment was to serve against the Americans, threw up his commission and renounced the profession for which he had been trained and loved, as the only means of escaping the obligation of fighting against the cause of freedom. Admiral Keppel, one of the most gallant officers in the British navy, expressed his readiness to serve against the ancient enemies of England, but asked to be released from employment against the Americans. It is said that Amherst refused to command the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was openly debated in parliament whether British officers ought to serve their sovereign against the Americans, and no less a person then General Conway leaned decidedly to the negative, and compared the case to that of French officers who were employed in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Just after the battle of Bunker Hill, the duke of Richmond declared in parliament that he "did not think that the Americans were in rebellion, but that they were resisting acts of the most unexampled cruelty and oppression." The Corporation of London, in 1775, drew up an address strongly approving of the resistance of the Americans, and similar addresses were expressed by other towns. A great meeting in London, and also the guild of merchants in Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effingham for his recent conduct. When Montgomery fell at the head of the American troops before Quebec, he was eulogized in the British parliament.

The merchants of Bristol, September 27, 1775, held a meeting and passed resolutions deprecating the war, and calling upon the king to put a stop to it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, September 29th, issued an address to the Electors of Great Britain, against carrying on the war. A meeting of the merchants and traders of London was held October 5th, and moved an address to the king "relative to the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and her American Colonies," and that he should "cause hostilities to cease." The principal citizens, manufacturers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th, addressed the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood, to recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, the petition from America lately offered to be presented to the throne." The mayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, petitioned the king in which they declared that "the first object of our desires and wishes is the return of peace and cordial union with our American fellow-subjects," and humbly requested him to "suspend those hostilities, which, we fear, can have no other than a fatal issue." This was followed by an address of the inhabitants of the same city, in which the king was asked to "stay the hand of war, and recall into the bosom of peace and grateful subjection your American subjects, by a restoration of those measures which long experience has shown to be productive of the greatest advantages to this late united and flourishing Empire." The petition of the free burgesses, traders and inhabitants of Newcastle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the present unnatural war with our American brethren, we have seen neither provocation nor object; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonant with the rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of our Country." A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and freeholders of the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, to the king in which it was declared that "the disorders have arisen from a complaint (plausible at least) of one right violated; and we can never be brought to imagine that the true remedy for such disorders consists in an attack on all other rights, and an attempt to drive the people either to unconstitutional submission or absolute despair." The gentlemen, merchants, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Worcester also addressed the king and besought him to adopt such measures as shall "seem most expedient for putting a stop to the further effusion of blood, for reconciling Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting the affections of your now divided people, and for establishing, on a permanent foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all your Majesty's Dominions."

It is a fact, worthy of special notice, that in both England and Ireland there was a complete absence of alacrity and enthusiasm in enlisting for the army and navy. This was the chief reason why George III. turned to the petty German princes who trafficked in human chattels. There people were seized in their homes, or while working the field, and sold to England at so much per head. On account of the great difficulty in England in obtaining voluntary recruits for the American war, the press-gang was resorted to, and in 1776, was especially fierce. In less than a month eight hundred men were seized in London alone, and several lives were lost in the scuffles that took place. The press-gang would hang about the prison-gates, and seize criminals whose sentences had expired and force them into the army.

"It soon occurred to the government that able-bodied criminals might be more usefully employed in the coercion of the revolted colonists, and there is reason to believe that large numbers of criminals of all but the worst category, passed at this time into the English army and navy. In estimating the light in which British soldiers were regarded in America, and in estimating the violence and misconduct of which British soldiers were sometimes guilty, this fact must not be forgotten." In Ireland criminals were released from their prisons on condition of enlisting in the army or navy.[145]

The regular press-gang was not confined to England, and it formed one of the grievances of the American colonists. One of the most terrible riots ever known in New England, was caused, in 1747, by this nefarious practice, under the sanction of Admiral Knowles. An English vessel was burnt, and English officers were seized and imprisoned by the crowd; the governor was obliged to flee to the castle; the sub-sheriffs were impounded in the stocks; the militia refused to act against the people; and the admiral was compelled to release his captives. Resistance, in America, was shown in many subsequent attempts to impress the people.

The king and his ministers felt it was necessary to sustain the acts of parliament in the American war by having addresses sent to the king upholding him in the course he was pursuing. Hence emissaries were sent throughout the kingdom who cajoled the ignorant into signing such papers. The general sentiment of the people cannot be estimated by the number of addresses for they were obtained by the influence of the ministers of state. Every magistrate depending upon the favor of the crown could and would exert his influence as directed. Hence there were numerous addresses sent to the king approving the course he was bent upon. When it is considered that the government had the advantage of more than fifty thousand places and pensions at its disposal, the immense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. From no section of the country, however, were these addresses so numerous as from Scotland.

It is one of the most singular things in history that the people of Scotland should have been so hostile to the Americans, and so forward in expressing their approbation of the attitude of George III. and his ministers. The Americans had in no wise ever harmed them or crossed their path. The emigrants from Scotland had been received with open arms by the people. If any had been mistreated, it was by the appointees of the crown. With scarcely an exception the whole political representation in both Houses of Parliament supported lord North, and were bitterly opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to soften the matter by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did not represent the real sentiment of the people:

"Scotland, however, is one of the very few instances in history, of a nation whose political representation was so grossly defective as not merely to distort but absolutely to conceal its opinions. It was habitually looked upon as the most servile and corrupt portion of the British Empire; and the eminent liberalism and the very superior political qualities of its people seem to have been scarcely suspected to the very eve of the Reform Bill of 1832. That something of that liberalism existed at the outbreak of the American war, may, I think, be inferred from the very significant fact that the Government were unable to obtain addresses in their favor either from Edinburgh or Glasgow. The country, however, was judged mainly by its representatives, and it was regarded as far more hostile to the American cause than either England or Ireland."[146]

A very able editor writing at the time has observed:

"It must however be acknowledge, that an unusual apathy with respect to public affairs, seemed to prevail with the people, in general, of this country; of which a stronger proof needs not to be given, that than which will probably recur to every body's memory, that the accounts of many of the late military actions, as well as of political procedings of no less importance, were received with as much indifference, and canvassed with as much coolness and unconcern, as if they had happened between two nations with whom they were scarcely connected. We must except from all these observations, the people of North Britain (Scotland), who, almost to a man, so far as they could be described or distinguished under any particular denomination, not only applauded, but proffered life and fortune in support of the present measures."[147]

The list of addresses sent from Scotland to the king against the Colonies is a long one,—unbroken by any remonstrance or correction. It embraces those sent by the provost, magistrates, and common (or town) council of Aberbrothock, Aberdeen, Annan, Ayr, Burnt-Island, Dundee, Edinburgh, Forfar, Forres, Inverness, Irvine, Kirkaldy, Linlithgow, Lochmaben, Montrose, Nairn, Peebles, Perth, Renfrew, Rutherglen, and Stirling; by the magistrates and town council of Brechine, Inverary, St. Andrews, Selkirk, Jedburgh, Kirkcudbright, Kirkwall, and Paisley; by the magistrates, town council and all the principal inhabitants of Fortrose; by the provost, magistrates, council, burgesses and inhabitants of Elgin; by the chief magistrates of Dunfermline, Inverkeithing and Culross; by the magistrates, common council, burgesses, and inhabitants of Dumfries; by the lord provost, magistrates, town council and deacons of craft of Lanark; by the magistrates, incorporated societies, and principal inhabitants of the town and port of Leith; by the principal inhabitants of Perth; by the gentlemen, clergy, merchants, manufacturers, incorporated trades and principal inhabitants of Dundee; by the deacon convenier, deacons of fourteen incorporated trades and other members of trades houses of Glasgow; by the magistrates, council and incorporations of Cupar in Fife, and Dumbarton; by the freeholders of the county of Argyle and Berwick; by the noblemen, gentlemen and freeholders of the counties of Aberdeen and Fife; by the noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders and others of the county of Linlithgow; by the noblemen and gentlemen of the county of Roxburgh; by the noblemen, justices of the peace, freeholders, and commissioners of supply of the counties of Perth and Caithness; by the noblemen, freeholders, justices of the peace, and commissioners of the land-tax of the counties of Banff and Elgin; by the freeholders and justices of the peace of the county of Dumbarton; by the gentlemen, justices of the peace, clergy, freeholders and committee of supply of the county of Clackmanan; by the gentlemen, justices of the peace and commissioners of land tax of the counties of Kincardine, Lanark and Renfrew; by the freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of the counties of Kinross and Orkney; by the justices of the peace, freeholders and commissioners of land tax of the county of Peebles; by the gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn; by the gentlemen, heretors, freeholders and clergy of the counties of Ross and Cromarty; by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland; by the ministers and elders of the provincial synod of Angus and Mearns; also of the synod of Glasgow and Ayr; by the provincial synod of Dumfries, and by the ministers of the presbytery of Irvine.

The list ascribes but eight of the addresses to the Highlands. This does not signify that they were any the less loyal to the pretensions of George III. The probability is that the people generally stood ready to follow their leaders, and these latter exerted themselves against the colonists. The addresses that were proffered, emanating from the Highlands, in chronological order, may be thus summarized: The freeholders of Argyleshire, on October 17, 1775, met at Inverary with Robert Campbell presiding, and through their representative in Parliament, Colonel Livingston, presented their "humble Address" to the king, in which they refer to their predecessors who had "suffered early and greatly in the cause of liberty" and now judge it incumbent upon themselves "to express our sense of the blessings we enjoy under your Majesty's mild and constitutional Government; and, at the same time, to declare our abhorrence of the unnatural rebellion of our deluded fellow-subjects in America, which, we apprehend, is encouraged and fomented by several discontented and turbulent persons at home." They earnestly desire that the measures adopted by parliament may be "vigorously prosecuted;" "and we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that, in support of such measures, we are ready to risk our lives and fortunes."

The address of the magistrates, town council, and all the principal inhabitants of Fortrose, is without date, but probably during the month of October of the same year. They met with Colonel Hector Munro, their representative in parliament, presiding, and addressing the king declared their "loyal affection" to his person; are "filled with a just sense of the many blessings" they enjoy, and "beg leave to approach the throne, and express our indignation at, and abhorrence of, the measures adopted by our unhappy and deluded fellow-subjects in America, in direct opposition to law and justice, and to every rational idea of civilization;" "with still greater indignation, if possible, we behold this rebellious disposition, which so fatally obtains on the other side of the Atlantic, fomented and cherished by a set of men in Great Britain;" that the "deluded children may quickly return to their duty," and if not, "we hope your Majesty will direct such vigorous, speedy, and effectual measures to be pursued, as may bring them to a due sense of their error."

The provost, magistrates and town council of Nairn met November 6, 1775, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as his "most faithful subjects" and it was their "indispensable duty" to testify their "loyalty and attachment;" they were "deeply sensible of the many blessings" they enjoyed; they viewed with "horror and detestation" the "audacious attempts that have been made to alienate the affections of your subjects." "Weak as our utmost efforts may be deemed, and limited our powers, each heart and hand devoted to your service will, with the most ardent zeal, contribute in promoting such measures as may be now thought necessary for re-establishing the violated rights of the British Legislature, and bringing back to order and allegiance your Majesty's deluded and unhappy subjects in America."

On the same day, the same class of men at Inverness made their address as "dutiful and loyal subjects," and declared "the many blessings" they enjoyed; and expressed their "utmost detestation and abhorrence of that spirit of rebellion which has unhappily broke forth among your Majesty's subjects in America," and "the greatest sorrow we behold the seditious designs of discontented and factious men so far attended with success as to seduce your infatuated and deluded subjects in the colonies from their allegiance and duty," and they declared their "determined resolution of supporting your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of our power, against all attempts that may be made to disturb it, either at home or abroad."

The following day, or November 7th, the gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace, and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn, met in the city of Nairn, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign," declaring themselves the "most dutiful and loyal subjects," and it was their "indispensable duty" "to declare our abhorrence of the present unnatural rebellion carried on by many of your infatuated subjects in America." "With profound humility we profess our unalterable attachment to your Majesty's person and family, and our most cordial approbation of the early measures adopted for giving a check to the first dawnings of disobedience. This county, in the late war, sent out many of its sons to defend your Majesty's ungrateful colonies against the invasion of foreign enemies, and they will now, when called upon, be equally ready to repel all the attempts of the traitorous and disaffected, against the dignity of your crown, and the just rights of the supreme Legislature of Great Britain."

The gentlemen, heretors, freeholders, and clergy of the Counties of Ross and Cromarty assembled at Dingwall, November 23, 1775, and also addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as the "most faithful and loyal subjects," acknowledging "the protection we are blessed with in the enjoyment of our liberties," it is "with an inexpressible concern we behold many of our fellow-subjects in America, incited and supported by factions and designing men at home," and that "we shall have no hesitation in convincing your rebellious and deluded subjects in America, that with the same cheerfulness we so profusely spilled our blood in the last war, in defending them against their and our natural enemies, we are now ready to shed it, if necessary, in bringing them back to a just sense of their duty and allegiance to your Majesty, and their subordination to the Mother Country."

The magistrates and town council of Inverary met on November 28, 1775, and to their "Most Gracious Sovereign" they were also the "most dutiful and loyal subjects," and further "enjoyed all the blessings of the best Government the wisdom of man ever devised, we have seen with indignation, the malignant breath of disappointed faction, by prostituting the sacred sounds of liberty, too successful in blowing the sparks of a temporary discontent into the flames of a rebellion in your Majesty's Colonies, that we from our souls abhor;" and they desired to be applied "such forcive remedies to the affected parts, as shall be necessary to restore that union and dependency of the whole on the legislative power."

At Thurso, December 6, 1775, there met the noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of the county of Caithness, and in an address to their

"Most Gracious Sovereign" declared themselves also to be the "most dutiful and loyal subjects;" they approved the "lenient measures" which had hitherto been taken in America by parliament, "and that they will support with their lives and fortunes, the vigorous exertions which they forsee may soon be necessary to subdue a rebellion premeditated, unprovoked, and that is every day becoming more general, untainted by the vices that too often accompany affluence, our people have been inured to industry, sobriety, and, when engaged in your Majesty's service, have been distinguished for an exact obedience to discipline, and a faithful discharge of duty; and we hope, if called forth to action in one combined corps, it will be their highest ambition to merit a favorable report to your Majesty from their superior officers. At the same time, it is our most ardent prayer to Almighty God, that the eyes of our deluded fellow-subjects in America may soon be opened, to see whether it is safe to trust in a Congress unconstitutionally assembled, in a band of officers unconstitutionally appointed, or in a British King and Parliament whose combined powers have indeed often restrained the licentiousness, but never invaded the rational liberties of mankind."

A survey of the addresses indicates that they were composed by one person, or else modelled from the same formula. All had the same source of inspiration. This, however, does not militate against the moral effect of those uttering them. So far as Scotland is concerned, it must be regarded as a fair representation of the sentiment of the people. While only an insignificant part of the Highlands gave their humble petitions, yet the subsequent acts must be the criterion from which a judgment must be formed.

It is possible that some of the loyal addresses were accelerated by the prohibition placed on Scotch emigration to America. Early in September, 1775, Henry Dundas, lord-advocate for Scotland, urged the board of customs to issue orders to all inferior custom houses enjoining them to grant no clearances for America of any ship which had more than the common complement of hands on board. On September 23, 1775, Archibald Cockburn, sheriff deputy of Edinburgh, issued the following order:

"Whereas a letter[148] was received by me some time ago, from His Majesty's Advocate for Scotland, intimating that, on account of the present rebellion in America, it was proper a stop should be put for the present to emigrations to that Country, and that the necessary directions were left at the different sea-ports in Scotland to that purpose; I think it my duty, in obedience to his Lordship's requisition contained in that letter, to take this publick method of notifying to such of the inhabitants within my jurisdiction, if any such there be, who have formed resolutions to themselves of leaving this Country, and going in quest of settlements in America, that they aught not to put themselves to the unnecessary trouble and expense of preparing for a removal of their habitations, which they will not, so far as it lies in my power to prevent, be permitted to effectuate."

The British government had every assurance of the undivided support of all Scotland in its attempt to subjugate America. It also put a strong dependence in enlisting in the army such Highlanders as had emigrated, and especially those who had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's, and Montgomery's regiments, but remained in the country after the peace of 1763. This alone would make a very unfavorable impression on the minds of Americans. But when to this is added the efforts of British officers to organize the emigrants from the Highlands into a special regiment, as early as November, 1775, the rising of the Highlanders both in North Carolina and on the Mohawk, the enlisting of emigrants on board vessels before landing and sailing by Boston to join their regiments at Halifax, and on the passage listening to the booming of the cannon at Bunker Hill; and the further fact that both the 42nd and Fraser's Highlanders were ordered to embark at Greenock for America, five days before the battle of Lexington, it is not a matter of surprise that a strong resentment should be aroused in the breasts of many of the most devoted to the cause of the Revolution.

The feeling engendered by the acts of Scotland towards those engaged in the struggle for human liberty crops out in the original draft of the Declaration of Independence as laid before Congress July 1, 1776. In the memorable paper appeared the following sentence: "At this very time, too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over, not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us." The word "Scotch" was struck out, on motion of Dr. John Witherspoon, himself a native of Scotland; and subsequently the whole sentence was deleted.

The sentence was not strictly true, for there were thousands of Americans of Scotch ancestry, but principally Lowland. There were also thousands of Americans, true to the principles of the Revolution, of Highland extraction. If the sentence had been strictly true, it would have served no purpose, even if none were alienated thereby. But, the records show that in the American army there were men who rendered distinguished services who were born in the Highlands; and others, from the Lowlands, rendered services of the highest value in their civil capacities.

The armies of the Colonies had no regiments or companies composed of Highland Scotch, or even of that extraction, although their names abound scattered through a very large percentage of the organized forces. The only effort[149] which appears to have been made in that direction rests on two petitions by Donald McLeod. The first was directed to the Committee for the City and County of New York, dated at New York, June 7, 1775:

"That your petitioner, from a deep sense of the favors conferred on himself, as well as those shown to many of his countrymen when in great distress after their arrival into this once happy city, is moved by a voluntary spirit of liberty to offer himself in the manner and form following, viz: That your said petitioner understands that a great many Companies are now on foot to be raised for the defence of our liberties in this once happy land, which he thinks to be a very proper maxim for the furtherance of our rights and liberty; that your said petitioner (although he has nothing to recommend himself but the variety of calling himself a Highlander, from North-Britain) flatters himself that if this honorable Committee were to grant him a commission, under their hand and seal, that he could, without difficulty, raise one hundred Scotch Highlanders in this City and the neighboring Provinces, provided they were to be put in the Highland dress, and under pay during their service in defence of our liberties. Therefore, may it please your Honors to take this petition under your serious consideration; and should your Honors think proper to confer the honor upon him as to have the command of a Highland Company, under the circumstances proposed, your petitioner assures you that no person shall or will be more willing to accept of the offer than your humble petitioner."

On the following day Donald McLeod sent a petition, couched in the following language to the Congress for the Colony of New York:

"That yesterday your said petitioner presented a petition before this honorable body, and as to the contents of which he begs leave to give reference. That since, a ship arrived from Scotland, with a number of Highlanders passengers. That your petitioner talked to them this morning, and after informing them of the present state of this as well as the neighboring Colonies, they all seemed to be very desirous to form themselves into companies, with the proviso of having liberty to wear their own country dress, commonly called the Highland habit, and moreover to be under pay for the time they are in the service for the protection of the liberties of this once happy country, but by all means to be under the command of Highland officers, as some of them cannot speak the English language. That the said Highlanders are already furnished with guns, swords, pistols, and Highland dirks, which, in case of occasion, is very necessary, as all the above articles are at this time very difficult to be had. Therefore may it please your Honors to take all and singular the premises under your serious and immediate consideration; and as your petitioner wants an answer as soon as possible, he further prays that as soon as they think it meet, he may be advised. And your petitioner, is in duty bound, shall ever pray."

This petition was presented during the formative state of the army, and when the colonies were in a state of anarchy. Congress had not yet assumed control of the army, although on the very eve of it. With an empire to found and defend, the continental Congress had not at its disposal a single penny. When Washington was offered the command of the army there was little to bring out the unorganized resources of the country. At the very time of Donald McLeod's petition, the provincial congress of New York was engaged with the distracted state of its own commonwealth. Order was not brought out of chaos until the strong hand and great energy of Washington had been felt.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 143: Lecky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 151.]

[Footnote 144: Bancroft's History United States, Vol. VI, p. 136; American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I, p. 1543.]

[Footnote 145: Leeky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 346]

[Footnote 146: History of England, Vol. IV, p. 338.]

[Footnote 147: Annual Register, 1776, p. 39.]

[Footnote 148: See Appendix, Note M.]

[Footnote 149: See Appendix, Note N.]



CHAPTER XIII.

HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

The great Pitt, in his famous eulogy on the Highland regiments, delivered in 1766, in Parliament, said: "I sought for merit wherever it could be found. It is my boast that I was the first minister who looked for it, and found it, in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of men; men who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the State, in the war before the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side; they served with fidelity, as they fought with valor, and conquered for you in every quarter of the world."

ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT.

These same men were destined to be brought from their homes and help swell the ranks of the oppressors of America. The first attempt made was to organize the Highland regiments in America. The MacDonald fiasco in North Carolina and the Highlanders of Sir John Johnson have already been noticed. But there were other Highlanders throughout the inhabited districts of America, who had emigrated, or else had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's or Montgomery's Highlanders. It was desired to collect these, in so far as it was possible, and organize them into a distinct regiment. The supervision of this work was given to Colonel Allan MacLean of Torloisk, Mull, an experienced officer who had seen hard service in previous wars. The secret instructions given by George III. to William Tryon, governor of New York, is dated April 3, 1775:

"Whereas an humble application hath been made to us by Allen McLean Eqre late Major to our 114th Regiment, and Lieut Col: in our Army setting forth, that a considerable number of our subjects, who have, at different times, emigrated from the North West parts of North Britain, and have transported themselves, with their families, to New York, have expressed a desire, to take up Lands within our said Province, to be held of us, our heirs and successors, in fee simple; and whereas it may be of public advantage to grant lands in manner aforesaid to such of the said Emigrants now residing within our said province as may be desirous of settling together upon some convenient spot within the same. It is therefore our Will and pleasure, that upon application to you by the said Allen McLean, and upon his producing to you an Association of the said Emigrants to the effect of the form hereunto annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several families of which such Emigrants shall consist, you do cause a proper spot to be located and surveyed in one contiguous Tract within our said Province of New York, sufficient in quantity for the accommodation of such Emigrants, allowing 100 acres to each head of a family, and 500 acres for every other person of which the said family shall consist; and it is our further will and pleasure that when the said Lands shall have been located as aforesaid, you do grant the same by letters patent under the seal of our said Province unto the said Allen Maclean, in trust, and upon the conditions, to make allotments thereof in Fee Simple to the heads of Families, whose names, together with the number of persons in each family, shall have been delivered in by him as aforesaid, accompanied with the said association, and it is Our further will and pleasure that it be expressed in the said letters patent, that the lands so to be granted shall be exempt from the payment of quit-rents for 20 years from the date thereof, with a proviso however that all such parts of the said Tracts as shall not be settled in manner aforesaid within two years from the date of the grant shall revert to us, and be disposed of in such manner as we shall think fit; and it is our further will and pleasure, that neither yourself, nor any other of our Officers, within our said Province, to whose duty it may appertain to carry these our orders into execution do take any Fee or reward for the same, and that the expense of surveying and locating any Tract of Land in the manner and for the purpose above mentioned be defrayed out of our Revenue of Quit rents and charged to the account thereof. And we do hereby, declare it to be our further will and pleasure, that in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear Arms, shall be hereafter embodied and employed in Our service in America, either as Commission or non Commissioned Officers or private Men, they shall respectively receive further grants of Land from us within our said province, free of all charges, and exempt from the payment of quit rents for 20 years, in the same proportion to their respective Ranks, as is directed and prescribed by our Royal Proclamation of the 7th of October 1763 in regard to such officers and soldiers as were employed in our service during the last War."

This paltry scheme concocted to raise men for the royal cause could have but very little effect. The Highlanders, it proposed to reach, were scattered, and the work proposed must be done secretly and with expedition. To raise the Highlanders required address, a number of agents, and necessary hardships. Armed with the warrant Colonel Maclean and some followers preceded to New York and from there to Boston, where the object of the visit became known through a sergeant by name of McDonald who was trying to enlist "men to join the King's Troops; they seized him, and on his examination found that he had been employed by Major Small for this Purpose; they sent him a Prisoner into Connecticut. This has raised a violent suspicion against the Scots and Highlanders and will make the execution of Coll Maclean's Plan more difficult."[150]

The principal agents engaged with Colonel Maclean in raising the new regiment were Major John Small and Captain Alexander McDonald. The latter met with much discouragement and several escapes. His "Letter-Book" is a mine of information pertaining to the regiment. As early as November 15, 1775, he draws a gloomy picture of the straits of the Macdonalds on whom so much was relied by the English government. "As for all the McDonalds in America they may Curse the day that was born as being the means of Leading them to ruin from my Zeal and attachment for government poor Glanaldall I am afraid is Lost as there is no account of him since a small Schooner Arrived which brought an account of his having Six & thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost he is unavoidably ruined in his Means all those up the Mohawk river will be tore to pieces and those in North Carolina the same so that if Government will Not Consider them when Matters are Settled I think they are ill treated."[151]

The commissions of Colonel Maclean, Major John Small and Captain William Dunbar bear date of June 13, 1775, and all the other captains one day later.

The regiment raised was known as the Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment and was composed of two battalions, the first of which was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean, and was composed of Highland emigrants in Canada, and the discharged men of the 42nd, of Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders who had settled in North America after the peace of 1763. Great difficulty was experienced in conveying the troops who had been raised in the back settlements to their respective destinations. This battalion made the following return of its officers:

Isle Aux Noix, 15th April, 1778.

Rank NAMES Former Rank in the Army - - Lieut.-Col Allan McLean Lieutenant-Colonel Major Donald McDonald Captain William Dunbar Capt. late 78th Regt John Nairne Alexander Fraser Lieut. late 78th Regt George McDougall Lieut. 60th Regt Malcolm Fraser Lieut. late 8th Regt Daniel Robertson Lieut. 42nd Regt George Laws Lieutenant Neil McLean, (prisoner) Lieut. 7th Regt John McLean Ensign late 114th Regt Alexander Firtelier Lachlan McLean Fran. Damburgess, (prisoner) Ensign, 21 Nov. 1775 David Cairns Ensign, 1st June 1775 Don. McKinnon Ensign, 20th Nov. 1775 Ronald McDonald Ensign, 14th June 1775 John McDonell Ensign, 14th June 1775 Alexander Stratton, (prisoner) Hector McLean Ensign Ronald McDonald Archibald Grant David Smith George Darne Archibald McDonald William Wood - -

Rank NAMES Former Rank in the Army - Ensign John Pringle " Hector McLean, (prisoner) Chaplain John Bethune Adjutant Ronald McDonald Qr. Master Lachlan McLean Surgeon James Davidson Surg's Mate James Walker -

The second battalion was commanded by Major John Small, formerly of the 42nd, and then of the 21st regiment, which was raised from emigrants arriving in the colonies and discharged Highland soldiers who had settled in Nova Scotia. Each battalion was to consist of seven hundred and fifty men, with officers in proportion. In speaking of the raising of the men Captain Alexander McDonald, in a letter to General Sir William Howe, under date of Halifax, November 30, 1775, says:

"Last October was a year when I found the people of America were determind on Rebellion, I wrote to Major Small desiring he would acquaint General Gage that I was ready to join the Army with a hundred as good men as any in America, the General was pleased to order the Major to write and return his Excellency's thanks to me for my Loyalty and spirited offers of Service, but that he had not power at that time to grant Commissions or raise any troops; however the hint was improved and A proposal was Sent home to Government to raise five Companies and I was in the meantime ordered to ingeage as many men as I possibly Could, Accordingly I Left my own house on Staten Island this same day year and travelled through frost snow & Ice all the way to the Mohawk river, where there was two hundred Men of my own Name, who had fled from the Severity of their Landlords in the Highlands of Scotland, the Leading men of whom most Cheerfully agreed to be ready at a Call, but the affair was obliged to be kept a profound Secret till it was Known whether the government approved of the Scheme and otherwise I could have inlisted five hundred men in a months time, from thence I proceeded straight to Boston to know for Certain what was done in the affair when General Gage asur'd me that he had recommended it to the Ministry and did not doubt of its Meeting with approbation. I Left Boston and went home to my own house and was ingeaging as Many men as I Could of those that I thought I could intrust but it was not possible to keep the thing Long a Secret when we had to make proposals to five hundred men; in the Mean time Coll McLean arrived with full power from Government to Collect all the Highlanders who had Emigrated to America Into one place and to give Every man the hundred Acres of Land and if need required to give Arms to as many men as were Capable of bearing them for His Majesty's Service. Coll McLean and I Came from New York to Boston to know how Matters would be Settled by Genl Gage: it was then proposed and Agreed upon to raise twenty Companies or two Battalions Consisting of one Lt Colonl Commandant two Majors and Seventeen Captains, of which I was to be the first or oldest Captain and was confirmed by Coll McLean under his hand Writeing."[152]

At the time of the beginning of hostilities a large number of Highlanders were on their way from Scotland to settle in the colonies. In some instances the vessels on which were the emigrants, were boarded from a man-of-war before their arrival. In some families there is a tradition that they were captured by a war vessel. Those who did arrive were induced partly by threats and partly by persuasion to enlist for the war, which they were assured would be of short duration. These people were not only in poverty, but many were in debt for their passage, and they were now promised that by enlisting their debts should be paid, they should have plenty of food as well as full pay for their services, besides receiving for each head of a family two hundred acres of land and fifty more for each child, while, in the event of refusal, there was presented the alternative of going to jail to pay their debts. The result of the artifices used can be no mystery. Under such conditions most of the able-bodied men enlisted, in some instances father and son serving together. Their wives and children were sent to Halifax, hearing the cannon of Bunker Hill on their passage.

These enlistments formed a part of the Battalion under Major Small,—five companies of which remained in Nova Scotia during the war, and the remaining five joining Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis to the southward. That portion of which remained in Nova Scotia, was stationed at Halifax, Windsor, and Cumberland, and were distinguished by their uniform good behavior.

The men belonging to the first battalion were assembled at Quebec. On the approach of the American army by Lake Champlain, Colonel Maclean was ordered to St. Johns with a party of militia, but got only as far as St. Denis, where he was deserted by his men. When Quebec was threatened by the American army under Colonel Arnold, Colonel Maclean with his regiment consisting of three hundred and fifty men, was at Sorel, and being forced to decamp from that place, by great celerity of movement, evaded the army of Colonel Arnold and passed into Quebec with one hundred of his regiment. He arrived just in time, for the citizens were about to surrender the city to the Americans. On Colonel Maclean's arrival, November 13, 1775, the garrison consisted only of fifty men of the Fusiliers and seven hundred militia and seamen. There had also just landed one hundred recruits of Colonel Maclean's corps from Newfoundland, which had been raised by Malcolm Fraser and Captain Campbell. Also, at the same time, there arrived the frigate Lizard, with L20,000 cash, all of which put new spirits into the garrison. The arrival of the veteran Maclean greatly diminished the chances of Colonel Arnold. Colonel Maclean now bent his energies towards saving the town; strengthened every point; enthused the lukewarm, and by emulation kept up a good spirit among them all. When General Carleton, leaving his army behind him, arrived in Quebec he found that Colonel Maclean had not only withstood the assaults of the Americans but had brought order and system out of chaos. In the final assault on the last day of the year, when the brave General Montgomery fell, the Highlanders were in the midst of the fray.

Many of the Americans were captured at this storming of Quebec. One of them narrates that "January 4th, on the next day, we were visited by Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by other officers, for a peculiar purpose, that is, to ascertain who among us were born in Europe. We had many Irishmen and some Englishmen. The question was put to each; those who admitted a British birth, were told they must serve his majesty in Colonel Maclean's regiment, a new corps, called the emigrants. Our poor fellows, under the fearful penalty of being carried to Britain, there to be tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, and many of them did enlist."[153]

Such men could hardly prove to be reliable, and it can be no astonishment to read what Major Henry Caldwell, one of the defenders of Quebec says of it:

"Of the prisoners we took, about 100 of them were Europeans, chiefly from Ireland; the greatest part of them engaged voluntarily in Col. McLean's corps, but about a dozen of them deserting in the course of a month, the rest were again confined, and not released till the arrival of the Isis, when they were again taken into the corps."[154]

Colonel Arnold despairing of capturing the town by assault, established himself on the Heights of Abraham, with the intention of cutting off supplies and blockading the town. In this situation he reduced the garrison to great straits, all communication with the country being cut off. He erected batteries and made several attempts to get possession of the lower town, but was foiled at every point by the vigilance of Colonel Maclean. On the approach of spring, Colonel Arnold, despairing of success, raised the siege.

The battalion remained in the province of Canada during the war, and was principally employed in small, but harrassing enterprises. In one of these, Captain Daniel Robertson, Lieutenant Hector Maclean, and Ensign Archibald Grant, with the grenadier company, marched twenty days through the woods with no other direction than the compass, and an Indian guide. The object being to surprise a small post in the interior, which was successful and attained without loss. By long practice in the woods the men had become very intelligent and expert in this kind of warfare.

The reason why this regiment was not with the army of General Burgoyne, and thus escaped the humiliation of the surrender at Saratoga, has been stated by that officer in the following language: that he proposed to leave in Canada "Maclean's Corps, because I very much apprehend desertions from such parts of it as are composed of Americans, should they come near the enemy. In Canada, whatsoever may be their disposition, it is not so easy to effect it."[155]

Notwithstanding the conduct of Colonel Allan Maclean at the siege of Quebec and his great zeal in behalf of Britain his corps was not yet recognized, though he had at the outset been promised establishment and rank for it. He therefore returned to England where he arrived on September 1, 1776, to seek justice for himself and men. They were not received until the close of 1778, when the regiment was numbered the 84th, at which time Sir Henry Clinton was appointed its Colonel, and the battalions ordered to be augmented to one thousand men each. The uniform was the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoons' instead of badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the men a half basket sword.

"On a St. Andrew's day a ball was given by the officers of the garrison in which they were quartered to the ladies in the vicinity. When one of the ladies entered the ball-room, and saw officers in the Highland dress, her sensitive delicacy revolted at what she though an indecency, declaring she would quit the room if these were to be her company. This occasioned some little embarrassment. An Indian lady, sister of the Chief Joseph Brant, who was present with her daughters, observing the bustle, inquired what was the matter, and being informed, she cried out, 'This must be a very indelicate lady to think of such a thing; she shows her own arms and elbows to all the men, and she pretends she cannot look at these officers' bare legs, although she will look at my husband's bare thighs for hours together; she must think of other things, or she would see no more shame in a man showing his legs, than she does in showing her neck and breast.' These remarks turned the laugh against the lady's squeamish delicacy, and the ball was permitted to proceed without the officers being obliged to retire."[156]

With every opportunity offered the first battalion to desert, in consequence of offers of land and other inducements held out by the Americans, not one native Highlander deserted; and only one Highlander was brought to the halberts during the time they were embodied.

The history of the formation of the two battalions is dissimilar; that of the second was not attended with so great difficulties. In the formation of the first all manner of devices were entered into, and various disguises were resorted to in order to escape detection. Even this did not always protect them.

"It is beyond the power of Expression to give an Idea of the expence & trouble our Officers have Undergone in these expeditions into the Rebellious provinces. Some of them have been fortunate enough to get off Undiscovered—But Many have been taken abused by Mobs in an Outragious manner & cast into prisons with felons, where they have Suffered all the Evils that revengeful Rage ignorance Bigotry & Inhumanity could inflict—There has been even Skirmishes on such Occasions.***** It was an uncommon Exertion in one of our Offrs. to make his Escape with forty highlanders from the Mohawk river to Montreal havg. had nothing to eat for ten days but their Dogs & herbs & in another to have on his private Credit & indeed ruin, Victualled a Considerable Number of Soldiers he had engaged in hopes of getting off with them to Canada, but being at last taken & kept in hard imprisonmt for near a year by the Rebels to have effected his escape & Collecting his hundred men to have brot them thro' the Woods lately from near Abany to Canada."[157]

Difficulties in the formation of the regiment and placing it on the establishment grew out of the opposition of Governor Legge, and from him, through General Gage transmitted to the ministry, when all enlistments, for the time being were prohibited. The officers, from the start had been assured that the regiment should be placed on the establishment, and each should be entitled to his rank and in case of reduction should go on half pay. The officers should consist of those on half pay who had served in the last war, and had settled in America. When the regiment had been established and numbered, through the exertions of Colonel Maclean the ranks were rapidly filled, and the previous difficulties overcome.

The winter of 1775-1776, was very severe on the second battalion. Although stationed in Halifax they were without sufficient clothing or proper food, or pay, and the officer in charge—Captain Alexander McDonald—without authority to draw money, or a regular warrant to receive it. In January "the men were almost stark naked for want of clothing," and even bare-footed. The plaids and Kilmarnocks could not be had. As late as March 1st there was "not a shoe nor a bit of leather to be had in Halifax for either love or money," and men were suffering from their frosted feet. "The men made a horrid and scandalous appearance on duty, insulted and despised by the soldiers of the other corps." In April 1778, clothing that was designed for the first battalion, having been consigned to Halifax, was taken by Captain McDonald and distributed to the men of the second. Out of this grew an acrimonious correspondence. Of the food, Captain McDonald writes:

"We are served Served Since prior to September last with Flower that is Rank poison at lest Bread made of Such flower—The Men of our Regiment that are in Command at the East Battery brought me a Sample of the fflower they received for a Months provision, it was exactly like Chalk & as Sower as Vinegarr I asked the Doctors opinion of it who told me it was Sufficient to Destroy all the Regiment to eatt Bread made of Such fflower; it is hard when Mens Lives are So precious and so much wanted for the Service of their King and country, that they Should thus wantonly be Sported with to put money in the pocket of any individuall."[158]

It appears to have been the policy to break up the second battalion and have it serve on detached duty. Hence a detachment was sent to Newfoundland, another to Annapolis, at Cumberland, Fort Howe, Fort Edward, Fort Sackville and Windsor, but rallying at Halifax as the headquarters—to say nothing of those sent to the Southern States. No wonder Captain McDonald complains, "We have absolutely been worse used than any one Regiment in America and has done more duty and Drudgery of all kinds than any other Bn. in America these thre Years past and it is but reasonable Just and Equitable that we should now be Suffered to Join together at least as early as possible in the Spring and let some Other Regimt relieve the difft. posts we at present Occupy."[159]

But it was not all garrison duty. Writing from Halifax, under date of July 13th, 1777, Captain McDonald says:

"Another Attempt has been made from New England to invade this province wch. is also defeated by a detachmt from our Regt & the Marines on board of Captn Hawker. Our Detachmt went on board of him here & he having a Quick passage to the River St John's wch. divides Nova Scotia from New England & where the Rebells were going to take post & Rebuild the old fort that was there the last War. Immediately on Captn Hawker's Arrival there Our men under the Commd. of Ensn. Jno McDonald & the Marines under that of a Lieut were landed & Engaged the Enemy who were abt. a hundred Strong & after a Smart firing & some killed & wounded on both Sides the Rebells ran with the greatest precipitation & Confusion to their boats. Some of our light Armed vessells pursued them & I hope before this time they are either taken or starving in the Woods."[160]

Whatever may be said of the good behavior of the men of the second battalion, there were three at least whom Captain McDonald describes as "rascales." He also gives the following severe rebuke to one of the officers:

"Halifax 16th Febry 1777 Mr. Jas. McDonald.

I am sorry to inform you that every Accot I receive from Windsor is very unfavorable in regard to you. Your Cursed Carelessness & slovenlyness about your own Body and your dress Nothing going on but drinking Calybogus Schewing Tobacco & playing Cards in place of that decentness & Cleanliness that all Gentlemen who has the least Regard for themselves & Character must & does observe. I am afraid from your Conduct that you will be no Credit or honor to the Memories of those Worthies from whom you are descended & if you have no regard for them or your self I need not expect you'll be at any pains to be of Any Credit to me for anything I can do for you. I am about Giving you Rank agreeable to Col. McLean's plan & on Accot. of your having bro't more men to the Regimt. than either Mr. Fitz Gerd. or Campbell You are to be the Second in Command at that post Lt. Fitz Ger'd. the third & Campbell the fourth. And I hope I shall never have Occasion to write to you in this Manner again. I beg you will begin now to mend your hand to write & learn to keep Accots. that you may be able to do Some thing like an officer if ever you expect to make a figure in the Army You must Change your plan & lay yr. money out to Acquire such Accomplishm'ts befitting an officer rather than Tobacco, Calybogus and the Devil knows what. I am tired of Scolding of you, so will say no more."[161]

But little has been recorded of the five companies of the second battalion that joined Sir Henry Clinton and lord Cornwallis. The company called grenadiers was in the battle of Eutaw Springs, South Carolina, fought September 8, 1781. This was one of the most closely contested battles of the Revolution, in which the grenadier company was in the thickest and severest of the fight. The British army, under Colonel Alexander Stuart, of the 3rd regiment was drawn up in a line extending from Eutaw creek to an eighth of a mile southward. The Irish Buffs (third regiment) formed the right; Lieutenant Colonel Cruger's Loyalists the center; and the 63rd and 64th regiments the left. Near the creek was a flank battalion of infantry and the grenadiers, under Major Majoribanks, partially covered and concealed by a thicket on the bank of the stream. The Americans, under General Greene, having routed two advanced detachments, fell with great spirit on the main body. After the battle had been stubbornly contested for some time, Major Majoribank's command was ordered up, and terribly galled the American flanks. In attempting to dislodge them, the Americans received a terrible volley from behind the thicket. Soon the entire British line fell back, Major Majoribanks covering the movement. They abandoned their camp, destroyed their stores and many fled precipitately towards Charleston, while Major Majoribanks halted behind the palisades of a brick house. The American soldiers, in spite of the orders of General Greene and the efforts of their officers began to pillage the camp, instead of attempting to dislodge Major Majoribanks. A heavy fire was poured upon the Americans who were in the British camp, from the force that had taken refuge in the brick house, while Major Majoribanks moved from his covert on the right. The light horse or legion of Colonel Henry Lee, remaining under the control of that officer, followed so closely upon those who had fled to the house that the fugitives in closing the doors shut out two or three of their own officers. Those of the legion who had followed to the door seized each a prisoner, and interposing him as a shield retreated beyond the fire from the windows. Among those captured was Captain Barre, a brother of the celebrated Colonel Barre of the British parliament, having been seized by Captain Manning. In the terror of the moment Barre began to recite solemnly his titles: "I am Sir Henry Barre deputy adjutant general of the British army, captain of the 52nd regiment, secretary of the commandant at Charleston—" "Are you indeed?" interrupted Captain Manning; "you are my prisoner now, and the very man I was looking for; come along with me." He then placed his titled prisoner between him and the fire of the enemy, and retreated.

The arrest of the Americans by Major Majoribanks and the party that had fled into the brick house, gave Colonel Stuart an opportunity to rally his forces, and while advancing, Major Majoribanks poured a murderous fire into the legion of Colonel Lee, which threw them into confusion. Perceiving this, he sallied out seized the two field pieces and ran them under the windows of the house. Owing to the crippled condition of his army, and the shattering of his cavalry by the force of Major Majoribanks, General Greene ordered a retreat, after a conflict of four hours. The British repossessed the camp, but on the following day decamped, abandoning seventy-two of their wounded. Considering the numbers engaged, both parties lost heavily. The Americans had one hundred and thirty rank and file killed, three hundred and eighty-five wounded, and forty missing. The loss of the British, according to their own report, was six hundred and ninety-three men, of whom eighty-five were killed.

At the conclusion of the war the transports bearing the companies were ordered to Halifax, where the men were discharged; but, owing to the violence of the weather, and a consequent loss of reckoning, they made the island of Nevis and St. Kitt's instead of Halifax. This delayed the final reduction till 1784. In the distant quarters of the first battalion, they were forgotten. By their agreement they should have been discharged in April 1783, but orders were not sent until July 1784.

It is possible that a roll of the officers of the second battalion may be in existence. The following names of the officers are preserved in McDonald's "Letter-Book":

Major John Small, commandant; Captains Alexander McDonald, Duncan Campbell, Ronald McKinnon, Murdoch McLean, Alexander Campbell, John McDonald and Allan McDonald; Lieutenants Gerald Fitzgerald, Robert Campbell, James McDonald and Lachlan McLean; Ensign John Day; chaplain, Doctor Boynton.

The uniform of the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment was the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoon's instead of badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the men a half basket sword, as previously stated.

At the conclusion of the war grants of land were given to the officers and men, in the proportion of five thousand acres to a field officer, three thousand to a captain, five hundred to a subaltern, two hundred to a serjeant and one hundred to each soldier. All those who had settled in America previous to the war, remained, and took possession of their lands, but many of the others returned to Scotland. The men of Major Small's battalion went to Nova Scotia, where they settled a township, and gave it the name of Douglas, in Hants County; but a number settled on East River.

The first to come to East River, of the 84th, was big James Fraser, in company with Donald McKay and fifteen of his comrades, and took up a tract of three thousand four hundred acres extending along both sides of the river. Their discharges are dated April 10, 1784, but the grant November 3, 1785. About the same time of the occupation of the East River, in Pictou County, the West Branch was occupied by men of the same regiment; the first of whom were David McLean and John Fraser.

The settlers of East Branch, or River, of the 84th, on the East side were Donald Cameron, a native of Urquhart, Scotland; served eight years; possessed one hundred and fifty acres; his son Duncan served two years as a drummer boy in the regiment. Alexander Cameron, one hundred acres. Robert Clark, one hundred acres. Finlay Cameron, four hundred. Samuel Cameron, one hundred acres. James Fraser, a native of Strathglass, three hundred and fifty acres. Peter Grant, James McDonald, Hugh McDonald, one hundred acres.

On the west side of same river: James Fraser, one hundred acres. Duncan McDonald, one hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres. Samuel Cameron, three hundred acres. John Chisholm, sen., three hundred acres. John Chisholm, jun., two hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres.

Those who settled at West Branch and other places on East River were, William Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred and fifty acres. John McKay, three hundred acres. John Robertson, four hundred and fifty. William Robertson, two hundred acres. John Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, from Inverness, two hundred acres. Thomas McKinzie, one hundred acres. David McLean, a sergeant in the army, five hundred acres. Alexander Cameron, three hundred acres. Hector McLean, four hundred acres. John Forbes, from Inverness, four hundred acres. Alexander McLean, five hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, Jun., one hundred acres. James McLellan, from Inverness, five hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, from Strathglass, three hundred and fifty acres. Robert Dundas (four hundred and fifty acres), Alexander Dunbar (two hundred acres), and William Dunbar, (three hundred acres), all three brothers, from Inverness, and of the 84th regiment. James Cameron, 84th regiment, three hundred acres. John McDougall, two hundred and fifty acres. John Chisholm, three hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, Jun., from Inverness, four hundred acres. Robert Clark, 84th, one hundred acres. Donald Shaw, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Alexander McIntosh, from Inverness, five hundred acres, and John McLellan, from Inverness, one hundred acres. Of the grantees of the West Branch, those designated from Inverness, were from the parish of Urquhart and served in the 84th, as did also those so specified. It is more than probable that all the others were not in the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment, or even served in the war.

The members of the first, or Colonel MacLean's battalion settled in Canada, many of whom at Montreal, where they rallied around their chaplain, John Bethune. This gentleman acted as chaplain of the Highlanders in North Carolina, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. After remaining a prisoner for about a year, he was released, and made his way to Nova Scotia and for some time resided at Halifax. He received the appointment of chaplain in the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment. He received a grant of three thousand acres, located in Glengarry, and having a growing family to provide for, each of whom was entitled to two hundred acres, he removed to Williamstown, then the principal settlement in Glengarry. Besides his allotment of land, he retired from the army on half pay. In his new home he ever maintained an honorable life.

FORTY-SECOND OR ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT.

The 42nd, or Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders, left America in 1767, and sailed direct for Cork, Ireland. In 1775 the regiment embarked at Donaghadee, and landed at Port Patrick, after an absence of thirty-two years from Scotland. From Port Patrick it marched to Glasgow. Shortly after its arrival in Glasgow two companies were added, and all the companies were augmented to one hundred rank and file, and when completed numbered one thousand and seventy-five men, including serjeants and drummers.

Hitherto the officers had been entirely Highlanders and Scotch. Contrary to the remonstrances of lord John Murray, the lord lieutenant of Ireland succeeded in admitting three English officers into the regiment, Lieutenants Crammond, Littleton, and Franklin, thus cancelling the commissions of Lieutenants Grant and Mackenzie. Of the soldiers nine hundred and thirty-one were Highlanders, seventy-four Lowland Scotch, five English, one Welsh and two Irish.

On account of the breaking out of hostilities the regiment was ordered to embark for America. The recruits were instructed in the use of the firelock, and, from the shortness of the time allowed, were even drilled by candle-light. New arms and accoutrements were supplied to the men, and the Colonel, at his own expense, furnished them with broad swords and pistols.

April 14, 1776, the Royal Highlanders, in conjunction with Fraser's Highlanders, embarked at Greenock to join an expedition under General Howe against the Americans. After some delay, both regiments sailed on May 1st under the convoy of the Flora, of thirty-two guns, and a fleet of thirty-two ships, the Royal Highlanders being commanded by Colonel Thomas Stirling of Ardoch. Four days after they had sailed, the transports separated in a gale of wind. Some of the scattered transports of both regiments fell in with General Howe's army on their voyage from Halifax; and others, having received information of this movement, followed the main body and joined the army at Staten Island.

When Washington took possession of Dorchester heights, on the night of March 4, 1776, the situation of General Howe, in Boston, became critical, and he was forced to evacuate the city with precipitation. He left no cruisers in Boston bay to warn expected ships from England that the city was no longer in his possession. This was very fortunate for the Americans, for a few days later several store-ships sailed into the harbor and were captured. The Scotch fleet also headed that way, and some of the transports, not having received warning, were also taken in the harbor, but principally of Fraser's Highlanders. By the last of June, about seven hundred and fifty Highlanders belonging to the Scotch fleet, were prisoners in the hands of the Americans.

The Royal Highlanders lost but one of their transports, the Oxford, and at the same time another transport in company with her, having on board recruits for Fraser's Highlanders, in all two hundred and twenty men. They were made prizes of by the Congress privateer, and all the officers, arms and ammunition were taken from the Oxford, and all the soldiers were placed on board that vessel with a prize crew of ten men to carry her into port. In a gale of wind the vessels became separated, and then the carpenter of the Oxford formed a party and retook her, and sailed for the Chesapeake. On June 20th, they sighted Commodore James Barron's vessel, and dispatched a boat with a sergeant, one private and one of the men who were put on board by the Congress to make inquiry. The latter finding a convenient opportunity, informed Commodore Barren of their situation, upon which he boarded and took possession of the Oxford, and brought her to Jamestown. The men were marched to Williamsburgh, Virginia, where every inducement was held out to them to join the American cause. When the promise of military promotion failed to have an effect, they were then informed that they would have grants of fertile land, upon which they could live in happiness and freedom. They declared they would take no land save what they deserved by supporting the king. They were then separated into small parties and sent into the back settlements; and were not exchanged until 1778, when they rejoined their regiments.

Before General Sir William Howe's army arrived, or even any vessels of his fleet, the transport Crawford touched at Long Island. Under date of June 24, 1776, General Greene notified Washington that "the Scotch prisoners, with their baggage, have arrived at my Quarters." The list of prisoners are thus given:

"Forty second or Royal Highland Regiment: Captain John Smith and Lieutenant Robert Franklin. Seventy-first Regiment: Captain Norman McLeod and lady and maid; Lieutenant Roderick McLeod; Ensign Colin Campbell and lady; Surgeon's Mate, Robert Boyce; John McAlister, Master of the Crawford transport; Norman McCullock, a passenger: two boys, servants; McDonald, servant to Robert Boyce; Shaw, servant to Captain McLeod. Three boys, servants, came over in the evening."[162]

General Howe, on board the frigate Greyhound, arrived in the Narrows, from Halifax, on June 25th, accompanied by two other ships-of-war. He came in advance of the fleet that bore his army, in order to consult with Governor Tryon and ascertain the position of affairs at New York. For three or four days after his arrival armed vessels kept coming, and on the twenty-ninth the main body of the fleet arrived, and the troops were immediately landed on Staten Island. General Howe was soon after reinforced by English regulars and German mercenaries, and at about the same time Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Parker, with their broken forces came from the south and joined them. Before the middle of August all the British reinforcements had arrived at Staten Island and General Howe's army was raised to a force of thirty thousand men. On August 22nd, a large body of troops, under cover of the guns of the Rainbow, landed upon Long Island. Soon after five thousand British and Hessian troops poured over the sides of the English ships and transports and in small boats and galleys were rowed to the Long Island shore, covered by the guns of the Phoenix, Rose and Greyhound. The invading force on Long Island numbered fifteen thousand, well armed and equipped, and having forty heavy cannon.

The three Highland battalions were first landed on Staten Island, and immediately a grenadier battalion was formed by Major Charles Stuart. The staff appointments were taken from the Royal Highlanders. The three light companies also formed a battalion in the brigade under Lieutenant-Colonel Abercromby. The grenadiers were remarkable for strength and height, and considered equal to any company in the army. The eight battalion companies were formed into two temporary battalions, the command of one was given to Major William Murray, and that of the other to Major William Grant. These small battalions were brigaded under Sir William Erskine, and placed in the reserve, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, under command of lord Cornwallis.

Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling, from the moment of landing, was active in drilling the 42d in the methods of fighting practiced in the French and Indian war, in which he was well versed. The Highlanders made rapid progress in this discipline, being, in general, excellent marksmen.

It was about this time that the broadswords and pistols received at Glasgow were laid aside. The pistols were considered unnecessary, except in the field. The broadswords retarded the men when marching by getting entangled in the brushwood.

The reserve of Howe's army was landed first at Gravesend Bay, and being moved immediately forward to Flat Bush, the Highlanders and a corps of Hessians were detached to a little distance, where they encamped. The whole army encamped in front of the villages of Gravesend and Utrecht. A woody range of hills, which intersected the country from east to west, divided the opposing armies.

General Howe resolved to bring on a general action and make the attack in three divisions. The right wing under General Clinton seized, on the night of August 26th, a pass on the heights, about three miles from Bedford. The main body pushed into the level country which lay between the hills and the lines of General Israel Putnam. Whilst these movements were in process, Major-General Grant of Ballindalloch, with his brigade, supported by the Royal Highlanders from the reserve, was directed to march from the left along the coast to the Narrows, and make an attack in that quarter. At nine o'clock, on the morning of the 22nd, the right wing having reached Bedford, attacked the left of the American army, which, after a short resistance, quitted the woody grounds, and in confusion retired to their lines, pursued by the British troops, Colonel Stuart leading with his battalion of Highland grenadiers. When the firing at Bedford was heard at Flat Bush, the Hessians advanced, and, attacking the center of the American army, drove them through the woods, capturing three cannon. Previously, General Grant, with the left of the army, commenced the attack with a cannonade against the Americans under lord Stirling. The object of lord Stirling was to defend the pass and keep General Grant in check. He was in the British parliament when Grant made his speech against the Americans, and addressing his soldiers said, in allusion to the boasting Grant that he would "undertake to march from one end of the continent to the other, with five thousand men." "He may have his five thousand men with him now—we are not so many—but I think we are enough to prevent his advancing further on his march over the continent, than that mill-pond," pointing to the head of Gowanus bay. This little speech had a powerful effect, and in the action showed how keenly they felt the insult. General Grant had been instructed not to press an attack until informed by signal-guns from the right wing. These signals were not given until eleven o'clock, at which time lord Stirling was hemmed in. When the truth flashed upon him he hurled a few of his men against lord Cornwallis, in order to keep him at bay while a part of his army might escape. Lord Cornwallis yielded, and when on the point or retreating received large reinforcements which turned the fortunes of the day against the Americans. General Grant drove the remains of lord Stirling's army before him, which escaped across Gowanus creek, by wading and swimming.