He had Selim caparisoned with his elegant new saddle and holsters, with his silver-mounted pistols. Then giving Sergeant Macdonald a warm breakfast, and loaning him his great coat, he sent him off, with the promise that he would, the next morning, come and see how Colonel Tarleton was pleased with Selim. Accordingly he waited on the English colonel, told him his name with a smiling countenance; but, to his mortification received no special notice. After partially recovering from his embarrassment he asked Colonel Tarleton how he liked his charger.

"Charger, sir?" said the colonel.

"Yes, sir, the elegant horse I sent you yesterday."

"The elegant horse you sent me, sir?"

"Yes, sir, and by your sergeant, sir, as he called himself."

"An elegant horse! and by my sergeant? Why really, sir, I-I-I don't understand all this."

"Why, my dear, good sir, did you not send a sergeant yesterday with your compliments to me, and a request that I would send you my very best horse for a charger, which I did?"

"No, sir, never!" replied the colonel; "I never sent a sergeant on any such errand. Nor till this moment did I ever know that there existed on earth such a being as you."

The old man turned black in the face; he shook throughout; and as soon as he could recover breath and power of speech, he broke out into a torrent of curses, enough to make one shudder at his blasphemy. Nor was Colonel Tarleton much behind him when he learned what a valuable animal had slipped through his hands.

When Sergeant Macdonald was asked how he could reconcile the taking of the horse he replied:

"Why, sir, as to that matter, people will think differently; but for my part I hold that all is fair in war; and besides, sir, if I had not taken him Colonel Tarleton, no doubt, would have got him. And then, with such a swift strong charger as this he might do us as much harm as I hope to do to them."

Harm he did with a vengeance; for he had no sense of fear; and for strength he could easily drive his sword through cap and skull of an enemy with irresistible force. He was fond of Selim, and kept him to the top of his metal; Selim was not much his debtor; for, at the first glimpse of a red-coat, he would paw, and champ his iron bit with rage; and the moment of command, he was off among them like a thunderbolt. The gallant Highlander never stopped to count the number, but would dash into the thickest of the fight, and fall to hewing and cutting down like an uncontrollable giant.

General Horry, when lamenting the death of his favorite sergeant said that the first time he saw him fight was when the British held Georgetown; and with the sergeant the two set out alone to reconnoitre. The two concealed themselves in a clump of pines near the road, with the enemy's lines in full view. About sunrise five dragoons left the town and dashed up the road towards the place where the heroes were concealed. The face of Sergeant Macdonald kindled up with the joy of battle. "Zounds, Macdonald," said General Horry, "here's an odds against us, five to two." "By my soul now captain," he replied, "and let 'em come on. Three are welcome to the sword of Macdonald." When the dragoons were fairly opposite, the two, with drawn sabres broke in upon them like a tornado. The panic was complete; two were immediately overthrown, and the remaining three wheeled about and dashed for the town, applying the whip and spur to their steeds. The sergeant mounted upon the swift-footed Selim out-distanced his companion, and single-handed cut down two of the foe. The remaining one would have met a like fate had not the guns of the fort protected him. Although quickly pursued by the relief, the sergeant had the address to bring off an elegant horse of one of the dragoons whom he had killed.

A day or two after the victory of General Marion over Colonel Tynes, near the Black river, General Horry took Captain Baxter, Lieutenant Postell and Sergeant Macdonald, with thirty privates, to see if some advantage could not be gained over the enemy near the lines of Georgetown. While partaking of a meal at the house of a planter, a British troop attempted to surprise them. The party leaped to their saddles and were soon in hot pursuit of the foe. While all were excellently mounted, yet no horse could keep pace with Selim. He was the hindmost when the race began, but with widespread nostrils, long extended neck, and glaring eyeballs, he seemed to fly over the course. Coming up with the enemy Sergeant Macdonald drew his claymore, and rising on his stirrups, with high-uplifted arm, he waved it three times in circles over his head, and then with terrific force brought it down upon the fleeing dragoon. One of the British officers snapped his pistol at him, but before he could try another the sergeant cut him down. Immediately after, at a blow apiece, three more dragoons were brought to the earth by the resistless claymore. Of the twenty-five, not a man escaped, save one officer, who struck off at right angles, for a swamp, which he gained, and so cleared himself. So frightened was Captain Meriot, the British officer, that his hair, from a bright auburn, before night, had turned gray.



On the following day General Horry encountered one third of Colonel Gainey's men, and in the encounter the latter lost one half his men who were in the action. In the conflict, as usual the sergeant performed prodigies of valor. Later in the day Colonel Gainey's regiment again commenced the attack, when Sergeant Macdonald made a dash for the leader, in full confidence of getting a gallant charger. Colonel Gainey proved to have been well mounted; but the sergeant, regarding but the one enemy passed all others. He afterwards said he could have slain several in the charge, but wished for no meaner object than their leader. Only one, who threw himself in the way, became his victim, whom he shot down as they went at full speed along the Black river road. When they reached the corner of Richmond fence, the sergeant had gained so far upon his enemy, as to be able to plunge his bayonet into his back. The steel parted from the gun, and, with no time to extricate it, Colonel Gainey rushed into Georgetown, with the weapon still conspicuously showing how close and eager had been the charge, and how narrow the escape. The wound was not fatal.

On another occasion General Marion ordered Captain Withers to take Sergeant Macdonald, with four volunteers, and search out the intentions of the enemy in Georgetown. On the way they stopped at a wayside house and drank too much brandy. Sergeant Macdonald, feeling the effects of the potion, with a red face, reined up Selim, and drawing his claymore, began to pitch and prance about, cutting and slashing the empty air, and cried out, "Huzza, boys! let's charge!" Then clapping spurs to their steeds these six men, huzzaing and flourishing their swords, charged at full tilt into a town garrisoned by three hundred British. The enemy supposing this was the advance guard of General Marion, fled to their redoubts; but all were not fortunate enough to reach that haven, for several were overtaken and cut down in the streets, among whom was a sergeant-major, who fell from a back-handed stroke of a claymore dealt by Sergeant Macdonald. Out of the town the young men galloped without receiving any injury.

Not long after the above incident, the sergeant, as usual employing himself in watching the movements of the British, climbed up into a bushy tree, and thence, with a musket loaded with pistol bullets, fired at the guard as they passed by; of whom he killed one man and badly wounded Lieutenant Torquano; then sliding down the tree, mounted Selim, and was soon out of harm's was. Repassing the Black river he left his clothes behind him, which were seized by the enemy. He sent word to Colonel Watson if he did not immediately send back his clothes, he would kill eight of his men to compensate for them. He felt it was a point of honor that he should recover his clothes. Colonel Watson greatly irritated by a late defeat, was furious at the audacious message. He contemptuously ordered the messenger to return; but some of his officers, aware of the character of the sergeant, urged that the clothes might be returned to the partisan, as he would positively keep his word. Colonel Watson yielded, and when the messenger returned to the sergeant, he said, "You may now tell Colonel Watson that I will kill but four of his men."

The last relation of Sergeant Macdonald, as given by General Peter Horry, is in reference to Captains Snipes and McCauley, with the sergeant and forty men, having surprised and cut to pieces a large party of the enemy near Charleston.

Sergeant Macdonald did not live to reap the fruit of his labors, or even to see his country free. He was killed at the siege of Fort Motte, May 12, 1781. In this fort was stationed a British garrison of one hundred and fifty men under Captain McPherson, which had been reinforced by a small force of dragoons sent from Charleston with dispatches for lord Rawdon. General Marion, with the assistance of Colonel Henry Lee, laid siege to the fortress, which was compelled to surrender, owing to the burning of the mansion in the center of the works. Mrs. Rebecca Motte, the lady that owned the mansion, furnished the bow and arrows used to carry the fire to the roof of the building. Nathan Savage, a private in the ranks of General Marion's men, winged the arrow with the lighted torch. The British did not lose a man, and General Marion lost two of his bravest,—Lieutenant Cruger and Sergeant Macdonald. His resting place is unknown. No monument has been erected to his memory; but his name will endure so long as men shall pay respect to heroism and devotion to country.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 178: Spark's Washington's Writings, Vol. III, p. 62.]

[Footnote 179: Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 430.]

[Footnote 180: Ibid, Vol. IX, p. 186.]

[Footnote 181: Ibid, Vol. V, p. 85.]

[Footnote 182: Ibid, Vol. V, p. 361.]

[Footnote 183: Notes on the North-Western Territory, p. 378]



APPENDIX.

Since the publication of "Scotch Highlanders in America," I have secured the following complete list of the officers of the 2nd Battalion of the 84th or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, from hon. Aeneas A. MacDonald, Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. He also has a complete list of the enlisted men. The original document is in private hands in St. John, N.B.

LIST OF OFFICERS OF 2ND BATTALION OF ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANTS.

Muster of January 21st, 1778, at Halifax 2nd Battalion of His Majesty's Young Royal Highland Regiment of Foot whereof the Honble Lieut. Genl. Thomas Gage is Colonel in Chief.

1st Company, Major Commandant, John Small, Commissioned June 13th, 1715, and April 8th, 1777; Captain Lieutenant, John MacLean, Commissioned April 9th, 1776; Ensign, Lauchlan McQuarrie, Commissioned April 9th, 1776; Chaplain, Revd Alexr McKenzie, Commissioned July 12th, 1776, Absent by leave, Revd Doctr Brinston officiating; Adjutant, Hector MacLean, Commissioned April 25th, 1776; Quarter Master, Angus Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Surgeon, George Fr. Boyd, Commissioned May 8th, 1776; Surgeon's Mate, Donald Cameron, Commissioned Oct 25th, 1776. 3 Sergeants 3 Corporals 2 Drummers and 46 Privates.

2nd Company, Captain, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775: Lieutenant, Gerald Fitzgerald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; On recruiting service in Newfoundland; Ensign, Kenneth Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 38 Privates.

3rd Company, Captain, Duncan Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Lieutenant, Thomas Lunden, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Ensign, Christr Seaton, Commissioned April 9th, 1777. 8 non-commissioned officers and 48 Privates.

4th Company, Captain, Ronald McKinnon, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Lieutenants, Robert Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, and James McDonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates.

5th Company, Captain, Alexr Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Absent on Comr in Chief's leave; Lieutenant, Samuel Bliss, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Ensign, Joseph Hawkins, Commissioned Decr 25th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates.

6th or Grenadier Company, Captain, Murdoch McLaine, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Recruiting; Lieutenants, Lauchlin McLaine, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Charles McDonald, Commissioned May 18th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates.

7th Company, Captain, Neil McLean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Serving with the Army in Canada and under orders to join; Lieutenant, Hugh Frazier, Commissioned Feby 27th, 1776, Prisoner with the Rebels; Ensign, John Macdonald, Commissioned Octr 7th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 32 Privates.

8th Company, Captain, Allen Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with Rebels; Lieutenant, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with Rebels; Ensign, Alexr Maclean, Commissioned Decr 25th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates.

9th Company, Captain, John Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Lieutenant, Alexr McDonell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with the Rebels; Ensign, James Robertson, Commissioned Oct 30th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates.

10th Company, Captain, Allan Macdonnell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with the Rebels; Lieutenant, John Macdonnell, Major Genl Massey's leave; Ensign, Hector Maclean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 40 Privates.

At this Muster the 3rd or Captain Duncan Campbell's Company and the 5th or Captain Alexr Campbell's Company could not have been present as the Muster Rolls of these Companies, while containing the list of Officers and Men, are not completed and not signed by the officers or by the Deputy Officer taking the Muster. The 5th Company was in Newfoundland at the time and the 3rd probably there also.

At a Muster of the Regiment held at Halifax on 2nd of September 1778 the Regiment appears as His Majesty's Royal Highland Regiment of Emigrants.



APPENDIX.

NOTE A.

FIRST EMIGRANTS TO AMERICA.

Parties bearing Highland names were in America and the West Indies during the seventeenth century, none of whom may have been born north of the Grampians. The records fail to give us the details. It has been noted that on May 15, 1635, Henri Donaldson left London for Virginia on the Plaine Joan, the master of which was Richard Buckam. On May 28, 1635, Melaskus McKay was transported from the same port and to the same place, on board the Speedwell, Jo. Chappell, master. Dowgall Campbell and his wife Mary were living in Barbadoes, September 1678, as was also Patric Campel, in August 1679. Malcum Fraser was physician on board the Betty, that carried seventy-five "convicted rebells," one of whom was a woman, in 1685, sailed from Port Weymouth for the Barbadoes, and there sold into slavery. Many persons by name of Morgan also left various English ports during that century, but as they occur in conjunction with that of Welsh names it is probable they were from the same country.

NOTE B.

LETTER OF DONALD MACPHERSON.

Communication between the two countries was difficult and uncertain, which would inevitably, in a short time, stop friendly correspondence. More or less effort was made to keep up old friendships. The friends in the New World did not leave behind them their love for the Highlands, for home, for father and mother. The following curious letter has been preserved from Donald MacPherson, a young Highland lad, who had been sent to Virginia with Captain Toline, and was born near the house of Culloden where his father lived, and addressed to him. It was written about 1727:

"Portobago in Marilante, 2 June, 17—. Teer Lofen Kynt Fater:

Dis is te lat ye ken, dat I am in quid healt, plessed be Got for dat, houpin te here de lyk frae yu, as I am yer nane sin, I wad a bine ill leart gin I had na latten yu ken tis, be kaptin Rogirs skep dat geangs te Innernes, per cunnan I dinna ket sika anither apertunti dis towmen agen. De skep dat I kam in was a lang tym o de see cumin oure heir, but plissis pi Got for a'ting wi a kepit our heels unco weel, pat Shonie Magwillivray dat hat ay sair heet. Dere was saxty o's a'kame inte te quintry hel a lit an lim an nane o's a'dyit pat Shonie Magwillivray an an otter Ross lad dat kam oure wi's an mai pi dem twa wad a dyit gintey hed bitten at hame. Pi mi fait I kanna kamplin for kumin te dis quintry, for mestir Nicols, Lort pliss hem, pat mi till a pra mestir, dey ca him Shon Bayne, an hi lifes in Marylant in te rifer Potomak, he nifer gart mi wark ony ting pat fat I lykit mi sel: de meast o a' mi wark is waterin a pra stennt hors, and pringin wyn an pread ut o de seller te mi mestir's tebil. Sin efer I kam til him I nefer wantit a pottle o petter ele nor isi m a' Shon Glass hous, for I ay set toun wi de pairns te dennir. Mi mestir seys til mi, fan I kon speek lyk de fouk hier dat I sanna pe pidden di nating pat gar his plackimors wurk, for de fyt fouk dinna ise te wurk pat te first yeer aftir dey kum in te de quintry. Tey speek a' lyk de sogers in Inerness. Lofen fater, fan de sarvants hier he deen wi der mestirs, dey grou unco rich, an its ne wonter for day mak a hantil o tombako; and des sivites anahels and de sheries an de pires grou in de wuds wantin tyks apout dem, De Swynes te ducks and durkies geangs en de wuds wantin mestirs. De tombako grous shust lyk de dockins en de bak o de lairts yart an de skeps dey kum fra ilka place an bys dem an gies a hantel o silder an gier for dem. Mi nane mestir kam til de quintry a sarfant an weil I wot hi's nou wort mony a susan punt. Fait ye mey pelive mi de pirest plantir hire lifes amost as weil as de lairt o Collottin. Mai pi fan mi tim is ut I wel kom hem an sie yu pat not for de fust nor de neest yeir til I gater somtig o mi nane, for I fan I ha dun wi mi mestir, hi maun gi mi a plantashon te set mi up, its de quistium hier in dis quintry; an syn I houp te gar yu trink wyn insteat o tippeni in Innerness. I wis I hat kum our hier twa or tri yiers seener nor I dit, syn I wad ha kum de seener hame, pat Got bi tanket dat I kam sa seen as I dit. Gin yu koud sen mi owr be ony o yur Innesness skeps, ony ting te mi, an it war as muckle clays as mak a quelt it wad, mey pi, gar mi meistir tink te mere o mi. It's tru I ket clays eneu fe him bat out ting fe yu wad luck weel an pony, an ant plese Got gin I life, I sal pey yu pack agen. Lofen fater, de man dat wryts dis letir for mi is van Shames Macheyne, hi lifes shust a myl fe mi, hi hes pin unko kyn te mi sin efer I kam te de quintrie. Hi wes porn en Petic an kom our a sarfant fe Klesgou an hes peen hes nane man twa yeirs, an has sax plockimors wurkin til hem alrety makin tombako ilka tay. Heil win hem, shortly an a' te geir dat he hes wun hier an py a lerts kip at hem. Luck dat yu duina forket te vryt til mi ay, fan yu ket ony occashion: Got Almichte plis yu Fater an a de leve o de hous, for I hana forkoten nane o yu, nor dinna yu forket mi, for plise Got I sal kum hem wi gier eneuch te di yu a' an mi nane sel guid. I weit yu will be veri vokie, fan yu sii yur nane sins fesh agen, for I heive leirt a hautle hevens sin I sau yu an I am unco buick leirt.

A tis fe yur lofen an Opetient Sin, Tonal Mackaferson.

Directed—For Shames Mackaferson neir te Lairt o Collottin's hous, neir Innerness en de Nort o Skotlan."[184]

NOTE C.

EMIGRATION DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

The emigration from the Highlands to America was so pronounced that the Scottish papers, notably the "Edinburgh Evening Courant," the "Caledonian Mercury," and the "Scots Magazine," made frequent reference and bemoan its prevalence. It was even felt in London, for the "Gentleman's Magazine" was also forced to record it. While all these details may not be of great interest, yet to obtain a fair idea of this movement, some record will be of service.

The "Scots Magazine," for September 1769, records that the ship Molly sailed from Islay on August 21st of that year full of passengers to settle in North Carolina; which was the third emigration from Argyle "since the close of the late war." A subsequent issue of the same paper states that fifty-four vessels full of emigrants from the Western Islands and other parts of the Highlands sailed for North Carolina, between April and July 1770, conveying twelve hundred emigrants. Early in 1771, according to the "Scots Magazine," there were five hundred emigrants from Islay, and the adjacent Islands, preparing to sail in the following summer for America "under the conduct of a gentleman of wealth and merit whose predecessors resided in Islay for many centuries past." The paper farther notes that "there is a large colony of the most wealthy and substantial people in Skye making ready to follow the example of the Argathelians in going to the fertile and cheap lands on the other side of the Atlantic ocean. It is to be dreaded that these migrations will prove hurtful to the mother country; and therefore its friends ought to use every proper method to prevent them." These Skye men to the number of three hundred and seventy, in due time left for America. The September issue states that "several of them are people of property who intend making purchases of land in America. The late great rise of the rents in the Western Islands of Scotland is said to be the reason of this emigration."

The "Scots Magazine" states that the ship Adventure sailed from Loch Erribol, Sunday August 17, 1772, with upwards of two hundred emigrants from Sutherlandshire for North Carolina. There were several emigrations from Sutherlandshire that year. In June eight families arrived in Greenock, and two other contingents—one of one hundred and the other of ninety souls—were making their way to the same place en route to America. The cause of this emigration they assign to be want of the means of livelihood at home, through the opulent graziers engrossing the farms, and turning them into pasture. Several contributions have been made for these poor people in towns through which they passed.

During the year 1773, emigrants from all parts of the Highlands sailed for America. The "Courant" of April 3, 1773, reports that "the unlucky spirit of emigration" had not diminished, and that several of the inhabitants of Skye, Lewis, and other places were preparing to emigrate to America during the coming summer "and seek for the sustenance abroad which they allege they cannot find at home." In its issue for July 3, 1773, the same paper states that eight hundred people from Skye were then preparing to go to North Carolina and that they had engaged a vessel at Greenock to carry them across the Atlantic. In the issue of the same paper for September 15th, same year, appears the gloomy statement that the people of Badenoch and Lochaber were in "a most pitiful situation for want of meal. They were reduced to live on blood which they draw from their cattle by repeated bleedings. Need we wonder to hear of emigrations from such a country." On September 1, 1773, according to the "Courant," a ship sailed from Fort William for America with four hundred and twenty-five men, women, and children, all from Knoydart, Lochaber, Appin, Mamore, and Fort William. "They were the finest set of fellows in the Highlands. It is allowed they carried at least L6000 sterling in ready cash with them; so that by this emigration the country is not only deprived of its men, but likewise of its wealth. The extravagant rents started by the landlords is the sole cause given for this spirit of emigration which seems to be only in its infancy." On September 29, 1773, the "Courant," after stating that there were from eight to ten vessels chartered to convey Highland emigrants during that season across the Atlantic, adds: "Eight hundred and forty people sailed from Lewis in July. Alarmed with this Lord Fortrose, their master, came down from London about five weeks ago to treat with the remainder of his tenants. What are the terms they asked of him, think you? 'The land at the old rents; the augmentation paid for three years backward to be refunded; and his factor to be immediately dismissed.'" The "Courant" added that unless these terms were conceded the island of Lewis would soon be an uninhabited waste. Notwithstanding the visit of lord Fortrose, emigration went on. The ship Neptune with one hundred and fifty emigrants from Lewis arrived in New York on August 23, 1773; and, according to the "Scots Magazine," between seven hundred and eight hundred emigrants sailed from Stornoway for America on June 23rd, of the same year.

The "Courant" for September 25, 1773, in a communication from Dornoch, states that on the 10th of that month there sailed from Dornoch Firth, the ship Nancy, with two hundred and fifty emigrants from Sutherlandshire for New York. The freight exceeded 650 guineas. In the previous year a ship from Sutherlandshire paid a freight of 650 guineas.

In October 1773, three vessels with seven hundred and seventy-five emigrants from Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, sailed from Stromness for America.

The "Courant" for November 10, 1773, records that fifteen hundred people had left the county of Sutherland for America within the two preceding years. The passage money cost L3 10s each, and it was computed that on an average every emigrant brought L4 with him. "This amounts to L7500, which exceeds a year's rent of the whole county."

The "Gentleman's Magazine" for June 30, 1775, states that "four vessels, containing about seven hundred emigrants, have sailed for America from Port Glasgow and Greenock, in the course of the present month, most of them from the north Highlands." The same journal for September 23rd, same year, says, "The ship Jupiter from Dunstaffnage Bay, with two hundred emigrants on board, chiefly from Argyleshire, set sail for North Carolina. They declare the oppressions of their landlords are such that they can no longer submit to them."

The perils of the sea did not deter them. Tales of suffering must have been heard in the glens. Some idea of these sufferings and what the emigrants were sometimes called upon to endure may be inferred from the following:

"In December (1773), a brig from Dornock, in Scotland, arrived at New York, with about 200 passengers, and lost about 100 on the passage."[185]

NOTE D.

APPEAL TO THE HIGHLANDERS LATELY ARRIVED FROM SCOTLAND.

Williamsburgh, November 23, 1775.

"FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN:—A native of the same island, and on the same side of the Tweed with yourselves, begs, for a few moments, your serious attention. A regard for your happiness, and the security of your posterity, are the only motives that could have induced me to occupy your time by an epistolary exhortation. How far I may fall short of the object I have thus in view, becomes me not to surmise. The same claim, however, has he to praise (though, perhaps, never equally rewarded) who endeavors to do good, as he who has the happiness to effect his purpose. I hope, therefore, no views of acquiring popular fame, no partial or circumstantial motives, will be attributed to me for this attempt. If this, however, should be the case, I have the consolation to know that I am not the first, of many thousands, who have been censured unjustly.

I have been lately told that our Provincial Congress have appointed a Committee to confer with you, respecting the differences which at present subsist between Great Britain and her American Colonies; that they wish to make you their friends, and treat with you for that purpose; to convince you, by facts and argumentation, that it is necessary that every inhabitant of this Colony should concur in such measures as may, through the aid of a superintending Providence, remove those evils under which this Continent is at present depressed.

The substance of the present contest, as far as my abilities serve me to comprehend it, is, simply, whether the Parliament of Great Britain shall have the liberty to take away your property without your consent. It seems clear and obvious to me that it is wrong and dangerous they should have such a power; and that if they are able to carry this into execution, no man in this Country has any property which he may safely call his own. Adding to the absurdity of a people's being taxed by a body of men at least three thousand miles distant, we need only observe that their views and sentiments are opposite to ours, their manners of living so different that nothing but confusion, injustice, and oppression could possibly attend it. If ever we are justly and righteously taxed, it must be by a set of men who, living amongst us, have an interest in the soil, and who are amenable to us for all their transactions.

It was not to become slaves you forsook your native shores. Nothing could have buoyed you up against the prepossessions of nature and of custom, but a desire to fly from tyranny and oppression. Here you found a Country with open arms ready to receive you; no persecuting landlord to torment you; none of your property exacted from you to support court favorites and dependants. Under these circumstances, your virtue and your interest were equally securities for the uprightness of your conduct; yet, independent of these motives, inducements are not wanting to attach you to the cause of liberty. No people are better qualified than you, to ascertain the value of freedom. They only can know its intrinsick worth who have had the misery of being deprived of it.

From the clemency of the English Nation you have little to expect; from the King and his Ministers still less. You and your forefathers have fatally experienced the malignant barbarity of a despotick court. You cannot have forgot the wanton acts of unparalleled cruelty committed during the reign of Charles II. Mercy and justice were then strangers to your land, and your countrymen found but in the dust a sanctuary from their distresses. The cries of age, and the concessions of youth, were uttered but to be disregarded; and equally with and without the formalities of law, were thousands of the innocent and deserving ushered to an untimely grave. The cruel and unmerited usage given to the Duke of Argyle, in that reign, cannot be justified or excused. No language can paint the horrors of this transaction; description falters on her way, and, lost in the labyrinth of sympathy and wo, is unable to perform the duties of her function. This unhappy nobleman had always professed himself an advocate for the Government under which he lived, and a friend to the reigning monarch. Whenever he deviated from these principles, it must have been owing to the strong impulses of honor, and the regard he bore to the rights of his fellow-creatures. 'It were endless, as well as shocking, (says an elegant writer,) to enumerate all the instances of persecution, or, in other words, of absurd tyranny, which at this time prevailed in Scotland. Even women were thought proper objects on whom they might exercise their ferocious and wanton dispositions; and three of that sex, for refusing to sign some test drawn up by tools of Administration, were devoted, without the solemnity of a trial, to a lingering and painful death.'

I wish, for the sake of humanity in general and the royal family in particular, that I could throw a veil over the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland after the last rebellion. The indiscriminate punishments which he held out equally to the innocent and the guilty, are facts of notoriety much to be lamented. The intention may possibly, in some measure, excuse, though nothing can justify the barbarity of the measure.

Let us, then, my countrymen, place our chief dependence on our virtue, and, by opposing the standard of despotism on its first appearance, secure ourselves against those acts in which a contrary conduct will undoubtedly plunge us. I will venture to say, that there is no American so unreasonable as even to wish you to take the field against your friends from the other side of the Atlantick. All they expect or desire from you is, to remain neutral, and to contribute your proportion of the expenses of the war. This will be sufficient testimony of your attachment to the cause they espouse. As you participate of the blessings of the soil, it is but reasonable that you should bear a proportionate part of the disadvantages attending it.

To the virtuous and deserving among the Americans, nothing can be more disagreeable than national reflections; they are, and must be, in the eyes of every judicious man, odious and contemptible, and bespeak a narrowness of soul which the virtuous are strangers to. Let not, then, any disrespectful epithets which the vulgar and illiterate may throw out, prejudice you against them; and endeavor to observe this general rule, dictated at least by humanity, 'that he is a good man who is engaged in a good cause.'

Your enemies have said you are friends to absolute monarchy and despotism, and that you have offered yourselves as tools in the hands of Administration, to rivet the chains forging for your brethren in America. I hope and think my knowledge of you authorizes the assertion that you are friends to liberty, and the natural and avowed enemies of tyranny and usurpation. All of you, I doubt not, came into the Country with a determined resolution of finishing here your days; nor dare I doubt but that, fired with the best and noblest species of human emulation, you would wish to transmit to the rising generation that best of all patrimonies, the legacy of freedom.

Private views, and offers of immediate reward, can only operate on base and unmanly minds. That soul in which the love of liberty ever dwelt must reject, with honest indignation, every idea of preferment, founded on the ruins of a virtuous and deserving people. I would have you look up to the Constitution of Britain as the best and surest safeguard to your liberties. Whenever an attempt is made to violate its fundamental principles, every effort becomes laudable which may tend to preserve its natural purity and perfection.

The warmest advocates for Administration have candor sufficient to admit that the people of Great Britain have no right to tax America. If they have not, for what are they contending? It will, perhaps, be answered, for the dignity of Government. Happy would it be for those who advance this doctrine to consider, that there is more real greatness and genuine magnanimity in acknowledging an error, than in persisting in it. Miserable must that state be, whose rulers, rather than give up a little punctilio, would endanger the lives of thousands of its subjects in a quarrel, the injustice and impropriety of which is universally acknowledged. If the Americans wish for anything more than is set forth in the address of the last Congress to the King and people of Great Britain—if independence is their aim—by removing their real grievances, their artificial ones (if any they should avow) will soon appear, and with them will their cause be deserted by every friend to limited monarchy, and by every well-wisher to the interests of America. I have endeavored, in this uncultivated home-spun essay, to avoid prolixity as much as possibly I could. I have aimed at no flowers of speech, no touches of rhetorick, which are too often made use of to amuse, and not to instruct or persuade the understanding. I have no views but your good, and the credit of the Country from whence you came.

In case Government should prevail, and be able to tax America without the least show of representation, it would be to me a painful reflection to think, that the children of the land to which I owe my existence, should have been the cause of plunging millions into perpetual bondage.

If we cannot be of service to the cause, let us not be an injury to it. Let us view this Continent as a country marked out by the great God of nature as a receptacle for distress, and where the industrious and virtuous may range in the fields of freedom, happy under their own fig trees, freed from a swarm of petty tyrants, who disgrace countries the most polished and civilized, and who more particularly infest that region from whence you

Scotius Americanus."[186]

NOTE E.

INGRATITUDE OF THE HIGHLANDERS.

"Brigadier-General Donald McDonald was in rebellion in the year 1745, against his lawful sovereign, and headed many of the same clan and name, who are now his followers. These emigrants, from the charity and benevolence of the Assembly of North-Carolina, received large pecuniary contributions, and, to encourage them in making their settlements, were exempted from the payment of taxes for several years. It is a fact, that numbers of that ungrateful people, who have been lately in arms, when they arrived in Carolina, were without the necessaries of life—their passage even paid by the charitable contributions of the inhabitants. They have since, under every encouragement that the Province of North-Carolina could afford them, acquired fortunes very rapidly, and thus they requite their benefactor.—Virginia Gazette."[187]

NOTE F.

WERE THE HIGHLANDERS FAITHFUL TO THEIR OATH TAKEN BY THE AMERICANS?

General David Stewart, the faithful and admiring historian of the Highlanders, makes the following strange statements that need correction, especially in the view that the Highlander had a very high regard for his oath: After the battle of Guilford Court House "the British retired southward in the direction of Cross Creek, the Americans following close in the rear; but nothing of consequence occurred. Cross Creek, a settlement of emigrant Highlanders, had been remarkable for its loyalty from the commencement of the war, and they now offered to bring 1,500 men into the field, to be commanded by officers from the line, to find clothing and subsistence for themselves, and to perform all duties whether in front, flanks, or rear; and they required nothing but arms and ammunition. This very reasonable offer was not received, but a proposition was made to form them into what was called a provincial corps of the line. This was declined by the emigrant Highlanders, and after a negotiation of twelve days, they retired to their settlements, and the army marched for Wilmington, where they expected to find supplies, of which they now stood in great need.

There was among these settlers a gentleman of the name of Macneil, who had been an officer in the Seven Years' War. He joined the army with several followers, but soon took his leave, having been rather sharply reprimanded for his treatment of a republican family. He was a man of tall stature, and commanding aspect, and moved, when he walked among his followers, with all the dignity of a chieftain of old. Retaining his loyalty, although offended with the reprimand, he offered to surprise the republican garrison, the governor, and council, assembled at Willisborough. He had three hundred followers, one-half of them old country Highlanders, the other half born in America, and the off-spring of Highlanders. The enterprise was conducted with address, and the governor, council, and garrison, were secured without bloodshed, and immediately marched off for Wilmington, Macneil and his party travelling by night, and concealing themselves in swamps and woods by day. However, the country was alarmed, and a hostile force collected. He proceeded in zig-zag directions, for he had a perfect knowledge of the country, but without any provisions except what chance threw in his way. When he had advanced two-thirds of the route, he found the enemy occupying a pass which he must open by the sword, or perish in the swamps for want of food. At this time he had more prisoners to guard than followers. 'He did not secure his prisoners by putting them to death;' but, leaving them under a guard of half his force on whom he could least depend, he charged with the others sword in hand through the pass, and cleared it of the enemy, but was unfortunately killed from too great ardor in the pursuit. The enemy being dispersed, the party continued their march disconsolate for the loss of their leader; but their opponents again assembled in force, and the party were obliged to take refuge in the swamps, still retaining their prisoners. The British commander at Wilmington, hearing of Macneil's enterprise, marched out to his support, and kept firing cannon, in expectation the report would reach them in the swamps. The party heard the reports, and knowing that the Americans had no artillery, they ventured out of the swamps towards the quarter whence they heard the guns, and meeting with Major (afterwards Sir James) Craig, sent out to support them, they delivered over their prisoners half famished with hunger, and lodged them safely in Wilmington. Such partizans as these are invaluable in active warfare."[188]

Dr. James Browne, who follows Stewart very closely, gives[189] the first paragraph of the above quotation, but makes no reference to the exploit of Macneil. Keltie who copies almost literally from Dr. Browne, also gives[190] the first paragraph, but no reference to the second.

General Stewart gives no clue as to the source of his information. If the number of Highlanders reported to have offered their services under such favorable conditions was true, lord Cornwallis was not in a position to refuse. He had been and still was on a very fatiguing campaign. His army was not only worn down but was greatly decimated by the fatigues of a long and harrassing march, and the results of two pitched battles. In his letter to Sir Henry Clinton,[191] already quoted, not a word of this splendid relief is intimated. From lord Cornwallis' statement he must have made scarcely a stop at Cross Creek, in his flight from Guilford Court House to Wilmington. He says that at Cross Creek "there was not four days' forage within twenty miles"; that he "determined to move immediately to Wilmington," and that "the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of the upper country, to prove the sincerity of their friendship."[192] This would amount to positive proof that the Highlanders did not offer their services. The language of lord Cornwallis to lord George Germain, under date of Wilmington, North Carolina, April 18th, 1781, is even stronger: "The principal reasons for undertaking the Winter's Campaign were, the difficulty of a defensive War in South Carolina, & the hopes that our friends in North Carolina, who were said to be very numerous, would make good their promises of assembling & taking an Active part with us, in endeavouring to re-establish His Majesty's Government. Our experience has shown that their numbers are not so great as had been represented and that their friendship was only passive; For we have received little assistance from them since our arrival in the province, and altho' I gave the strongest & most pulick assurances that after refitting & depositing our Sick and Wounded, I should return to the upper Country, not above two hundred have been prevailed upon to follow us either as Provincials or Militia." Colonel Tarleton, the principal officer under lord Cornwallis, observes: "Notwithstanding the cruel persecution the inhabitants of Cross creek had constantly endured for their partiality to the British, they yet retained great zeal for the interest of the royal army. All the flour and spirits in the neighborhood were collected and conveyed to camp, and the wounded officers and soldiers were supplied with many conveniences highly agreeable and refreshing to men in their situation. After some expresses were dispatched to lord Rawdon, to advertise him of the movements of the British and Americans, and some wagons were loaded with provisions, earl Cornwallis resumed his march for Wilmington."[193] Not a word is said of the proposed reinforcement by the Highlanders. Stedman, who was an officer under lord Cornwallis, and was with him in the expedition, says:[194] "Upon the arrival of the British commander at Cross Creek, he found himself disappointed in all his expectations: Provisions were scarce: Four days' forage not to be procured within twenty miles; and the communication expected to be opened between Cross Creek and Wilmington, by means of the river, was found to be impracticable, the river itself being narrow, its banks high, and the inhabitants, on both sides, for a considerable distance, inveterately hostile. Nothing therefore now remained to be done but to proceed with the army to Wilmington, in the vicinity of which it arrived on the seventh of April. The settlers upon Cross Creek, although they had undergone a variety of persecutions in consequence of their previous unfortunate insurrections, still retained a warm attachment to their mother-country, and during the short stay of the army amongst them, all the provisions and spirits that could be collected within a convenient distance, were readily brought in, and the sick and wounded plentifully supplied with useful and comfortable refreshments." Again he says (page 348): "Lord Cornwallis was greatly disappointed in his expectations of being joined by the loyalists. Some of them indeed came within the lines, but they only remained a few days." Nothing however occurs concerning Highland enlistments or their desire so to engage with the army. General Samuel Graham, then an officer in Fraser's Highlanders, in his "Memoirs," though speaking of the march to Cross Creek, is silent about Highlanders offering their services. Nor is it at all likely, that, in the sorry plight the British army reached Cross Creek in, the Highlanders would unite, especially when the outlook was gloomy, and the Americans were pressing on the rear.

As to the exploit of Macneil, beyond all doubt, that is a confused statement of the capture of Governor Burke, at Hillsboro, by the notorious Colonel David Fanning. This was in September 1781. His report states, "We killed 15 of the rebels, and wounded 20; and took upwards of 200 prisoners; amongst them was the Governor, his Council, and part of the Continental Colonels, several captains and subalterns, and 71 continental soldiers out of a church." Colonel Fanning was a native of Wake County, North Carolina, and had no special connection with the Highlanders; but among his followers were some bearing Highland names. The majority of his followers, who were little better than highway robbers, had gathered to his standard as the best representative of the king in North Carolina, after the defeat at Moore's Creek.

There is not and never has been a Willisborough in North Carolina. There is a Williamsboro in Granville county, but has never been the seat of government even for a few days. Hillsboro, practically, was the capital in 1781.

The nearest to an organization of Highlanders, after Moore's Creek, was Hamilton's Loyal North Carolina regiment; but this was made up of refugees from over all the state.

It is a fact, according to both history and tradition, that after the battle of Moore's Creek, the Highlanders as a race were quiet. The blow at Moore's Creek taught them a needed lesson, and as an organization gave no more trouble. Whatever numbers, afterwards entered the British service, must have been small, and of little consequence.

NOTE G.

MARVELLOUS ESCAPE OF CAPTAIN MCARTHUR.

The following narration I find in the "Celtic Magazine," vol. I. 1875-76, pp. 209-213 and 241-245. How much of it is true I am unable to discover. Undoubtedly the writer, in some parts, draws on his imagination. Unfortunately no particulars are given concerning either the previous or subsequent life of Captain McArthur. We are even deprived of the knowledge of his Christian name, and hence cannot identify him with the same individual mentioned in the text.

Upon the defeat of the Highlanders at Moore's Creek, "Captain McArthur of the Highland Regiment of Volunteers, was apprehended and committed to the county jail in the town of Cross-Creek. But the gallant officer determined to make a death grasp for effecting his escape, and happily for him the walls of his confinement were not of stone and mortar. In his lonely prison, awaiting his fate, and with horrid visions of death haunting him, he summons up his muscular strength and courage, and with incredible exertion he broke through the jail by night, and once more enjoyed the sweets of liberty. Having thus made his escape he soon found his way to the fair partner of his joys and sorrows. It needs hardly be said that her astonishment was only equalled by her raptures of joy. She, in fact, became so overpowered with the unexpected sight that she was for the moment quite overcome, and unable to comply with the proposal of taking an immediate flight from the enemy's country. She soon, however, regains her sober senses, and is able to grasp the reality of the situation, and fully prepared with mental nerve and courage to face the scenes of hardship and fatigue which lay before them. The thought of flight was, indeed, a hazardous one. The journey to the sea board was far and dangerous; roads were miserably constructed, and these, for the most part, had to be avoided; unbroken forests, immense swamps, and muddy creeks were almost impassable barriers; human habitations were few and far between, and these few could scarcely be looked to as hospitable asylums; enemies would be on the lookout for the capture of the 'Old Tory,' for whose head a tempting reward had been offered; and withal, the care of a tender infant lay heavy upon the parental hearts, and tended to impede their flight. Having this sea of troubles looming before them, the imminent dangers besetting their path, you can estimate the heroism of a woman who was prepared to brave them all. But when you further bear in mind that she had been bred in the ease and delicate refinements of a lairdly circle at home, you can at once conceive the hardships to be encountered vastly augmented, and the moral heroism necessary for such an undertaking to be almost incredible, finding its parallel only in the life of her famous countrywoman, the immortal 'Flora.' Still, life is dear, and a desperate attempt must be made to preserve it—she is ready for any proposal. So off they start at the dead hour of midnight, taking nothing but the scantiest supply of provisions, of which our heroine must be the bearer, while the hardy sire took his infant charge in his folded plaid over one shoulder, with the indispensable musket slung over the other. Thus equipped for the march, they trudge over the heavy sand, leaving the scattered town of Cross-Creek behind in the distance, and soon find themselves lost to all human vision in the midst of the dense forest. There is not a moment to lose; and onward they speed under cover of night for miles and miles, and for a time keeping the main road to the coast. Daylight at length lightened their path, and bright sunrays are pouring through the forest. But that which had lightened the path of the weary fugitives had, at the same time, made wonderful disclosures behind. The morning light had revealed to the astonished gaze of the keeper of the prison the flight of his captive. The consternation among the officials is easily imagined. A detachment of cavalry was speedily dispatched in pursuit; a handsome reward was offered for the absconded rebel, and a most barbarous punishment was in reserve for him in the event of his being captured. With a knowledge of these facts, it will not be matter of surprise that the straits and perplexities of a released captive had already commenced. Who can fancy their terror when the noise of cavalry in the distance admonished them that the enemy was already in hot pursuit, and had taken the right scent. What could they do! Whither could they fly? They dart off the road in an instant and began a race. But alas, of what use, for the tall pines of the forest could afford no shelter or concealment before the pursuers could reach the spot. In their extremity they change their course, running almost in the face of the foe. They rush into the under brush covert of a gum pond which crossed the road close by, and there, in terrible suspense, awaited their fate, up to the knees in water. In a few moments the equestrians, in full gallop, are within a gunshot of them. But on reaching the pond they slacken their speed, and all at once came to a dead halt! Had they already discovered their prey? In an instant their fears were relieved on this score. From their marshy lair they were able, imperfectly, to espy the foe, and they saw that the cause of halting was simply to water their panting steeds. They could also make out to hear the enemy's voice, and so far as they could gather, the subject was enough to inspire them with terror, for the escaped prisoner was evidently the exciting topic. Who could mistake the meaning of such detached phrases and epithets as these—'Daring fellow,' 'Scotch dog,' 'British slup,' and 'Steel fix him.' And who can realize the internal emotion of him whom they immediately and unmistakably concerned? But the fates being propitious, the posse of cavalry resumed their course, first in a slow pace, and afterwards in a lively canter, until they were out of sight and out of hearing.

This hair-breadth escape admonished our hero that he must shift his course and avoid the usual route of communication with the coast. The thought struck him, that he would direct his course towards the Cape Fear river, which lay some ten miles to the right; feeling confident, at the same time, that his knowledge of the water in early days could now be made available, if he could only find something in the shape of a boat. And, besides, he saw to his dismay that his fair partner in travel, however ardent in spirit, could not possibly hold out under the hardships incident to the long journey at first meditated. For the Cape Fear river then they set off; and after a wearisome march, through swamp and marsh, brush and brier, to the great detriment of their scanty wardrobe and danger of life and limb, they reached the banks of that sluggish stream before the sun had set, foot sore and dispirited, exhausted and downcast. But what is their chance of a boat now? Alas, not even the tiniest craft could be seen. There is nothing for it but to camp in the open air all night and try to refresh their weary limbs and await to see what luck the following morn had in store. Fortunately for them the climate was warm, too much so indeed, as they had found, to their great discomfort, during the day that was now past. In their present homeless situation, however, it was rather opportune; and there was nothing to fear, unless from the effects of heavy dew, or the expected invasion of snakes and mosquitoes. But for these there was a counteracting remedy. The thick foliage of a stately tree afforded ample protection from dew, while a blazing fire, struck from the musket flint, defied the approach of any infesting vermin or crawling reptiles, and also answered the needed purpose of setting to rights their hosiery department which had suffered so much during the day. Here they are snug and cozy, under the arching canopy, which nature had provided, and prepared to do fair justice to the scanty viands and refreshments in their possession, before betaking themselves to their nocturnal slumbers which nature so much craved. But can we take leave of our pilgrims for the night without taking a glance at the innocent babe as it lay upon the folded plaid in blissful ignorance of the cares and anxieties which racked the parental breast. The very thought of its sweet face and throbbing little heart as it breathed in unconscious repose under the open canopy of heaven, was enough to entwine a thousand new chords of affection around the heart of its keepers, like the clasping ivy around the tree which gave them shelter, and to nerve them anew, for its sake, for the rough and perilous journey upon which they had entered. The fond mother imprints a kiss upon its cheek, and moistens it with tears of mingled joy and grief, and clasping it to her bosom is instantly absorbed in the sweet embrace of Morpheus. The hardy sire, it was agreed, would keep the first watch and take his rest in turn, the latter part of the night. He is now virtually alone, in deep and pensive meditation. He surveys with tender solicitude his precious charge, which was dearer to him than his own life, and for whose sake he would risk ten lives. He paces the sward during the night watches. He meditates his plans for the following day. He deliberates and schemes how he can take advantage of the flowing sheet of water before him, for the more easy conveyance of his precious belongings. The mode of travel hitherto adopted, he saw, to be simply impossible. The delay involved might be ruinous to his hopes. With these cogitations he sat down, without bringing any plan to maturity. He gazed at the burning embers as if in a reverie, and as he gazed he thought he had seen, either by actual vision or by the 'second sight,' in which he was a firm believer, the form of a canoe with a single sable steersman coming to his rescue. He felt tempted to communicate the vision to his sleeping partner; but, thinking it unkind to disturb her slumbers, he desists from his resolution, reclines on the ground, and without intending it, he falls fast asleep. But imagine his astonishment and alarm when he came to consciousness, to find that he had slept for three full hours without interruption. He could hardly realize it, the interval seemed like an instant. However, all was well; his wife and babe were still enjoying unbroken rest, and no foe had discovered their retreat; and withal, the gladsome light of day is now breaking in around them and eclipsing the glare of the smouldering embers. Up starts our hero much refreshed and invigorated, and exulting in surprising buoyancy of spirit for running the race of the new day now ushering in. He withdraws a gunshot from the camp: and what does he descry in the grey dawn but, apparently, a small skiff with a single rower crossing the river towards them, but a short distance down the stream. The advancing light of day soon confirmed his hopes. He at once started in the direction of the skiff, having armed himself with his loaded musket, and resolved to get possession of it by fair means or by foul. A few minutes brought him to the spot, and to his great astonishment he found himself in the undisputed possession of the object of his wishes, a tiny little canoe drawn up on the beach. In connection with the night's vision he would have positively declared that there was something supernatural in the affair, but having marked the bare footprints of its late occupant on the muddy soil, and heard the rustling of leaves in the distance, calling attention to the woolly head of its owner getting out of sight through the bush, and making his way for a neighboring plantation. He could explain the event upon strict natural principles. The happy coincidence, however, filled him with emotions of joy, in so readily securing the means of an earlier and more expeditious transit. He retraces his steps and joins his little circle, and in joyous ecstacy relates to his sympathetic spouse, just aroused from her long slumbers, the tenor of his lucky adventure. There is now no time to lose. The crimson rays of the rising sun peering through a dense morning atmosphere and a dense forest, are reflected upon the surface of the stream to which they are about to commit their fortune, and admonish them to be off. They break their fast upon the remnants of the dry morsels with which they last appeased their hunger. This dispatched, they hasten to the beach, and speedily embark, seating themselves with the utmost caution in the narrow hull, which good luck and Sambo had placed at their disposal, and with less apprehension of danger from winds and waves than from the angry billows of human passion. A push from the shore and the voyage is fairly and auspiciously begun, the good lady seated in the prow in charge of the tender object of her unremitting care, and giving it the shelter of her parasol from the advancing rays of the sun, and the skilful Palinurus himself squatted in the stern, with a small paddle in his hand, giving alternate strokes, first to the right and then to the left, and thus, with the aid of the slow current propelling his diminutive barque at the rate of about six knots an hour, and enjoying the simultaneous pleasure of 'paddling his own canoe.' Onward they glide, smoothly and pleasantly, over the unruffled water, the steersman taking occasional rests from his monotonous strokes, while having the satisfaction of noting some progress by the flow of the current. Thus, hours passed away without the occurrence of anything worth noting, except the happy reflection that their memorable encampment was left several leagues in the distance. But lo! here is the first interruption to their navigation! About the hour of noon a mastless hull is seen in the distance. Their first impulse was fear, but this was soon dispelled on discovering it to be a flat or 'pole boat,' without sail or rigging, used for the conveyance of merchandise to the head of navigation, and propelled by long poles which the hardy craftsmen handled with great dexterity. It was, in fact, the steamer of the day, creating upon its arrival the same stir and bustle that is now caused by its more agreeable and efficient substitute, the 'Flora Macdonald.' The sight of this advancing craft, however, suggested the necessity of extreme caution, and of getting out of its way for a time. The Highland royalist felt greatly tempted to wait and hail the crew, whom he felt pretty sure to be his own friendly countrymen, and who, like their sires, in the case of prince Charlie, thirty years before, would scorn to betray their brother Celt, even for the gold of Carolina. Still, like the royal outlaw in his wanderings, he also deemed it more prudent to conceal his whereabouts even from his most confidential friends. He at once quits the river, and thus for a good while suspends his navigation. He takes special precaution to secure his little transport by drawing it a considerable distance from the water, a feat which required no great effort. The party stroll out of the way, and up the rising beach, watching for a time the tardy movement of the 'flat.' Tired of this they continue their slow ramble further into the interior, in hopes, at the same time, of making some accidental discovery by which to replenish their commissariat, which was quite empty, and made their steps faint and feeble, for it was now considerably past noon. As 'fortune favors the brave' they did succeed in making a discovery. They saw 'the opening' of a small plantation in the forest, an event which, in Carolina, is hailed with immense satisfaction by those who chance to lose their way in the woods, as suggestive of kindness and hospitality. Nothing short of such a treatment would be expected by our adventurers as a matter of course, if they could only afford to throw themselves upon the hospitality of settlers. In their situation, however, they must take their bearings with anxious circumspection, and weigh the consequences of the possibility of their falling into the hands of foes. But here, all of a sudden, their path is intercepted by the actual presence of a formidable foe. One of the pursuers? No, but one equally defiant. It is a huge serpent of the 'Whip snake' species, which never gives way, but always takes a bold and defiant stand. It took its stand about fifty yards ahead, ready for battle, its head, and about a yard of its length, in semi-erect posture, and displaying every sign of its proverbial enmity to Adam's race. It has no poison, but its mode of attack is still more horrible, by throwing itself with electric speed in coils around its antagonist, tight as the strongest cord, and lashing with a yard of its tail, till it puts its combatant to death. Knowing its nature, the assailed levels his piece, and in an instant leaves the assailant turning a thousand somersaults until its strength is spent, and, is at last, wriggling on the ground.

The discharge of the musket was the signal to those within hearing that somebody was about. It awakened to his senses an old negro, the honest 'Uncle Ned,' and brought him to the edge of the 'clearing,' in order to satisfy his curiosity, and to see if it was 'old Massa' making an unceremonious visit to the farm of which Ned was virtually overseer. Our disconsolate party could not avoid an interview even if they would. They summoned their courage and affected to feel at ease. And truly they might, for Ned, like the class to which he belonged, would never dream of asking impertinent questions of any respectable white man, his known duty being to answer, not to ask, questions. Our weary party invited themselves to 'Uncle Ned's' cabin, which stood in the edge of the clearing close by, and turned out to be a tidy log cottage. The presiding divinity, of its single apartment was our kind hostess, 'Aunt Lucy,' Ned's better half, who felt so highly charmed and flattered by the visit of such distinguished guests that she scarcely knew what she was saying or doing. She dropt her lighted pipe on the floor, hustled and scraped and curtsied to the gentle lady over and over, and caressed the beautiful little 'Missie' with emotions which bordered on questionable kindness. This ovation over, our hungry guests began to think of the chief object of their visit—getting something in the shape of warm luncheon—and with this in view they eyed with covetous interest the large flock of fine plump pullets about the door. There was fine material for a feast to begin with. The hint was given to 'Aunt Lucy,' and when that aged dame became conscious of the great honor thus to be conferred upon her, she at once set to work in the culinary department with a dexterity and skill of art which is incredible to those who are ignorant of the great speciality of negresses. There was sudden havoc among the poultry, and fruit and vegetables found their way from the corn field in abundant variety to the large chimney place. Meanwhile the captain shouldered his piece and brought, from an adjacent thicket, two large fox squirrels to add to the variety of the feast, extorting from the faithful Ned the flattering compliment 'b' gollies, Boss, you is the best shot I ever see'd.' Preparation is rapidly advancing, and so is the appetite of the longing expectants. But such preparation was not the work of a moment, especially, from the scantiness of Lucy's cooking utensils. So the guests thought they would withdraw for a time in order to relieve the busy cook of all ceremony, and at the same time relieve themselves of the uncomfortable reflection of three blazing fires in the chimney place. After partaking of a few slices of a delicious water-melon, they retired to the shade of a tree in the yard, and there enjoyed a most refreshing nap. In due course the sumptuous meal is ready; the small table is loaded with a most substantial repast, the over plus finding a receptacle upon the board floor of the apartment, which was covered with white sand. It is needless to say that the guests discharged their duty with great gusto, notwithstanding the absence of any condiments, save pepper and salt, in their case hunger being the best sauce. Who but an epicure could grumble at the repast before them? What better than stewed fowls and squirrels, boiled rice, Indian hoe cake and yams smoking hot from the ashes, squashes, pumpkin pies and apple dumpling, and all this followed by a course of fruit, peaches and apples, musk and water-melons, all of a flavor and size inconceivable by any but the inhabitants of the sunny climes which brought them to maturity. Her ladyship could not help making the contrast with a service of fruit upon an extra occasion in her home circle, which cost several golden guineas, and yet was not to be compared with that furnished for the merest trifle by these sable purveyors—so much for the sun rays of the latitude. There was, however, the absence of any beverage stronger than water, not even tea, a name which the humble hostess scarcely comprehended. But a good substitute was readily presented, in the form of strong coffee, without cream or sugar. It was now drawing late in the afternoon, and our party refreshed and delighted with their adventure, must begin to retrace their steps towards the canoe. The reckoning was soon settled. A few shillings, the idex of the late regime of George in the colony, more than satisfied all demands, and surpassed all expectations. But the fair visitor was not content, without leaving an additional, and more pleasant memento. She took a beautiful gold ring, bearing the initials B.J.C., and placed it upon the swarthy finger of 'Aunt Lucy,' with many thanks and blessings for her kindness, on that eventful occasion. This kindly expression was heartily reciprocated by the negress, and responded by a flood of tears from her eyes, and a volley of blessings from her lips. The party bade a final adieu to their entertainers, and they had to veto their pressing offer of escorting them to the river. Off they went, leaving the aged couple gazing after them, and lost in amazement as to who they could be, or whither they were going, and all the more astonished that the mysterious visitors had supplied themselves with such a load of the leavings of the repast.

The navigation was at length resumed, and onward they glide as before, without the sight of anything to obstruct their course. Their prosperous voyaging continued till about midnight, for they resolved to continue their course during the whole night, unless necessity compelled them to do otherwise. Long before this hour, the mother and child resigned themselves to sleep, which was only interrupted by occasional starts, while the indefatigable steersman watched his charge, and plied his vocation with improving expertness. At this hour again, in the dim light of the crescent moon, a second 'pole boat' was discovered making towards them, but which they easily avoided by rowing to the opposite side of the river, thus continuing their course, and escaping observation. In passing the 'flat' an animated conversation was overheard among the hands, from which it was easily gathered that the escape of the rebel was the engrossing topic in the town of Wilmington, the place of their departure, and towards which the rebel himself was now finding his way as fast as the tide and paddle could carry him. At present, however, he felt no cause of alarm. One of the hands speaking in vulgar English accent was heard to depone, 'By George if I could only get that prize I'd be a happy man, and would go back to old h-England.' To this base insinuation a threatening proof was administered by other parties, who replied in genuine Gaelic idiom and said, 'It's yourself that would need to have the face and the conscience, the day you would do that;' and they further signified their readiness to render any assistance to their brave countryman should opportunity offer. Those parties were readily recognized from their accent to be no other than Captain McArthur's intimate acquaintances, Sandie McDougall and Angus Ray, and who were so well qualified from their known strength and courage to render most valuable assistance in any cause in which their bravery might be enlisted. If he only gave them the signal of his presence they would instantly fly into his service and share his fate. However, it was deemed the wisest course to pass on, and not put their prowess to the test. Hours had now passed in successful progress without notice or interruption; and they are at long last approaching Wilmington, their seaport, but a considerable distance from the mouth of the river. The question is how are they to pass it, whether by land or water, for it is now approaching towards day. What is to be done must be done without a moment's delay. It is at length resolved to hazard the chance of passing it by canoe rather than encountering the untried perils of a dismal swamp. The daring leader puts his utmost strength to the test, striking the water right and left with excited vigor. His feeling is 'now or never'; for he knew this to be the most critical position of his whole route; unless he could get past it before break of day his case was hopeless. The dreaded town is at length in view, engendering fear and terror, but not despair. Several large crafts are seen lying at the wharf, and lights are reflected from adjacent shipping offices. Two small boats are observed crossing the river, and in rather uncomfortable proximity. With these exceptions the inhabitants are evidently in the enjoyment of undisturbed repose, and quite unconscious of the phenomenon of such a notorious personage passing their doors with triumphant success. Scarcely a word was heard, it was like a city of the dead. Who can imagine the internal raptures of our lucky hero, on leaving behind him, in the distance, that spot upon which his fate was suspended, and in having the consciousness that he is now not far from the goal of safety. Even now there are signals which cheer his heart. He begins already to inhale the ocean breeze, and from that he derives an exhilirating sensation such as he had not experienced for many years. He gets the benefit of the ocean tide, fortunately, in his favor, and carrying his little hull upon its bosom at such a rate as to supersede the use of the paddle except in guiding the course. The ocean wave, however, is scarcely so favorable. It rocks and rolls their frail abode in such a way as to threaten to put a sad finish to the successful labors of the past. There is no help for it but to abandon the canoe a few miles sooner than intended. There is, however, little cause for complaint, for they can now see their way clear to their final terminus, if no untoward circumstance arises. They leave the canoe on the beach, parting with it forever, but not without a sigh of emotion, as if bidding farewell to a good friend. But the paddle they cling to as a memento of its achievements, the operator remarking—'It did me better service than any sword ever put into my hand.' A few miles walk from the landing, which is on the southern shore of the estuary, and they are in sight of a small hamlet, which lies upon the shore. And what is more inspiring of hope and courage, they are in sight of a vessel of considerable tonnage, lying at anchor off the shore, and displaying the British flag, floating in the morning breeze, evidently preparing to hoist sail. Now is their chance. This must be their ark of safety if they are ever to escape such billows of adversity as they have been struggling with for some days past. To get on board is that upon which their hearts are set, and all that is required in order to defy all enemies and pursuers. Not thinking that there is anything in the wind, in this pretty hamlet, they make straight for the vessel, but they go but a few paces in that direction before another crisis turns up. Enemies are still in pursuit. A small body of men, apparently under commission, are observed a short distance beyond the hamlet as if anticipating the possibility of the escaped prisoner making his way to the British ship. Nor is the surmise groundless, as the signal proves. In their perplexity the objects of pursuit have to lie in ambush and await the course of events. Their military pursuers are now wending their way in the opposite direction until they are almost lost to view. Now is the time for a last desperate effort. They rush for the shore, and there accost a sallow lank-looking boatman followed by a negro, on the lookout for custom, in their marine calling. A request is made for their boat and services, for conveyance to the ship. At first the man looks suspicious and sceptical, but on expostulation that there was the utmost necessity for an interview with the captain before sailing, and important dispatches to be sent home, and a hint given that a fee for services in such a case was of no object, he at once consents; the ferry boat is launched, and in a few minutes the party are off from the shore. But the military party observing these movements begin to retrace their steps in order to ascertain what all this means, and who the party are. They put to their heels and race towards the shore as fast as their feet can carry them. They feel tantalised to find that they have been sleeping at their post, and that the very object of their search is now halfway to the goal of safety. They signal and halloo with all their might, but getting no answer they fire a volley of shot in the direction of the boat. This has no effect, except for an instant, to put a stop to the rowing. The boatman gets alarmed as he now more than guesses who the noted passenger is, and he signifies his determination to put back and avoid the consequences that may be fatal to himself. The hero puts a sudden stop to further parley. He flings a gold sovereign to the swarthy rower, commands him simply to fulfil his promise, but to refund the balance of change upon their return from the ship—'he must see the captain before sailing.' To enforce his command the sturdy Highlander, who was more than a match for the two, took up his loaded musket and intimated what the consequences would be if they refused to obey orders. This had the desired effect. The rowers pulled with might and main, and in a few minutes the passengers were left safe and sound on board the gallant ship, and surrounded by a sympathising and hospitable crew. The fugitives were at last safe, despite rewards and sanguine pursuers. But their situation they could scarcely realize, their past life seemed more like a dream than a reality. Our brave heroine was again quite overcome. The reaction was too much for her nerves. In being led to the cabin she would have fallen prostrate on the deck had she not been supported. And who can wonder, in view of her fatigues and privations, her hair-breadth escapes and mental anxieties. But she survived it all. Sails are now hoisted to the favoring breeze, anchor weighed, and our now rejoicing pilgrims bade a lasting farewell to the ever memorable shores of Carolina. In care of the courteous commander they, in due time, reached their island home in the Scottish Highlands, and there lived to a good old age in peace and contentment. They had the pleasure of seeing the tender object of their solicitude grow up to womanhood, and afterwards enjoying the blessings of married life. And the veteran officer himself found no greater pleasure in whiling away the hours of his repose than in rehearsing to an entranced auditory, among the stirring scenes of the American Revolution, the marvellous story of his own fate: the principal events of which are here hurriedly and imperfectly sketched from a current tradition among his admiring countrymen in the two hemispheres."—John Darroch.

NOTE H.

HIGHLANDERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA.

There was no distinctively Highland settlement in South Carolina, although there was quite an influx of emigrants of this class into the province. Efforts were made to divert the Highlanders into the new settlements. As early as 1716 Governor Daniel informed the Assembly that he had bought thirty of the Highland Scots rebels at L30 per head, for whom the London agent had petitioned, and requested power to purchase more. This purchase was sanctioned by the Assembly, but wished no more "till we see how these behave themselves." On August 4th another issue of L15000 in bills was authorized to be stamped to pay for these Scots, who were to be employed as soldiers in defending the province.

Inducements were held out to the Highlanders, who had left their homes after the battle of Culloden, to settle in South Carolina. The "High Hills of Santee," which lie between Lynche's creek and the Wateree, in what is now Sumter County, were designed for them. The exiles, however, baffled by contrary winds, were driven into the Cape Fear, and from thence a part of them crossed and settled higher up, in what is now Darlington County, the rest having taken up their abode in North Carolina.

The war fever engendered by the Revolution was exhibited by these people, some of whom, at least, took up arms against their adopted country. October 31, 1776, at Charleston, South Carolina, the following, who had been taken prisoners by the navy, signed their parole, which also stipulated that they should go to Salisbury, North Carolina:

Dun McNicol, Cap. R.H.E., Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R.H.E., Dun MacDougall, Walter Cunningham, Angus Cameron, Laughlin McDonald, Hector McQuary, Alexr. Chisholm.

"We also undertake for Neal McNicol, James Fraser, Alexr. McDonald & David Donaldson, that they shall be on the same footing with ourselves."[195]

"Jany 28. 177.

These are to certify that Duncan Nicol, Hugh Fraser, Alex. Chisholm, Angs. Cameron, Lach. MacDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham. Duncan MacDougall. Alen. McDonald, David Donaldson, Jas. Fraser. Niel McNicol—prisoners of war from the neighboring state of South Carolina have been on Parole in this town and within ten miles Y. of for upwards of ten weeks—during which time they have behaved themselves agreeable to their Parole and that they are now removed to Halifax by order of the commanding officer of the District, in order to be forwarded to the northward agreeable to order of Congress.

(Signed) Duncan McNicol, Capt., Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R.H.E., Alex. McDonald, James Fraser, David Donaldson, Niel McNicol, Alex Chisholm, Angus Cameron, Lach McDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham, Privates, Dun, McDougall, Ensign.

N.B. The Parole of the prisoners of war above mentd was sent to the Congress at Halifax, at their last sitting. They are now sent under the direction of Capt. Martin Fifer—Certified by orders of Committee at Salisbury this 28 Jan'y, 1777.

(Signed) May Chambers, Chr. Com."[196]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 184: Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland, Vol. I, p. 198.]

[Footnote 185: Holmes' Annals of America, Vol. II, p. 183.]

[Footnote 186: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III, p. 1649.]

[Footnote 187: Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 983.]

[Footnote 188: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 119.]

[Footnote 189: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. IV, p. 274.]

[Footnote 190: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. II, p. 473.]

[Footnote 191: See page 141.]

[Footnote 192: Cornwallis' Letter to Sir Henry Clinton, April 10, 1781.]

[Footnote 193: Campaigns of 1780-1781, p. 281.]

[Footnote 194: History of the American War, Vol. II, p. 352.]

[Footnote 195: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 830.]

NOTE I.

ALEXANDER MCNAUGHTON.

Miss Jennie M. Patten of Brush, Colorado, a descendant of Alexander McNaughton, in a letter dated Feb. 20th, 1900, gives some very interesting facts, among which may be related that at the close of the Revolution all of the Highland settlers of Washington county would have been sent to Canada, had it not been for Hon. Edward Savage, son-in-law of Alexander McNaughton, who had been an officer in the Revolutionary army, and had sufficient influence to prevent his wife's relatives and friends being sent out of the country on account of their tory proclivities. They considered that they had sworn allegiance to the king, and considered themselves perjured persons if they violated their oath. This idea appeared to be due from the fact that the land given to them was in "the name of the king." From this the colonists thought the land was given to them by the king.

The colonists did not all come to Washington county to occupy the land allotted to them, for some remained where they had settled after the collapse of Captain Campbell's scheme, but those who did settle in Argyle were related either by blood, or else by marriage.

Alexander McNaughton came to America in 1738, accompanied by his wife, Mary McDonald, and his children, John, Moses, Eleanor and Jeannette. They first settled at a place called Kaket, where they lived several years, when they removed up the river to Tappan, and there continued until the grant was made in Argyle. Alexander McNaughton died at the home of his son-in-law, Edward Savage, near Salem, and was buried on the land that had been granted him. The first to be interred in the old Argyle cemetery was the daughter Jeannette. The wife. Mary, died on the way home from Burgoyne's camp. The children of the colonists were loyal Americans, although many of the colonists had been carried to the British camp for protection.

NOTE J.

ALLAN MCDONALD'S COMPLAINT TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

"Philadelphia, March 25, 1776.

Sir: It is now several weeks since the Scotch inhabitants in and about Johnstown, Tryon County, have been required by General Schuyler to deliver up their arms; and that each and all of them should parade in the above place, that he might take from this small body six prisoners of his own nomination. The request was accordingly complied with, and five other gentlemen with myself were made prisoners of. As we are not conscious of having acted upon any principle that merits such severe proceedings from Congress, we cannot help being a good deal surprised at such treatment; but are willing to attribute this rather to malicious, ill-designing people, than to gentlemen of so much humanity and known character as the Congress consists of. The many difficulties we met with since our landing on this Continent, (which is but very lately,) burdened with women and children, we hope merit a share in their feeling; and that they would obtain the surest conviction, before we were removed from our families; as, by a separation of the kind, they are rendered destitute, and without access to either money or credit. This is the reason why you will observe, in the article of capitulation respecting the Scotch, that they made such a struggle for having their respective families provided for in their absence. The General declared he had no discretionary power to grant such, but that he would represent it, as he hoped with success, to Congress; and in this opinion two other gentlemen present supported him. The request is so just in itself that it is but what you daily grant to the meanest of your prisoners. As we cannot, we do not claim it by any agreement. Though, by a little attention to that part of the capitulation, you will observe that we were put in the hope and expectation of having them supported in their different situations.

As to ourselves, we are put into a tavern, with the proper allowance of bed and board. This is all that is necessary so far. But what becomes of the external part of the body? This requires its necessaries, and without the decent part of such, a gentleman must be very intolerable to himself and others. I know I need not enter so minutely in representing those difficulties to Congress or you, as your established character and feelings will induce you to treat us as gentlemen and prisoners, removed from all means of relief for ourselves or families, but that of application to Congress. I arrived here last night in order to have the honor of laying those matters personally, or in writing, before you and them. Shall accordingly expect to be honored with an answer.

I am, most respectfully, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

Allan McDonald."[197]

NOTE K.

THE GLENGARRY SETTLERS.

Major General D. McLeod, of the Patriot Army, Upper Canada, in his "Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada," published in 1841, adds the following interesting statements: "Gen. Howe, the then commander in chief of the British forces in North America, on hearing that the Scots in Virginia had joined the continentals, and were among the most active of the opposers of British domination, despatched Sir John Johnstone to the Scots settlement on the Mohawk—Captain James Craig, afterwards Governor of Lower Canada, and Lieut. Donald Cameron of the Regulars, to other parts, to induce the Highlanders to join the Royal Standard, and to convince them, that their interest and safety depended on their doing so.

They persuaded the uninstructed Highlanders, that the rebels had neither money, means, nor allies; that it was impossible they could for any length of time, withstand the mighty power and means of Great Britain; that their property would be confiscated, and apportioned to the royalists who should volunteer to reduce them to subjection. The Highlanders having duly weighed these circumstances, came to the conclusion, that the Americans would, like the Scots, in 1746 be ultimately overpowered;—that it was therefore to their interest, as they would not be permitted to remain neutral, to join the British standard.

The greater part of them volunteered under the command of Sir. J. Johnstone, and served faithfully with him until the peace of 1783. On the exchange of the ratification of peace, these unfortunate Highlanders, saw themselves once more bereft of house and home. The reward of their loyalty, and attachment to British supremacy, after fighting the battles of England for seven long and doubtful years, and sacrificing their all, was finally, an ungenerous abandonment by the British government of their interests, in not securing their property and personal safety in the treaty of peace. The object for which their services were required, not being accomplished, they were unceremoniously left to shift for themselves in the lower Province, among a race of people, whose language they did not understand, and whose manners and habits of life were quite dissimilar to their own. Col. McDonald, a near kinsman of the chief of that name, and who had, also, taken an active part in the royal army, during the revolution, commiserating their unfortunate condition, collected them together, and in a friendly manner, in their own native language, informed them, that if it were agreeable to their wishes, he would forthwith apply to the governor for a tract of land in the upper Province, where they might settle down in a body; and where, as they spoke a language different to that of the natives, they might enjoy their own society, and be better able to assist each other.

This, above all things, was what they wished for, and they therefore received the proposal with gratitude. Without much further delay, the Colonel proceeded to the Upper Province, pitched upon the eastern part of the eastern District; and after choosing a location for himself, directed his course to head quarters—informed the Governor of his plans and intentions, praying him to confirm the request of his countrymen, and prevent their return to the United States. The governor approved of his design, and promised every assistance. Satisfied that all was done, that could be reasonably expected, the Colonel lost no time, in communicating the result of his mission to his expectant countrymen; and they, in a short time afterwards, removed with him to their new location. The Highlanders, not long after, proposed to the Colonel as a mark of their approbation for his services, to call the settlement Glengarry, in honor of the chief of his clan, by which name it is distinguished to this day. It may be proper, to remember, in this place, that many of these were the immediate descendants of the proscribed Highlanders of 1715, and not a few the descendants of the relatives of the treacherously murdered clans of Glencoe (for their faithful and incorruptible adherence to the royal family of Stuart,) by king William the 3d, of Bloody memory, the Dutch defender of the English christian tory faith. But by far the major part, were the patriots of 1745,—the gallant supporters of the deeply lamented prince Charles Edward, and who, as before stated, had sought refuge in the colonies, from the British dungeons and bloody scaffolds.

It was not, therefore, their attachment to the British crown, nor their love of British institutions, that induced them to take up arms against the Americans; but their fears that the insurrection, would prove as disastrous to the sons of Liberty, as the Rebellion and the fatal field of Culloden had been to themselves; and that if any of them were found in the ranks of the discontented, they would be more severely dealt with in consequence of their former rebellion. Their chagrin was great indeed, especially, when they compared their former comfortable circumstances, in the state of New York, with their present miserable condition; and particularly, when they reflected how foolishly they had permitted themselves to be duped, out of their once happy homes by the promises of a government, which they knew from former experience, to be as false and treacherous, as it was cruel and over-bearing. They settled down, but with no very friendly feelings towards a government which had allured them to their ruin, and which at last, left them to their own resources, after fighting their battles for eight sanguinary years. Nor are their descendants, at this day, remarkable for either their loyalty, or attachment, to the reigning family. These were the first settlers of Glengarry. It is a singular circumstance, that, nearly all the Highlanders, who fought for liberty and independence, and who remained in the U.S., afterwards became rich and independent, while on the other hand, with a very few exceptions, every individual, whether American or European, who took up arms against the revolution, became blighted in his prospects," (pp. 33-36).

Having mentioned in particular Butler's Rangers the following from Lossing's "Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812," may be of some interest: "Some of Butler's Rangers, those bitter Tory marauders in Central New York during the Revolution, who in cruelty often shamed Brant and his braves, settled in Toronto, and were mostly men of savage character, who met death by violence. Mr. John Ross knew a Mr. D——, one of these Rangers, who, when intoxicated, once told him that 'the sweetest steak he ever ate was the breast of a woman, which he cut off and broiled,'" (p. 592).

NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII.

The method of warfare carried on by Sir John Johnson and his adherents did not sway the lofty mind of Washington, as may be illustrated in the following narration furnished the author by Rev. Dr. R. Cameron, grandson of Alexander Cameron, who was a direct descendant of Donald Dubh of Lochiel. This Alexander Cameron came to America in 1773, and on the outbreak of the Revolution enlisted as a private under Sir John Johnson. Three times he was taken prisoner and condemned to be executed as a spy. How he escaped the first time is unknown. The second time, the wife of the presiding officer at the court-martial, informed him in Gaelic that he would be condemned, and assisted him in dressing him in her own clothes, and thus escaped to the woods. The third time, his mother, Mary Cameron of Glennevis, rode all the way from Albany to Valley Forge on horseback and personally plead her cause before Washington. Having listened to her patiently, the mighty chief replied: "Mrs. Cameron, I will pardon your son for your sake, but you must promise me that you will take him to Canada at once, or he will be shot." The whole family left for Canada.