[Footnote 110: See Jackson's account of Marocco, last chapter.]

I think, with you, it is probable there is a communication by water between Jinnie and Egypt; but I should rather imagine there is some large lake or Mediterranean sea, like the Caspian, for instance, into which the Niger may discharge itself from the west, and a branch of the Nile from the east. This idea seems to reconcile the opinions of ancient geographers, with those resulting from modern discoveries. If we should be able to effect the complete conquest of Egypt, and to retain that kingdom, much light will probably soon be acquired upon these interesting subjects. 105

LETTER XIII.

Journey from Mogodor, to Rabat, to Mequinas, to the Sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone in the Atlas Mountains, to the Ruins of Pharaoh, and thence through the Amorite Country to L'Araich and Tangier.—Started from Mogodor with Bel Hage as my (Tabuk) Cook, ana Deeb as my (Mule Lukkerzana) Tent Master.—Exportation of Wool granted by the Emperor.—Akkermute depopulated by the Plague.—Arabs, their Mode of hunting the Partridge.—Observations respecting the River Tansift.—Jerf El Eudie, or the Jews' Pass.—Description of Saffy, and its Port or Road.—Woladia calculated to make a safe Harbour.—Growth of Tobacco.—Mazagan described.—Azamor the Abode of Storks.—Saneet Urtemma a dangerous Country.—Dar El Beida, Fedalla, and Rabat described.—Mausoleum of the Sultan Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Rabat.—Of Shella, a Roman Town.—Of the Tower of Hassan.—Road of Rabat.—Productive Country about Rabat.—Salee.—The People inimical to Christians.—The Dungeon where they confined Christian Slaves.—Ait Zimurh, notorious Thieves.—Their Mode of Robbing.—Their Country disturbed with Lions.—Arrival at Mequinas.—Some Account of that City and its imperial Palace.—Ladies of Mequinas extremely beautiful.—Arrival at the renowned Sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone.—Extraordinary and favourable Reception there by the Fakeers of the Sanctuary.—Slept in the Adytum.—Succour expected from the English in the Event of an Invasion by Bonaparte.—Prostration and Prayer of Benediction by the Fakeers at 106 my Departure from the Sanctuary.—Ruins of Pharaoh near the Sanctuary.—Treasures found there.—Ite Amor.—The Descendants of the Ancient Amorites.—Character of these People.—Various Tribes of the Berebbers of Atlas.—El Kassar Kabeer.—Its Environs, a beautiful Country.—Forest of L'Araich.—Superior Manufacture of Gold Thread made at Fas, as well as Imitations of Amber.—Grand Entry of the British Ambassador into Tangier.—Our Ignorance of African Matters.—The Sultan's Comparison of the Provinces of his Empire to the various Kingdoms of Europe.

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

Tangier, 8th August, 1801. Dear sir,

My journey to meet His Excellency James M. Matra, the British ambassador to the Court of Marocco, was undertaken principally to obtain permission to ship a large quantity of wool which I had in my possession, the exportation of which had been recently prohibited. I thought I could not select a more seasonable time than when our ambassador was at court; accordingly, I started from Mogodor (the morning after I dispatched two vessels for Europe) on the 4th June last, at four o'clock, P.M. My journey was first to Rabat; thence, across the country, to Fas and Mequinas; thence to the renowned and revered sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, on the declivity of the mountains of Atlas, east of Mequinas; thence to Kassar Farawan (the ruins of Pharaoh), and through the warlike 107 province of the Ait Amor, to L'Araich, Arzilla, and to Tangier.

I took with me two of the finest horses in the country, to ride alternately. Two mules and three camels carried my baggage, tents, &c. Muhamed of Diabet, commonly called Deeb, I engaged as tent-master; this is the man that astonished Aly Bey El Abassy, when he shot the fish in the river, as recorded by that interesting traveller. I engaged a most excellent fellow as cook, a man who had performed many journies in a similar capacity with the princes; he was acquainted with the roads, the country, and the character of the people; the camel-drivers and muleteers completed our party. We arrived at Tela at nine o'clock in the evening, being a journey of five hours. We remained at Tela the whole of the following day, and started on the 6th June at seven o'clock; arrived, at ten o'clock, at Akkermute, a town in ruins, in the plains west of Jebbel El Heddeed (the iron mountains), which was depopulated by the plague about fifty years since. Passing through the plains of Akkermute, towards the river Tensift, we saw a party of Arabs hunting partridges; we did not stop to see this novel sport, but I was informed that the dogs were directed by the huntsmen to the spot where the birds settled, which roused them; they then pursued them again, and after rousing them several times without intermission, the birds become fatigued and exhausted by continual 108 flying, and the dogs then run them down and seize on them. In six hours from Akkermute, at four o'clock, P.M., we reached the river Tensift, which brings its water from the Atlas, east of Marocco, meandering through the plains and passing about three miles north of that city.

We pitched our tents under the walls of the (Luksebba) castle, on the south bank of the river.

We started the next morning at six o'clock, and travelling through a fine country, we came to a narrow pass on the declivity of a lofty mountain called Jerf El Eudie, a most picturesque country, and arrived at the port of Saffy at eleven o'clock. Saffy has no harbour, but a road where ships are obliged to put to sea whenever the south-wind blows; the town was fortified when in possession of the Portuguese, and is situated in a declivity between two hills, so that during the rainy season the waters come down so rapidly that they sometimes overflow the lower apartments of the houses and commit considerable damage. On the 8th June we started from Saffy at nine o'clock, and arrived at the sanctuary of Seedi Cuscasoe at five o'clock, P.M.; and proceeding on, we reached El Woladia at nine, and pitched our tents. This place might be made a secure harbour for the whole British navy, by blowing up a rock which impedes the narrow passage at the entrance of a long and extensive bay. From hence we started at half-past five o'clock in the morning; we proceeded northwards along the coast till eleven 109 o'clock, when we reached the beautiful and abundant valley, the Woolga; travelling on through the country, leaving the sea to the left, we arrived at six o'clock at the Douar, (an encampment of Arabs,) called Woled Aisah, i.e. "Sons of Jesus," situated in the productive province of Duquella. The environs of the Douar of Woled Aisah abound in plantations of tobacco, of a superior quality, equal to the Havannah. The next morning, viz. on the 10th June, we struck our tents at six o'clock, and travelling three hours we arrived, at nine, at the Jerf el Saffer (the Yellow Cliff): three hours more brought us to Tet, and an hour more to Mazagan, which we reached at one o'clock. Mazagan is the Portuguese name; the Moorish name is El Burreja. This is a very strong place, having several stout bastions; there is a magnificent (mitfere) cistern of water, built by the Portuguese, supported by many pillars of great strength of the Tuscan order. The water in the neighbourhood of Mazagan is very salubrious; this country is full of springs. The inhabitants have a good healthy colour, very different from the inhabitants of the plains of the province of Duquella, which being supplied by water from wells only, of from 100 to 200 feet deep, have a sallow and sickly appearance. It may, in Europe, appear extraordinary that the quality of water should produce such a manifest difference in the complexion of the inhabitants, but when we consider that these people drink no wine, spirits, or malt 110 liquor, the paradox will immediately vanish. After viewing the mitfere, or cistern, and batteries at Mazagan, we mounted at four o'clock, and arrived at Azamor at seven o'clock P.M., pitched the tents in a large spacious fondaque, or caravansera, in the centre of the town. We were annoyed during the night by thousands of storks, the cluttering of whose bills would not permit us to sleep. This town is in the centre of a beautiful country. On the 11th June, at noon, we pursued our journey, and reached Sancet Urtemma at eight o'clock P.M. This is a dangerous country, infested with robbers, who, from the undulating face of the country, have many modes of escape; we, therefore, retired into a solitary retreat, and lay on our arms, without sleep, all night. At six o'clock next morning, being the 12th June, we started, and arrived at Dar el Beida at twelve. Here I was hospitably entertained by the agents of the Spanish house of the Cinquo Gremos of Madrid, who were established here for the purpose of shipping corn to Spain. We left Dar el Beida, at half-past three, and reached Fedalla at half-past seven. This is a fine productive country, abounding in grain as well as Dar el Beida. On the 13th we started at four o'clock, and reached El Mensoria at seven; stopped and dined, mounted at ten A.M. and arrived at Rabat at seven o'clock, P.M. after a journey from Mogodor, of 80-1/2 hours of actual travelling, or 242 English miles.[111]

[Footnote 111: Calculated at the rate of three miles an hour, including stoppages and refreshments.] 111 Rabat is the largest town on the coast of the empire, it is walled round; its circumference is about four miles; an aqueduct conveys abundance of water to the town from a distance of several miles. The mausoleum of the sultan Muhamed, father to the present sultan Soliman, is in the town of Rabat, it is a neat building, surrounded by a colonade; here is a lamp continually burning, and a muden[112], who is a fakeer, is continually proclaiming the omnipotence of God, and that Muhamed is the prophet. "La Allah, ila Allah, wa Muhamed rassul Allah." There is a very strong battery towards the sea, at the mouth of the river, which is bomb proof. The city wall is high, and is strengthened by several bastions mounting cannon: towards the land, about a mile from Rabat, there is a spring, reported to have been discovered by the Romans, and near it is the Roman town of Shella, which none but musulmen are permitted to enter. In it are said to be the tombs of two sultans, but most probably of Roman generals. Kettles or pans of coins are continually found by the people who dig the ground at this place, and the coins found are Roman. Some European travellers enhanced the price of these coins so much, by their eagerness to purchase them, that they offered more than double their intrinsic 112 value, so that the Jews imitated them so well that they deceived even these antiquaries. There are several mosques in this town, but that which attracts particularly the notice of travellers, is the sma Hassan, i.e. the tower of Hassan, situated about a mile from Shella, on the south banks of the river Buregreg, so called from its being in the province of Beny Hassan, it is an old tower built in a superior manner by an architect of Grenada, the same that built the tower at Marocco, called Jamaa Lifenar, one at Timbuctoo, and that at Seville; it is about 200 feet high, perfectly square, and a person may ride up to the top on horseback, having a gradual ascent, and seven chambers one above the other: the cement with which it is made is so hardened that no pickaxe can destroy it. It was represented to the sultan Muhamed that the apartments in this tower were the haunts of vice and immorality, and the sultan ordered the floor or terras, by which visitors ascend, to be broken; it was found, however, impossible to destroy it, wherefore the workmen were ordered to desist, and the entrance was blocked up with loose stones. This tower I ascended with my friend the Comte de Fourban, nephew to the duke de Crillon, who conducted the famous siege of Gibraltar, and whose machinations were so admirably defeated by the immortal governor of that garrison, General Elliott, Lord Heathfield. The Comte had ruined his constitution by being immolated in a dungeon in France, during 113 the reign of Robespierre, where he remained during fifteen months, oftentimes seated on steps in water up to his ankles. The Comte was a very generous and liberal man, an emigrant French nobleman, protected by the British consul at the court of Morocco. The disorder contracted by ill usage and confinement in prison, brought on a disease which, after applying various remedies to no purpose, carried him off, and he died at Rabat. The house of the French consul and those of some other European consuls who formerly resided here, are conveniently situated on the southern banks of the river Buregreg, which divides Rabat from Salee. Ships of one hundred tons, that do not draw much water, may pass the bar and load close to these houses; but larger vessels must come to anchor in the offing, and take in their cargoes by boats. The country about Rabat and Salee is wonderfully abundant in all the finest grain, leguminous plants, fruits, vegetables, and cattle; the orange, lemon, Seville, or bitter orange, and citron plantations are here very extensive and extremely productive. Several ships might be loaded here with oranges in October and November, before the gales of the latter half of December and the month of January set in. One hundred fine large oranges may be had for a drahim, a silver coin worth 6d. sterling. The orange plantations of Rabat are of incalculable extent; the trees are as large as a middling-sized oak; the vineyards and cotton plantations are likewise most abundant; and nothing can exceed the good quality of 114 the grapes, figs, oranges, citrons, apricots, peaches, and water-melons; the quality of the latter is peculiarly sweet, they are called Dilla Seed Billa; the seed of which might be advantageously transported to our new colony, the Cape of Good Hope. The vineyards of Rabat are very extensive; the vines are cultivated in the Arabian system, on the ground, which is a light sandy soil: the immense numbers of turtle-doves that are in these vineyards is such, that a bad sportsman cannot fail killing a dozen or two at every shot; they rise just before you in thousands, and the foulahs, or vine cultivators, express their gratitude to the Christians who go to shoot them. These birds, from being unmolested, are so tame and so abundant, that they destroy an incalculable quantity of the best fruit.

[Footnote 112: The muden is the man who ascends the tower of the Mosque and announces prayer.]

On the 14th, the Comte de Fourban accompanied me, and we crossed the river, in the ferry, to visit Salee. The inhabitants of this town are inimical to Christians: we viewed the subterraneous cavern where the Sallee rovers formerly confined their Christian slaves: it resembled a mitfere or large subterraneous granary; it had two grates to let in the air; it appeared perfectly dry, but no one was in it. The Comte observed that it was far preferable to the prison where he was confined in France, during the reign or usurpation of Robespierre. The air of Salee and Rabat, and the adjacent country, 115 is strongly perfumed, morning and evening, with the sweet odour of the orange-flower, of which they make immense quantities of delectable comfits.

On the morning of the 15th, we pursued our journey to Mequinas, passing through a very fine country, inhabited by a Kabyl of Berebbers, called Ait Zemurh. We halted, at four o'clock P.M. at a circular Douar of these Berebbers, in a fine campaign country. The next morning, at five o'clock, we struck the tents, and proceeded through a dangerous country, infested by artful robbers, and the occasional depredations of the lion and other wild beasts, whose roaring we heard at a distance. We saw several square buildings, which our guides informed us were built by the Berebbers, for the purpose of destroying the lion. The patient hunter will conceal himself in one of these buildings, which are about five feet by seven, and will wait whole days for an opportunity to get a shot at the lion: these noble beasts are here said to be the largest in all Africa. After travelling this day ten hours, we pitched our tents at another circular encampment of the Zimurite[113] Berebbers. These people drive in stakes and place thorny bushes round their encampment, eight feet high, and fill up the entrance every night with thorns, as the fiercest lions of Africa abound in the adjacent forests, and sometimes attack their habitations, accordingly they 116 keep a large fire all night to deter the lions and other wild beasts from approaching. About two hours after midnight, my grey horse, who was an old campaigner, neighed and awoke us; this gave the alarm, and my people were presently on the alert, and perceived two men approaching our tents, crawling naked along the ground, which was of the same colour with their bodies. We did not wish to take them, fearing that the people of the Douar would espouse the cause of their countrymen, but my people gave the alarm, and exclaimed "Erd abellek asas," i.e. "Be watchful, guards!" We then saw these marauders jump up, and run away as fast as they could; keeping watch the rest of the night: we were advised to take no notice of this circumstance. The people of Ait Zimurh are professed robbers: they would not allow us to pitch our tents within their circular encampment, a privilege universally granted to strangers and travellers. I thought this very unhospitable; being totally different from any thing I had ever before witnessed in this country, where hospitality generally exceeds all bounds. I have no doubt that the people of the Douar were in league with the robbers; I considered my escape, the next day, when I was apprised of the danger of the country I had confided in, quite providential, and I have no doubt but these people would delude any one that would trust to their honour: they reminded me of the ancient Africans, as described by Sallust, in the wars of Jugurtha.

[Footnote 113: The Zimurites, or Ait Zimure, are probably the descendants of the Zemarites: for which see 1 Chron. i. 16.] 117 We struck our tents at five o'clock, and travelled very fast to get out of these treacherous habitations; for we learned that, the preceding night, Alkaid L'Hassan Ramy, a Negro captain of the emperor's army, passed this Douar, and was robbed of his bridles, saddles, and tent equipage, with which the thieves made off, without being discovered. I afterwards met Alkaid L'Hassan Ramy at Mequinas; and he appeared quite astonished that I should have escaped being robbed at the above Douar, calling the whole Kabyl a set of lawless thieves. On the 17th, we started at five o'clock, and arrived at Mequinas at nine o'clock, performing the journey from Rabat to Mequinas in twenty-two hours, being sixty-six miles. The city of Mequinas is the court-town of the northern division of the empire: the imperial palace at this place is above two miles in circumference. At the corners are erected (Coba's) square buildings or pavilions, containing one room up stairs, where the emperor frequently transacts business. This palace was built by the sultan Muley Ismael: it is very neat, and consists for the most part of moresque architecture; the marble columns and other decorations were brought from (Kasser Farawan) the ruins of Pharaoh, about a day's journey to the eastward. There is a superior garden of choice fruit within the wall which surrounds the palace, and in the latter are many elegant apartments, ornamented A-la-mauresque. The ladies of Mequinas are so extremely handsome, 118 that I cannot say I saw one plain young woman, although I visited several families; nay, I can say, without offense to truth, that I did not see one that was not comely and handsome. I was most hospitably entertained wherever I went. On the 18th June, at eight o'clock A.M. we started for Fas; when we had approached the latter city, we met a messenger, with the prince Muley Abdsalam's secretary, from the emperor to his excellency J.M. Matra, the British ambassador to the court of Marocco, who informed me that his excellency had just terminated his embassy, had waited for my arrival two days, and was on his return to Tangier. Presuming, therefore, that the ambassador had negociated my business for me, I turned to the north-east, travelled all day without halting, till eight o'clock in the evening, when we arrived at the renowned sanctuary[114] of Muley Dris Zerone, on the declivity of North Atlas; a most magnificent, beautiful, and picturesque country, abounding in all the necessaries and luxuries of life. This sanctuary was never before, nor since, visited by any Christian. It was here that the standard of Muhamed was first planted in North-western Africa, by the fakeer and prince Muley Dris, the founder. A favourable combination of circumstances, of which I availed myself, enabled me to procure not only an asylum, but a 119 most hospitable and kind reception and entertainment in this renowned sanctuary; and I actually slept in the Horem or Adytum itself, which honour I obtained by a present, appropriated to the circumstance, and sent to the chief fakeer of the sanctuary, accompanied with some observations expressed in a manner which was agreeable to the holy fraternity. When I entered the Horem of this renowned sanctuary, where I slept alone, its silence reminded me of the silence of death, which formed one of the ancient mysteries of Egypt. The chief of the fakeers met me in the portico, and cordially shook hands with me, calling me his brother. At this time there was a rumour that Bonaparte was preparing to invade the country; and indeed he had intimated as much, the English were therefore courted; it was even hoped and expected by the emperor that they would in such an event become his allies, and give him succour. The next morning, I gave the fakeer some wax candles accompanied with observations emblematical of the present, which was so favourably received, that no less than nine saints prostrated themselves at the place of prayer, which is at the entrance of the town, as I passed out to pursue my journey, uttering with audible voices a (fatha) prayer of benediction, invoking on me the protection of Almighty God, and a blessing on the English nation; also that God would avert every danger from the embassy, and restore them in safety to their native land. I am 120 perfectly aware that, in recording this extraordinary circumstance, persons who have visited this country, and have remarked the rancour that generally exists with the lower orders against Christians, may doubt my veracity, so unprecedented a circumstance it is for a Christian to be admitted into a Horem! the most respected also and the most sacred in the empire! My answer to such is, that the circumstance is so incredible, that I should not have presumed to lay it before the British public, if I had not two most respectable witnesses, now living in West Barbary, who can and will corroborate my report; these two men are Bel Hage, a Muselman, who had been the prince's cook, and who officiated as mine during the journey, and Muhamed, commonly called Deeb, of Diabet, a village near Mogodor, the same man whose dexterity Aly Bey, in his travels, alludes to, when he shot a fish in the river near Mogodor.

[Footnote 114: The town, in the centre of which stands the sanctuary, contains about 5000 inhabitants.]

Half an hour's journey after leaving the sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, and at the foot of Atlas, I perceived to the left of the road magnificent and massive ruins; the country for miles around is covered with broken columns of white marble, the ruins appeared to be of the Egyptian, and massive style of architecture. There were still standing two porticos, about thirty feet high and twelve feet wide, the top of which was one entire stone. I attempted to take a view of these immense ruins, which have furnished marble for the 121 imperial palaces at Mequinas and at Tafilelt; but I was obliged to desist, seeing some persons of the sanctuary following the cavalcade. Pots and kettles of gold and silver coins are continually dug up from these ruins. The country, however, abounds in serpents, and we saw many scorpions under the stones that my conductor Deeb turned up. These ruins are said by the Africans to have been built by one of the Pharaohs: they are called "Kasser Farawan" i.e. the ruins of Pharaoh.[115] Here begins the territory 122 of the Brebber Kabyl, the Amorites or Ite-amor, said to be the descendants of the ancient[116] Amorites, whose country was situated east of Palestine. These people retain their ancient warlike spirit, but they are a faithless tribe, and intolerable thieves, unlike the other Kabyles (who are, at least, faithful to one of their own Kabyl); but these marauders are exceedingly mistrustful of their own brethren, so that their habitations consist of two or three tents only, in one encampment; and even these are sometimes at variance with each other. The lamentable 123 result of this mistrustful and marauding spirit, is wretched and universal poverty. Their country is a succession of gentle undulating hills, without trees or plantations of any kind. The late sultan Muhamed used to compare the provinces or races of men in his empire, to the nations of Europe, the English he called warriors, the French faithless, the Spaniards quiet and inoffensive, the Romans, i.e. the people of Italy, treacherous, the Dutch a parsimonious and trading people; the other powers of Europe, having no consul at Marocco, nor merchants in the country, are known only by name: accordingly, in allusion to the warlike spirit of the English, he would call the Ait Amor, "the English of Barbary;" Temsena, the French; Duquella, the Spanish; Haha, the Italians; and Suse, the Russians. When the sultan Muhamed began a campaign, he never entered the field without the warlike Ait Amor, who marched in the rear of the army; these people received no pay, but were satisfied with what plunder they got after a battle; and accordingly, this principle stimulating them, they were always foremost on any contest, dispute, or battle. They begin the campaign almost in a state of nudity, and seldom return to their homes without abundance of apparel, arms, horses, camels, and money; but this property quickly disappears, and these people are soon again reduced to their wonted misery and nudity, and become 124 impatient for another campaign of plunder. When the present sultan, Soliman, came from Mequinas, in the year of the plague (1799), a division of his army passed near Mogodor, and the encampments of the Ait Amor, or Amorites occupied the whole of the country from the river to the Commerce Garden, a distance of three miles. It is very probable that some other of the tribes bordering on Palestine, may have emigrated in remote times, and may have taken their abode on the Atlas mountains. There are above twenty (kabyls) tribes of[117] Berebbers occupying the mountains of Atlas, as Ait-Girwan, Zian, Ait-Ziltan, Ait-Amor, Ait-Ebeko, Ait-Kitiwa, Ait-Attar, Ait-Amaran, and many more whose names I do not now recollect. We travelled seven hours through the Amorite country, and pitched our tents in the north part of the plains of Msharrah Rummellah. Fire being lit, the Moors sat round to warm themselves, and confidently animadverted on the prosperity that would necessarily attend our journey, after having met with such a hospitable and favoured reception at the renowned sanctuary before mentioned.

[Footnote 115: In reply to those learned sceptics who have studied books; but not men, and the manners of different countries; who believe nothing but what they have seen; and who say that Pharaoh never came so far west; I reply, that our knowledge of African history is extremely imperfect. In fact, we now know as certainties, various articles of which no record is to be found in any ancient writer; for the affairs of Africa, which, of late, have so deservedly excited the attention of the learned, were as little known to the ancients as they are to the moderns; insomuch that not a word is to be found in any ancient record or history extant, of those curious astronomical representations, the Zodiacs, which adorn the ceilings of the temples in Egypt, nor of the paintings which cover the silent and solemn repositories of their dead. Even the royal sepulchres, surpassing all the efforts of art hitherto known, in brilliancy of colours and decorative sculptures, are recorded by no historian! Neither in any history, known to Europe, is there any allusion to the Egyptian custom of placing books, i.e. rolls of manuscript, in the mummy coffins with the bodies of the deceased. For much of the knowledge collected respecting Africa, we are indebted to the catacombs of Egypt, and we must not hope to know much more, whilst our ignorance of the Arabic language is so manifest; we must travel far out of the precincts of Greek and Latin lore, before we shall procure correct histories of African affairs! Our knowledge of Hebrew, in Europe I apprehend, is almost as much confined and as imperfect as that of Arabic! By the assistance, however, of the latter, what store of learning might we not expect from complete Arabic translations of many of the Greek and Latin authors, viz. of the complete works of Livy, Tacitus, and many others. I recollect conversing with Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of Abda, (a gentleman deeply versed in Arabian literature,) about the close of the last century, who mentioned circumstances, which gave me reason to suppose that there is extant a complete Arabic translation of Livy as well as of Tacitus, as the bashaw assured me there was, and that he had read them, and they were to be found in the recondite chests of the Imperial library at Fas, in which it is more than probable that there are many valuable transcripts in Arabic of ancient authors, quite lost to erudite Europe! A knowledge of the Arabic language in this country is so indispensable, and is held in such high estimation, that every one who does not understand it, is denominated ajemmy, i.e. barbarian or European.—St. Paul in the same spirit says, I Corinth. ch. xiv. v. 11., "He that speaketh unintelligibly, is unto us a barbarian."]

[Footnote 116: See Genesis, xv. 16. Deuteron. xx. 17. Judges, i. 34.]

[Footnote 117: Some persons consider several tribes of these Berebbers to be colonies of the ancient Phenicians.]

On the morning of the 20th June, we struck our tents at six o'clock, and pursued our journey to L'Araich, and soon entered the territory that belongs to the agriculturists of El Kassar Kabeer, a 125 beautiful country not unlike that of Ait-Amor in appearance, but bearing the evidences of agricultural industry. Here we discovered magnificent and extensive plantations of olives, immense citron-trees, orange-groves, and spacious vineyards, peaches, apricots, greengages, and walnuts were also the produce of this country, besides excellent wheat of a large and long transparent grain like amber, yielding, when ground into flour, from fifteen to twenty per cent. increase, in quantity. Anxious now to overtake His Excellency the ambassador, for the purpose of being present at his entry into Tangier, we accelerated our pace, with a view of coming up with him at L'Araich. We arrived at the forest of L'Araich at dusk, and travelled through it all night till five o'clock next morning.

Having travelled incessantly twenty-three hours without halting, being much fatigued, I desired Deeb to take a little rest with me in an adjacent field, and we sent on Bel Hage with the baggage to L'Araich, to wait our arrival at the ferry. We pursued our journey at seven o'clock, and entered the town at nine. On reaching the ferry, Bel Hage introduced a courier, who had been dispatched to me from Fas, by a friend of mine, who informed me how much he, and many of my Moorish friends had been disappointed, that I did not enter that city, where I understood preparations had been made for my entertainment, in the odoriferous gardens of the merchants of 126 Fas. The courier brought me a present of gold wire and gold thread, of the manufacture of Fas, and some gold ornaments of filligrane work from Timbuctoo, of the manufacture of Jinnie. It is more than probable that the Fasees learned the art of manufacturing gold thread from the Egyptians: it is much superior to that which is imported into Barbary from Marseilles. The ladies ornament their cambric dresses with it, and the Fas gold-thread never loses its colour by washing, but the French does; the Fas gold thread wears also much better, and is more durable; the change of colour may possibly originate from the great proportion of alloy in the gold of the French manufacture, whereas that of Fas, according to an imperial edict, must be of a certain fineness, approaching to pure gold; the gold wire of which it is made being first assayed by the (M'tasseb) supervisor of manufactures. Great quantities of gold thread are used in the elegant shawls and sashes of silk and gold made at Fas, the better kind of which are reserved for princes and bashaws, in which they use, as before observed, the Fas thread only. They manufacture also at Fas, a very correct imitation of amber-beads, impossible to be discriminated by the best judges, but by rubbing the artificial amber, and then applying it to a bit of cotton; the latter does not adhere, but the natural amber attracts the cotton as a magnet does iron; and this is the discriminating criterion whereby to distinguish them. 127 But, to return to our journey, we found the ambassador had passed the preceding day, we therefore crossed the river, and travelled on till nine o'clock at night, when, after being a-horseback thirty-four hours, refreshed only by two hours' sleep, we came up with the ambassadors, Cafila, and guard, in a fine open campaign country, half-way between Tangier and Arzilla; and soon after I received a courier from Sir Pieter Wyk, Swedish consul-general to the empire residing at Tangier, with a very friendly invitation to his house and table, which being the first offer and from a sincere and worthy friend, I with pleasure accepted it, and returned the express immediately. On the morning of the 22d June, I breakfasted at five o'clock with the ambassador, and, discussing with him my business, I learned that he had terminated it to my satisfaction. We started together at seven o'clock, and moved slowly on towards Tangier, it having been ordered by the emperor, that the English ambassador's entry into that town should be marked with every possible honour and attention. An hour before we reached Tangier, the governor, with the whole garrison, came out to salute and greet the ambassador, the cavalry running full gallop, and firing their muskets, as is the custom with them in all rejoicings. At half-past eleven the cannon of Tangier began to announce the ambassador's arrival, and continued, not a royal salute, but every gun in Tangier was discharged; and at twelve o'clock we entered the gates. 128

LETTER XIV.

Result of the British Embassy.

FROM HIS EXCELLENCY J.M. MATRA TO MR. J.

Old Fez, Sunday night, June 14, 1801.

Dear Jackson;

After a most unpleasant and tedious negotiation of nine days, I have just finished my business. I march off early to-morrow morning, and am much employed in packing up, translating, and copying of papers.

The letter I solicited for you is just brought to me, mixed with Mr. Foxcroft's business, and the provision for the shipping in Mogadore; but the Talb promises to bring me a separate one very early in the morning, when I will inclose it to you.

Through the interest of Muly Abdel-melk-ben Driss, the orders were some time since sent to Mogadore, to reduce your new duty to the old standard of Seedi Muhamed.

I have been treated by the emperor like a prince, and with a friendly personal attention I had no idea of; but my business has been marvellously tormented. Of that, as we are to meet soon, I will say no more. I am half dead.

God bless you. J. MATRA. 129

LETTER XV.

European Society at Tangier.—Sects and Divisions among Christians in Muhamedan Countries counteracts the Propagation of Christianity, and casts a Contempt upon Christians themselves.—The Cause of it.—The Conversion of Africa should be preceded by an Imitation of the divine Doctrine of Christ among Christians themselves, as an Example eligible to follow.

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

It is not only the duty, but it is the manifest policy of Christians who reside in Muhamedan countries, to preserve that peace and harmony that is so often inculcated by our divine Master: there should be no followers of Paul or of Apollos, of the Pope or of Luther, but Christians altogether should forget sects, and become followers of Christ, by practising his divine and luminous doctrine. This principle, strictly adhered to, would have greater effect in propagating the Christian doctrine, than the united efforts, however arduous, of all the missionaries in Africa. We should first begin by reforming the manners of those Christians who are established in Muhamedan countries, holding responsible situations, so as to show the Muhamedans, by their harmony and good will, the advantages of the benign influence of the great Christian principle, "Love thy neighbour as thyself." Until the disgraceful 130 animosity lamentably prevalent between the Catholic and Protestant, the Lutheran, Calvinist, and other sects of Christians be annihilated, it cannot be expected by any reasonable and reflecting mind, that essential progress can be made in the propagation of Christianity in Africa, at least in the Muhamedan part of it. We must purify our own actions, and set a laudable example of chaste and virtuous conduct, as a prelude to the conversion of the people of this continent. The Africans, viz. the Arabs, Berebbers, Shelluhs, Moors, and Negroes are, generally speaking, shrewd, acute, discerning races of men; and it cannot be supposed by any but insane enthusiasts, that the doctrines of Christ can be propagated in those countries, until an example be set for their imitation better than their own practice, and more conformable to the true Christian doctrine than any that has hitherto been offered for their imitation.

Tangier is the residence of the consuls-general of all the nations of Europe, who send occasionally ambassadors to the Court of Marocco; and these gentlemen generally act as envoys or ministers, as well as consuls. The English, French, Dutch, American, Spanish, Portuguese, Swedish, and Danish consuls reside here, some with their families, some without. I had not been long here before I perceived that the Moors of Tangier manifested an extraordinary contempt for Christians, the general respect which is shown to them at Mogodor, is unknown here. The reason is evident: the families of 131 these gentlemen were at variance with each other, and the respective ladies did not visit one another. This circumstance was too well known to the Moors, and materially contributed to create among those people that contempt for the Christians, which, perhaps, is due to all, whatever be their professed doctrines, who have not charity enough, in the correct acceptation of the word, to maintain harmony in their own community. I was shocked to see so many amiable families at variance. I will not declare if it was pride, ambition, or contention for pre-eminence that produced this want of harmony; but it is most certain, that Christians, whose destiny it is to reside among Muhamedans, should have more than ordinary care to preserve that philanthropic disposition to each other, which carries with it a high recommendation, particularly in a country like West Barbary, where the gate of every tent is open to the largest, most disinterested, and unqualified hospitality, and where the sheik of every douar considers it his first and indispensable duty to provide food and rest to the needy traveller, and to the stranger at his gate. 132

LETTER XVI.

Diary of a Journey from Tangier to Mogodor, showing the Distances from Town to Town, along the Coast of the Atlantic Ocean; useful to Persons travelling in that Country.

TO THE SAME.

Mogodor, 1801.

If you should ever come to this country, and have occasion to travel through it, the following journal of a journey from Tangier to Mogodor may be of service to you, in ascertaining the distances from one port to another, &c.

Departed from Tangier for Mogodor, July 15, 1801, at 9 o'clock, A.M. Hours.

Arrived at Arzilla, at 7, P.M. 10

Mounted at 7, A.M.; arrived at L'Araich, at 2, P.M. 7

Started at 5, A.M.; arrived at Ras Doura, at 3, P.M. 10

Mounted at 6, A.M.; travelled three hours; came to a plain, level country, and arrived at Sallee, at 10 o'clock, P.M. 16

Crossed the river in the ferry, and remained at the French Consul's Hotel, at Rabat, three days. Mounted at 9; arrived at El Mensoria, at 9, P.M. 12 133 Mounted at 6, A.M.; arrived at Dar El Beida, at half-past 2, P.M. 8-1/2

Proceeded without halting, and arrived at the Douar of Woled Jeraar, at 9, P.M. and pitched our tents. 7

Mounted at 5, A.M.; arrived at Azamore, at 7, P.M. 14

Mounted at 7, A.M.; travelled southward, leaving Mazagan to the right, and arrived at the Douar of Woled Aisah, at 1 o'clock, P.M. and pitched our tents. 6

Departed at 7, A.M.; arrived at El Woladia, at 6, P.M. 11

Mounted at 8; arrived at Saffy, at 5. 9

Started at 1, P.M.; rode six hours to the river Tansift; slept at the Sanctuary near the river. 6

Rose at midnight, struck the tents, and mounted at 1 o'clock, A.M. arrived at the Sanctuary of Seedi Buzurukton, at 11. 10

Dined, slept, and started again at 4 o'clock, P.M. and entered Mogodor at half-past 7 o'clock. 3-1/2

130

Average rate of travelling, (including stoppages,) three miles per hour, 390 miles in 130 hours. 134

LETTER XVII.

An Account of a Journey from Mogodor to Saffy, during a Civil War, in a Moorish Dress, when a Courier could not pass, owing to the Warfare between the two Provinces of Haha and Shedma.—Stratagem adopted by the Author to prevent Detection.—Danger of being discovered.—Satisfaction expressed by the Bashaw of Abda, Abdrahaman ben Nassar, on the Author's safe Arrival, and Compliments received from him on his having accomplished this perilous Journey.

TO THE SAME. Mogodor, 1802.

Having arranged all my affairs, I awaited an opportunity to depart for England. A Spanish vessel was lying at the port of Saffy, nearly ready to sail, bound to Cadiz; but how to reach the former port was the difficulty; the provinces of Shedma and Haha, through which I must necessarily pass, were at war against each other, and an army of several thousand men were encamped at Ain el Hajar, a spring near the road, between Mogodor and Saffy; so that all communication was cut off, insomuch that it was dangerous, even for a courier, to attempt to pass from one port to the other. I was extremely anxious to reach Europe, and I determined to go to Saffy by land. I accordingly sent for a trusty Arab, whose character for 135 fidelity I had often before proved. I asked him if he would undertake to conduct me to Saffy. He required a day to consider of it. He then resolved to attempt it, provided I would adopt the dress of an Arab, and accompany him: I agreed; and we started from Mogodor at 4 o'clock; P.M. We passed into a convenient recess, to change my dress, which being done, we mounted our horses and rode away; we had not gone two hours, before some scouts of the army came galloping towards us. Billa (my trusty guide, who was a native of Shedma, and a man of considerable influence in that province) and his friend rode off with speed to meet them, and having satisfied them that we were about business relating to the army, they returned, and Billa's friend joining me, we inclined our steps towards the sea, whilst Billa kept guard at a distance; and, reaching a convenient and solitary retreat, we halted there till dark; when retracing our steps for a few miles, it was concerted that I should pass as a wounded man retiring from the army to have my wounds examined and dressed. Billa was so well acquainted with the roads, and all the bye-passes of the country, that, travelling fast over the plains, not on the roads, we soon reached to the northward of the encampments of Shedma. We passed several straggling parties from the army, who saluted us with (Salem u alikume) "Peace be to you;" to which we replied ("Alikume 236 assalam") "To you peace;" and Billa added "Elm'joroh," i.e. a wounded man. In the old bed of the river Tansift, now full of bushes of white broom, I narrowly escaped being discovered: as the day was breaking, a party of Arabs suddenly turned a corner, and I had just time to cover my mouth and chin with my (silham) cloak, before they gave the salutation, or they would have discovered me (being without a beard) to be a Christian; we passed the river, however, perfectly safe, and were then soon in the province of Abda, when all danger was at an end; we entered the town of Saffy, at two o'clock in the afternoon. The Bashaw of Abda, Abdrahaman ben Nassar, a renowned warrior, who had been at the head of an army of 60,000 horse, in opposition to the Emperor, Muley Soliman, received me with his accustomed urbanity and hospitality, and asked me if I had come to Saffy through the air, or by sea. I replied, I had come by neither, but by land. "How is it possible," said he, "that you could come by land, when even a courier could not pass. Did you meet with no impediment?—you astonish me: but praise be to God, that you have arrived safe, and you are welcome." 137

LETTER XVIII.

Journey to the Prince Abd Salam, and the Khalif Delemy, in Shtuka.—Encamped in his Garden.—Mode of living in Shtuka.—Audience of the Prince.—Expedition to the Port of Tomie, in Suse.—Country infested with rats.—Situation of Tomie.—Entertainment at a Douar of the Arabs of Woled Abbusebah.—Exertions of Delemy to entertain his Guests.—Arabian Dance aud Music.—Manner and Style of Dancing.—Eulogium of the Viceroys and Captains to the Ladies.—Manners of the latter.—Their personal Beauty.—Dress.—Desire of the Arabs to have a Commercial Establishment in their Country.—Report to the Prince respecting Tomie.—Its Contiguity to the Place of the Growth of various Articles of Commerce.—Viceroys offer to build a House, and the Duties.—Contemplated Visit to Messa.—Nature of the Country.—Gold and Silver Mines.—Garden of Delemy.—Immense Water-melons and Grapes.—-Mode of Irrigation.—Extraordinary People from Sudan at Delemy's.—Elegant Sword.—Extensive Plantations.—The Prince prepares to depart for Tafilelt.

TO THE SAME. Santa Cruz, June 7, 1794.

I received a letter from the[118] Prince Muley Abdsalam, who lately went from Santa Cruz to the Khalif of Suse, Alkaid Muhamed ben Delemy, whose castle is in Shtuka. The prince wished to see me on 138 some commercial business that had been suggested to him by the khalif or viceroy. We (that is, Signor Andrea de Christi, a native of Italy, and a Dutch merchant established at Santa Cruz, and myself) prepared our tents and servants, and departed for Shtuka early in the morning. We passed through a fine campaign country, occupied by a tribe of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, and arrived, late at night, at (Luksebba) the castle of Delemy, who was also sheik of an emigration of the Arabs called Woled Abbusebah, and of another emigration of Arabs called Woled Deleim, who had taken up their abodes in Shtuka. When we arrived, our reception was in the true style of Arabian hospitality. Delemy had prepared and had pitched tents in a large garden adjoining his castle, wherein we resided. Our own tents were pitched in the Mushoir, or place of audience, a spacious plain, enclosed by a wall, where the sheik gave audience to the various kabyls of Suse. The following day we had an audience of the prince, who requested me to accompany Delemy to a port of Suse, which had been formerly frequented by European ships, which took in water there, and ascertain if it were a port convenient for a commercial establishment. The name of this seaport was called Tomie by the Portuguese, who formerly had an establishment there; but by the Arabs, Sebah Biure, i.e. the Seven Wells, because there were seven wells of excellent water 139 there: three of them, however, when we visited this port, were filled up and useless. We left Delemy's castle in the afternoon, about two or three o'clock, and we went at a pace called by the Arabs el herka[119], over a plain country infested with rats, and the haunts of serpents, our horses continually stumbling over the rat-holes. We were, to the best of my recollection, about four hours going. We found Tomie, an open road, not altogether calculated to form an advantageous commercial establishment. Its situation with respect to the sea being somewhat objectionable. We sat down near one of the wells, and after Delemy and his guards had amused themselves with (lab el borode) running full gallop and firing, we drank Hollands till we became gay. The sun had just set, when we mounted our horses to return. After an hour's herka, we approached a douar of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, who, seeing their sheik, came forward and kissed his stirrups, entreating him to pass the night with them, which, it appeared, would have been contrary to the etiquette of Arabian hospitality to refuse. Delemy, therefore, asked us if we would consent to sleep there; and, apologising for not conducting us to our own beds that night, again intimated, that it was, in a manner, incumbent on him, not to refuse. We, therefore, consented to stop. This noble-spirited Arab, 140 anxious to entertain us, and justly conceiving that the beds and habits of these Arabs were very different from what we had been accustomed to, sought to beguile the time, and accordingly endeavoured to engage some ladies belonging to the douar to dance, but they positively declined dancing before Christians. Delemy expostulated with them, representing the propriety of doing so, before the prince's guests; but the ladies apologised, by declaring that their splendid dancing dresses were not made up. Delemy, however, with the true energy of an Arab, was determined that he would make our abode here as pleasant as possible, and desirous also to show us the spirit of Arabian dancing, he went himself, accompanied by two of his friends, to a douar, at some miles' distance, and, after much persuasion, he prevailed on six young ladies to come and dance. In about two hours, the sheik returned, and informed us, that knowing that beds in the desert would not suit our customs, he had engaged some young girls to amuse us with dancing during the night, assuring us at the same time that they excelled in that graceful art, and he had no doubt they would amuse us. The tents were cleared and lighted; two sheep were killed, and the cuscasoe was preparing, when the ladies arrived. The music consisted of an instrument similar to a flageolet, (tabla) a kettle-drum, and a sort of castanets of steel, an erbeb, or fiddle with two strings, played with a semicircular bow. The tunes 141 were gay and sprightly, and the damsels tripped along on the light fantastic toe in a very superior and elegant style. They danced without men; advancing gently at first, apparently without taking the foot off the ground, but gradually advancing; after which they performed some steps similar to those in the Spanish bolera; and, turning round on the toe, they danced a most elegant shawl dance, equal to what was danced at the Opera in London by Parisot, but without the horizontal movement, or any motion that could offend the chastest eye. This unique national dance was encouraged from time to time by the approbation of twelve captains of the viceroy's guard, warriors of fame in arms, who were Arabs of the Woled Deleim, and who were seated in a circle, with us, round the dancers, expressing their delight and gratification in witnessing such superior grace and elegance, exclaiming—

"Afakume el Arabe, makine fal el Arabe, El Hashema, u zin, u temara, fie el Arabe." "Bravo, O Arabs! there is none equal to the Arabs: Excellent is the modesty, beauty, and virtue of the Arabs."

[Footnote 118: Elder Brother of the present Emperor of Marocco, Muley Soliman.]

[Footnote 119: A pace similar to that which European cavalry go when charging.]

These eulogiums were not lost on the ladies, who increased the spirit of the dance. When this amusement had continued about three hours, the cuscasoe, meat, and vegetables were brought in, as a supper. The Moors ate plentifully; but the abstemious Arabs ate very little; the ladies partook of sweet cakes and dates; they very 142 seldom chew meat, but when they do, they think it gross to swallow it, they only press the juices from the meat, and throw away the substance. The manners of these damsels were elegant, accompanied with much suavity and affability, but very modest and unassuming withal: indeed, they were all individuals, as I afterwards learned, belonging to respectable and ancient Arab families, who could not resist the exhortations of their sheik to amuse and entertain his guests. The manners of these Arabs, their elegant forms, sparkling black eyes, long black eye-lashes, which increased the beauty of the eye, adding character to the countenance, seemed to make an indelible impression on the whole party. The ladies wore robes of Indian muslin, girdles of gold thread, interwoven with silk of the Fas manufacture; and their shawls of silk and gold were displayed in various elegant devices. We were given to understand by Delemy's captains, on our return to the sheik's castle, that we had been entertained with extraordinary honours: we certainly were highly gratified, and my friend Signor Andrea declared he had never seen better dancing at Venice, his native place. Among the Arabs was an old man of ninety, who appeared very desirous of an European establishment at Tomie. He related several anecdotes of his life; and, among others, the money he had gained, by purchasing goods of vessels which came forty or fifty years before to Tomie for water, with which he said he used to exchange gums and almonds, feathers 143 and ivory, for linens, cloths, and spices. I am disposed to think these vessels were Portuguese; for this coast is but little known to the English. The ladies having returned home, we prepared to leave this douar early in the morning; and with no small regret did I quit this abode of simple and patriarchal hospitality; a pleasing contrast was here formed to the dissipation and pleasure of civilised life—to the life of fashionable society, where the refinements of luxury have multiplied their artificial wants beyond the proportion of the largest fortunes, and have brought most men into the class of the necessitous, inducing that churlish habit of the mind, in which every feeling is considered as a weakness, which terminates not in self, unlike those generous sympathies of the Arabs, where every individual seems impelled to seek, as they express it, (e dire el khere fie nes) "to do good to men." The effect of luxury, dissipation, and extravagance, (where the fortune is not large enough to support them,) tends to render man selfish upon principle, and extinguishes all genuine public spirit, that is, all real regard to the interests and good order of society; substituting in its place, the vile ambition and rapacity of the demagogue, which, however, assumes the name of patriotism. This contrast between the temperance and sobriety of these Bedouin or primitive Arabs, and the luxury and dissipation of civilised life, was the more remarkable, when we observed among this rude people such extraordinary and mutual exercise of benevolence, manly and 144 open presence, honesty and truth in their words and actions.—On our return to Delemy's castle, in Shtuka, the Prince asked me, what observations I had made respecting Tomie; I told his Royal Highness that it was an open roadstead, and not a convenient place for ships to lie. The Prince appeared pleased at this report; but Delemy had rendered to Muley Abdsalam so many essential services, that the latter could not, in courtesy, refuse him any thing. When Delemy found that my report to the Prince did not realise his expectations, offers were made to me, supported by every possible encouragement, to form a commercial establishment at Tomie, which, as was observed, being advantageously situated for trade, being in the neighbourhood of the gum, almond, and oil countries, would offer advantages to the merchants which they could not expect at Santa Cruz, or Mogodor. Accordingly, I was urged to send to Europe for ships, with assurances that the duty on all imports, as well as exports, should be only two per cent. ad valorem. A house was offered to be built for me, according to any plan I might choose to suggest, free of expense. The people were desirous of having a commercial establishment in their country, and would have done any thing to accomplish this object. The extensive connections which I had throughout Suse, Sahara, and even at Timbuctoo, would have facilitated my operations; but my connections in England were not such as to enable me to engage advantageously in this enterprise, I was obliged, therefore, though reluctantly, to decline it, 145 although, if otherwise situated, I might have realised an independent fortune in two or three years at Tomie, besides having a most favourable opportunity of opening a trade with Timbuctoo, and other territories of Sudan.

I now felt a strong inclination to visit the port of Messa, which was reported to have been about two centuries before, a considerable port of trade, and the capital of Suse, when that country was a separate kingdom, and the state-prisoners were banished to Sejin-messa[120], (commonly called Segelmessa in the maps;) as the state prisoners of Marocco have been from time immemorial, and are to this day sent to Tafilelt, which territory lies contiguous to, and west of Sejin-messa. We started for Messa in the morning, and reached the town in the afternoon. Delemy sent a strong guard with me for protection, with an injunction to his friend the fakeer of Messa, to treat me as his friend and guest, and to do whatever he could to gratify my curiosity in every respect. The country about Messa is very picturesque, and productive: the river also abounds with romantic scenery, it has a sandbar at its entrance to the ocean, which is dry at low water; but it was once navigable several miles up, as was reported to me. On the south bank of the river, about two miles from the sea, is a 146 gold-mine, in the territory of a tribe hostile to Delemy, but the influence of the Fakeer, who is held in reverential awe, enabled us to examine it without danger. What they told us was the entrance, was filled with immense large pieces of rock-stone; and I was informed, that when the Christians left the place, (the Portuguese, no doubt,) they placed these stones at the entrance of the mine, to prevent the natives from getting access to it. In the bed of the river, near the sea, is a mine of silver; the ore is in very small particles, like lead-coloured sand, intermixed with mud. I sent a small quantity of this to England to be analysed; and it produced, as I was informed, just enough to pay the expenses of analysation. I sent also several specimens of gold and silver ore, which I collected in various parts of Suse; but I apprehend that sufficient attention was not paid to them, and they also scarcely paid for the analysation. I sent also to the Honourable Mr. Greville, brother to the late Earl of Warwick, a great many basaltick and other stones, collected in the mountains of Barbary, which that gentleman considered valuable. After remaining two days at Messa, I returned to Shtuka. I was again urged to form an establishment at Tomie; but, limited as my connection was in England, I did not feel competent to the undertaking, and was obliged, reluctantly indeed, but finally, to decline it.

[Footnote 120: Sejin Messa signifies the prison of Messa.]

The garden of Delemy, where we encamped, is stocked with very fine 147 vines from the mountains of Idautenan,[121] a mountainous and independent country, a few miles north of Santa Cruz; these grapes were of the black or purple kind, as big as an ordinary-sized walnut, and very sweet flavoured, as much superior to the finest Spanish grapes, as the latter are superior to the natural grown grapes of England. Large pomegranates, exquisitely sweet, the grains very large, and the seed small, brought from Terodant; figs, peaches, apricots, strawberries, oranges, citrons of an enormous size, water-melons, weighing fifty pounds each, four of which were a camel load, together with culinary vegetables of every description. This garden was watered by a well, having what is called a Persian wheel, worked by a horse, having pots all round the perpendicular wheel, which, as they turn round, discharge their contents into a trough, which communicated to the garden, and laid 148 the beds under water. This is the general mode of irrigation throughout west and south Barbary, as well as in Sudan.

[Footnote 121: The mountains of Idautenan divide the province of Haha from Suse: they are exempt from Ska u Laskor, that is, two per cent. on live stock, and 10 per cent. on produce which is the regular impost on the country. They are a brave race of Shelluhs, inhabiting a table-land in the mountains that is a perfect terrestrial paradise. There is but one person in Europe besides myself who has ever been in this country. Sheik Muluke, the sheik of Idautenan, is a generous noble-spirited independent character. When an emperor dies, the sheik sends Muley Ismael's firman, emancipating the district from all impost or contribution to the revenue, for some military service rendered by this district to the ancestor of Ismael, and the succeeding emperors invariably confirm their emancipation of Idautenan.]

The Prince was very anxious to be of service to Delemy, who had ingratiated himself with the former, by signalising himself in feats of arms. He had been also a main pillar to the throne, and I sincerely regretted that the combination of circumstances did not permit me to accept the liberal and advantageous offers made to me.

Delemy's renown had spread far to the south, even unto Sudan: from the latter country he was visited by some people, who wore circular rings of pure gold, through the cartilage of the nose. The rings were two or three inches in diameter; and when these people ate, they turned them up over the nose. Delemy had received a present, from some king of Sudan, of a very elegant sword, ornamented with diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, he showed me this sword, which was evidently manufactured in Europe; he told me, he had been offered 5000 dollars for it; but he had been informed that it was worth double that sum.

I was invited by the Khalif of Suse to visit the immensely extensive plantations of olives at Ras el Wed, near Terodant, through which a man may proceed a whole day's journey without exposure to the sun: also he offered to accompany me to the eastern part of Shtuka, where the produce of bitter and sweet almonds is equally abundant, and the plantations equally extensive with those 149 of the olive at Ras el Wed; but I had seen plantations of both on a smaller scale at Ait-Musie, Fruga, and other parts of this empire; and therefore the sight would have been no novelty, except in extent. I understood these plantations were on the same plan and principle with those I had seen, leaving at certain distances, square openings, to admit the air, for the better promotion of the growth and increase of the fruit and produce of the trees.

The Prince was preparing to depart through Draha, and Bled el Jereed, to Tafilelt; and we had our audience of leave previous to his departure. 150

LETTER XIX.

Journey from Santa Cruz to Mogodor, when no Travellers ventured to pass, owing to civil War and Contention among the Kabyles.—Moorish Philanthropy in digging Wells for the Use of Travellers.—Travelled with a trusty Guide without Provisions, Tents, Baggage, or Incumbrances.—Nature of the Warfare in the Land. Bitter Effects of Revenge and Retaliation on the Happiness of Society.—Origin of these civil Wars between the Families and Kabyles.—Presented with Honey and Butter for Breakfast.—Patriarchal Manner of living among the Shelluhs compared to that of Abraham.—Aromatic Honey.—Ceremony at Meals, and Mode of eating.—Travelled all Night, and slept in the open Air;—Method of avoiding the Night-dew, as practised by the Natives.—Arrival at Mogodor.

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, April 7, 1795.

The province of Haha was in arms; caffilahs, and travellers could not pass; but it was expedient that I should go to Mogodor. Men of property in this country, influenced by a philanthropic spirit, often expend large sums in digging wells in districts, through which caffilahs pass, on their road from one country to another. I knew one of these philanthropists who was at Santa Cruz, and who had recently benefited the province of Haha, by having dug a well 151 in the Kabyl of Benitamer, a mountainous district in Haha; I sent for him, and as he was under obligations to me for various services I had rendered to him and his family, he consented to accompany me to Mogodor, through the disturbed province of Haha; and he assured me, that his influence throughout that province was such, that, by travelling quick, and without any baggage, tents, or incumbrances, he did not doubt of conducting me safe to Mogodor. I agreed to go with him, without servants, tents, or bedding, being determined to reconcile myself, under present circumstances, to the accommodation the country might afford. We started from Santa Cruz at sun-set; travelling through Tamaract, to the river Beni Tamur. We continued our journey till we arrived, at the dawn of day, at the foot of immense high mountains, called Idiaugomoron. Here my companion and guide L'Hage Muhamed bu Zurrawel, pointed out to me two castellated houses, about two miles distant from each other; the family-quarrels of these people had produced such animosity, that the inhabitants of neither house could with safety go out, for fear of being overpowered and killed by those of the other; so that wherever they went, they were well armed, but dared not go far. These two families were preparing for a siege, which often happens in this province. Thus the inhabitants of one house attack another, and sometimes exterminate or put to death the whole family, with their retainers. The province of Haha was thus in a state of the 152 most lamentable civil war, originating from these family-quarrels and domestic feuds. The heathen and anti-christian principle of revenge and retaliation, is here pursued with such bitter and obstinate animosity, that I have known instances of men relinquishing their vocation, to go into a far country to revenge the blood of a relation after a lapse of twenty years, and pursue the object of his revenge, for some murder committed in his family, perhaps forty or fifty years before.

To a British public, blessed with the benign influences of the Christian doctrine, it is perhaps necessary that I should elucidate this retaliative doctrine by an example:—Two men quarrel, and fight; they draw their kumaeyas (curved daggers about 12 inches long), which all the people of Haha wear, as well as all the clans or kabyles of Shelluhs; and if one happens to give his antagonist a deadly wound, it becomes an indispensable duty in the next of kin to the person killed or murdered, (though perhaps it can hardly be termed a murder, as it is not committed, like an European duel, in cold blood, but in the moment of irritation, and at a period when the mind is under the influence of anger,) to seek his revenge by watching an opportunity to kill the survivor in the contest. If the former should die, his next of kin takes his place, and pursues his enemy, whose life is never safe; insomuch that, whole kabyles, when this deadly animosity has reached its acme, have been known to quit 153 their country and emigrate into the Sahara; for when the second death has been inflicted, it then becomes the incumbent duty of the next of kin of the deceased to seek his revenge: they call this justifying blood. This horrible custom has the most lamentable influence on the happiness of human life; for there will sometimes be several individuals seeking the life of one man, till this principle, pervading all the ramifications of relationship and consanguinity, produces family-broils, hostility, and murder, ad infinitum!! We stopped at a friend of L'Hage Muhamed, who presented us with honey and butter, thin shavings of the latter being let to fall into a bowl of honey for breakfast. This bowl was served up with flat cakes kneaded without leaven, and baked on hot stones; these are converted from corn into food in less than half an hour; they are in shape similar to our crumpets or pancakes. We were pressed by this Shelluh to stay and dine with him, which being agreed to, he sent a shepherd to his flock to kill a fat young kid, which was roasted with a wooden spit, before the vital heat had subsided, which was very tender, and of an exquisite flavour. The bread or cakes above described appear to be similar to what the women kneaded for the guests in the patriarchal ages: indeed, the customs of these people, as well as those of the Arabs, is precisely the same as they were in the patriarchal ages, and which are delineated in the 18th chapter of Genesis, 1st to the 8th verse. 154 The honey of this province is very fine: it has an aromatic flavour, derived from the wild thyme and other aromatic herbs on which the bees feed. Among these people every meal is preceded with a washing of their hands with water, which is brought round for the purpose in a brass pan; each guest dips his right hand in the pan, and a napkin is presented to wipe them; they then break the bread, and, after saying grace, which is universally this,—bismillah, i.e. "in the name of God," each guest takes a bit of bread, dips it in the honey and butter, and eats it. It is reckoned uncourteous or vulgar to bite the bread; therefore the piece broken off is sufficient for a mouthful, so that there is nothing that should offend a delicate appetite in this antique mode of eating. We remained several hours with our hospitable Shelluh friend; and we departed, after taking a little sleep, at four o'clock in the afternoon. Travelling all night, we arrived, at the dawn of day, at a large house in Idaugourd; the Shelluh to whom it belonged brought us carpets, and we slept under the wall of his house till the sun arose. The people of this country prefer sleeping in the open air to a room, and they have an excellent mode of securing themselves from the heavy dews of the night, by covering their heads and faces with a thin woollen hayk or garment, which they throw over their heads and faces. When I have had the Arabs of Sahara (who have conducted the caffilahs from Timbuctoo) at my house at Santa Cruz, 155 I gave them a long narrow room, 48 feet long, which was called (beet assuda) the apartment of Sudan, to sleep in; but they invariably came out at night, and placed their carpets and mats, as beds, outside of the room, and slept under the balustrade, in preference to the confinement, as they called it, of a room.

We rose at sun-rise, passed through the picturesque district of Idaugourd and the Woolja, and entered Mogodor at four o'clock, P.M. 156



AN ACCOUNT OF THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECREASE OF THE PLAGUE That ravaged Barbary in 1799; FAITHFULLY EXTRACTED FROM LETTERS WRITTEN BY THE HOUSE OF JAMES JACKSON AND CO., OR BY JAMES G. JACKSON, MERCHANTS AT MOGODOR, TO THEIR CORRESPONDENTS IN EUROPE, DURING THE EPIDEMY.

* * * * *

Fragments respecting the Plague.

When the Emperor's army proceeded from Fas to Marocco in the summer of 1799, a detachment of which passed by Mogodor, consisting of 20,000 horse and 10,000 foot, it had the plague with it; so that, wherever it passed, the plague uniformly appeared three days after its arrival at the respective douars near which it encamped; those who died were buried in the tents, and the people of the provinces knew little about it.

A large akkaba[122], consisting of upwards of 1700 camels, 157 arrived 23d August, 1799, at Akka from Timbuctoo, laden with gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, and gold dust, which had brought also many slaves; this akkaba had deposited its merchandize at Akka, till the plague should disappear and the country become healthy; as the people of that territory, unlike Muhamedans in general, will hold no communication with the infected, nor will they admit any one from these parts.

[Footnote 122: An akkaba is an accumulated caravan.]

Mogodor, April 31, 1799.

A violent fever now rages at Fas: some assert it to be the plague, but that is Moorish report, and little to be depended on; the European consuls at Tangier, and the Spanish ambassador, who, having terminated his embassy, has lately left Mequinas, mention it as an epidemical disorder.

May 20. The small-pox rages violently throughout this country, and is of a most virulent kind: its origin is ascribed to the famine that has of late pervaded this country, and which was produced by the incredible devastation of the devouring locusts; the dregs of olives, after the oil had been extracted, has been the only food that could be procured by many thousands.

Mogodor, June 14, 1799.

Various reports reach us daily from the city of Marocco, respecting the epidemy that prevails there, some say 200 die, some 158 say 100, others limit the daily mortality to 50, in a population, according to the imperial register, of 270,000.

When any light rain falls, as is the case at Marocco at this season of the year, the mortality increases. Mr. Francisco Chiappe, an Italian merchant, is just arrived from Marocco, and is performing quarantine, by his own desire, at the Emperor's garden.[123] This gentleman reports, that the greater portion of the people die of fear, from hunger, or bad food, or from the small-pox, which latter has raged at Marocco the last month or two; but he had not been able to ascertain, so various were the reports, whether it was the plague or not. The emperor's army, a division of which passed through this country, and encamped at the river, about two miles south of this port, had the distemper with it. We have been assured, that the soldiers who died, were immediately buried within the tents, so that, by this stratagem, the mortality was not perceived by the public; it was apprehended that, if the mortality were known, the kabyls, through which the army passed from Mequinas to Marocco, would not have supplied the troops with provision. This detachment consisted of 20,000 horse and 10,000 foot. No disorder has yet appeared here, nor in the adjacent provinces of Shedma and Haha.

[Footnote 123: A garden in the province of Haha, five miles from Mogodor, that was presented to the European merchants by the late sultan, Seedy Muhamed ben Abdallah.] 159 July 5. We dispatched the Spanish brig yesterday; but she is still at anchor in the road, waiting for passengers, who fly from hence with precipitation, from fear of the fever or plague, which prevails at Fas and at Marocco, and which, it is reported, has made its appearance at the port of Saffy. We have, however, nothing of the kind here yet, though we expect we shall not escape the general scourge.

July 13. The epidemy in the interior provinces has greatly augmented, insomuch, that the demand for linen to bury the dead rapidly increases, and the stock is almost exhausted. This article has risen to an unprecedented price. All the relatives of L'Hage Abdallah have fallen victims to the epidemy. This gentleman is consequently in possession of very considerable property; and (if he be not also carried off) there will be no fear of our recovering the debt he owes you.

We cannot ascertain if the disorder prevails in the outer town, and in the Jews' quarter, or not; it is certain, however, that eight or ten die daily of the small-pox, and as many more of fevers and other disorders, as report proclaims.

July 25. We are so much engaged in making arrangements against the epidemy, which is now confidently reported to us to be the plague, of a most deadly species, that we have only time to refer you to the captain of the Aurora, to whom we have communicated every 160 particular, and who is extremely anxious to be off for England. The deaths in this town, which contained a population of 10,000, according to the imperial register, are from forty to fifty each day.

Aug. 1. As the plague now rages violently here, no one thinks of business or the affairs of this world; but each individual anticipates that he will be next called away. I send the inclosed, to be forwarded to Mr. Andrea de Christo, at Amsterdam, to announce to him the sudden death of his partner, Mr. J. Pacifico, who is lately dead of the plague. I paid him a visit a few hours before his death; I met there Don Pedro de Victoria, who was smoking a segar; he offered me one, and urged me to smoke it. I believe that the smoke of tobacco is anti-pestilential; this, added to the precaution of avoiding contact, and inhalation of the breath of the person infected, appears to be quite sufficient to secure a person from infection.

Aug. 1. (Translation of a letter to Mr. Andrea de Christi, merchant at Amsterdam.) We are sorry that the subject of this letter is so melancholy. All our domestics have left us; the plague rages so violently here, that the daily mortality is from sixty to seventy, among which we are sorry to announce the death of your partner, Mr. J. Pacifico, who died two days since.

August 23. The best gum is selling at Akka for six dollars a quintal: they will not bring it here, fearing the infection. A 161 large Brazil ship has been wrecked off Cape Noon, her cargo, consisting for the most part of silks and linens, is estimated at half a million of dollars. The Arabs of Sahara convert the most beautiful lace into bridles for their horses, by twisting it; and superior silk stockings are selling at Wedinoon at a dollar per dozen pair. The plague is rapidly diminishing from 100 deaths to 20 or 30 per day. Meeman Corcoes is dead, as well as most of the principal tradesmen of Marocco and Fas; whole families have been swept off, and there is none left to inherit their property. Immense droves of horses, mules, and cattle of every description stray in the plains without owners.

September 5. The plague continues to decrease; and in another month we expect to be quite free from it. Signor Conton died this morning of the epidemy; yesterday afternoon he was apparently quite well, and paid me a visit. He wished me to shake hands with him, which I declined, alleging as an excuse, that I would dispense with that custom till the plague should pass over. He drank a glass of wine, and appeared cheerful and in good health. I have had fixed in my dining room, a table that extends from one end to the other. I walk or sit on one side of the table, my visitors on the other. I am only cautious to avoid personal contact. All the houses of the other merchants are closely barricaded or bolted. A fumigating pot 162 of gum sandrac stands at the entrance of my house, continually burning, which diffuses an agreeable perfume, but is not, as I apprehend, an antidote to the epidemy.

October 1. We have to apprise you of the decease of L'Hage Abdallah El Hareishy, most of whose relations are dead. His brother is the only one of the family besides himself that remains: he has inherited considerable property, and thence will be enabled to pay your bill on him in our favour.

October 29. The plague appears to have ceased in this town. All the merchants have opened their houses; but the disorder continues in the provinces, from whence there is little or no communication with the town. The kabyls seem to be wholly engaged in burying their dead, in arranging the affairs of their respective families, in dividing the property inherited by them, and in administering consolation to the sick.

Nov. 11. The plague having committed incalculable ravages throughout this country, had put a stop to all commerce, which now begins to revive, in proportion as that calamity subsides. Linens are selling to great advantage, a cargo would now render 60 per cent. profit, clear of all charges.

Nov. 29. The deadly epidemy that has lately visited us, and which 163 at one period carried off above 100 each day, has now confined its daily mortality to two or three; some days none. When, however, the Arabs of Shedma, and the Shelluhs of Haha come to town, and bring the clothes of their deceased relations for sale, the epidemy increases to three, four, and five a day; then, in three or four days, it declines again to its former number, one, two, or three. We have reason to expect, that, before the vessels which we expect from London shall arrive, the plague will have subsided entirely.

Mogodor, Dec. 12. 1799. The plague or mortality of this town is now reduced to three or four weekly.

OBSERVATION.

After the plague had subsided, a murrain attacked the cattle, and great numbers of all kinds died; so that they became reduced in the same proportion as the race of man had been reduced before.

Letter from His Excellency James M. Matra to Mr. Jackson.

Gibraltar, 28th Oct. 1799.

Dear Jackson;

Within a few days of each other, I received your packets of the 164 21st of September, and 8th instant. Their inclosures are of course taken care of. Your letter about Soke Assa was received, and sent home to government ages ago.

I never could understand the drift of the people either at Tangier or Mogodor, in asserting that my report of the plague was political. God knows, that our politics in Barbary are never remarkable for refinement: they are, if any thing, rather too much in the John Bull style; and the finesse they gave me such credit for, was absolutely beyond my comprehension, as I never could discover what advantage a genuine well-established plague in Barbary could be to our country. Of its existence I had not the shadow of doubt, for more than eight months before it was talked of; and when Doctor Bell was going that way, I begged of him to be particular in his enquiries, which he, as usual, neglected. When John Salmon[124] was up, he was very particular, and I of course was laughed at. Here I saw politics, and told all the gentlemen, that when Salmon[125] arrived at Tariffa, then, and not till then, we should have the plague in Barbary; and just so it turned out.

[Footnote 124: John Salmon was Spanish envoy to the emperor of Marocco, and was at this time up at Fas, i.e. on his embassy.]

[Footnote 125: Arrived at Tariffa, and so secured his admission into Spain on his return from his embassy.] 165 I am confident, if my advice had been taken, the disease might have been checked in the beginning; for it was almost three quarters of a year confined to old Fas. I wrote in the most pressing manner to Ben Ottoman[126], who never believed me. A few days before he was seized with it, he wrote me a melancholy letter for advice, and pathetically lamented that he had not listened to me in time; and I suppose that even Broussonet[127] believed me when he embarked. I hope your opinion that it diminishes with you will prove well founded; but I fear its ravages are only suspended by the great heats; besides, you should recollect that people cannot die twice, and with a population so diminished, you must not expect so many as formerly on your daily dead-list. Mrs. M., who desires her remembrance to you, is well, but barring plague, would rather be at Tangier than Gibraltar; so would I.

Ever truly thine,

J. MATRA.

[Footnote 126: The emperor's prime-minister, or talb cadus at that time.]

[Footnote 127: Dr. Broussonet, French consul. This gentleman was intendant of the botanical garden at Montpelier: he, with another doctor embarked for Europe just as the plague began to appear at Mogodor in the year 1799.] 166 Some Account of a peculiar Species of Plague which depopulated West Barbary in 1799 and 1800, and to the Effects of which the Author was an eye-witness.

From various circumstances and appearances, and from the character of the epidemical distemper which raged lately in the south of Spain, there is every reason to suppose, it was similar to that distemper or plague which depopulated West Barbary; for, whether we call it by the more reconcileable appellation of the epidemy, or yellow fever, it was undoubtedly a plague, and a most destructive one; for wherever it prevailed, it invariably carried off, in a few months, one-half, or one-third, of the population.

It does not appear how the plague originated in Fas in the year 1799.[128] Some persons, who were there at the time it broke out, have confidently ascribed it to infected merchandise imported into that place from the East; whilst others, of equal veracity and judgment, have not scrupled to ascribe it to the locusts which had infested West Barbary during the seven preceding years, the destruction of which was followed by the (jedrie) small-pox, 167 which pervaded the country, and was generally fatal. The jedrie is supposed to be the forerunner of this species of epidemy, as appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript, which gives an account of the same disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants of West Barbary about four centuries since. But however this destructive epidemy originated, its leading features were novel, and its consequences more dreadful than the common plague of Turkey, or that of Syria, or Egypt. Let every one freely declare his own sentiments about it; let him assign any credible account of its rise, or the causes that introduced so terrible a scene. I shall relate only what its symptoms were, what it actually was, and how it terminated, having been an eye-witness of its dreadful effects, and having seen and visited many who were afflicted, and who were dying with it.

[Footnote 128: See the Author's observations, in a letter to Mr. Willis, in Gentleman's Magazine, February, 1805.]

In the month of April, 1799, a dreadful plague, of a most destructive nature, manifested itself in the city of Old Fas, which soon after communicated itself to the new city. This unparalleled calamity, carried off one or two the first day, three or four the second day, six or eight the third day, and increasing progressively, until the mortality amounted to two in the hundred of the aggregate population, continuing with unabating violence, ten, fifteen, or twenty days; being of longer duration in old than in new towns; then diminishing in a progressive proportion from one 168 thousand a day to nine hundred, then to eight hundred, and so on until it disappeared. Whatever recourse was had to medicine and to physicians was unavailing; so that such expedients were at length totally relinquished, and the people, overpowered by this terrible scourge, lost all hopes of surviving it.

Whilst it raged in the town of Mogodor, a small village, Diabet, situated about two miles south-east of that place, remained uninfected, although the communication was open between them: on the thirty-fourth day, however, after its first appearance at Mogodor, this village was discovered to be infected, and the disorder raged with great violence, making dreadful havock among the human species for twenty-one days, carrying off, during that period, one hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the original population of the village, before the plague visited it; none died after this, and those who were infected, recovered in the course of a month or two, some losing an eye, or the use of a leg or an arm.

Many similar circumstances might be here adduced relative to the numerous and populous villages dispersed through the extensive Shelluh province of Haha, all which shared a similar or a worse fate. Travelling through this province shortly after the plague had exhausted itself, I saw many uninhabited ruins, which I had before witnessed as flourishing villages; on making enquiry concerning the 169 population of these dismal remains, I was informed that in one village, which contained six hundred inhabitants, four persons only had escaped the ravage. Other villages, which had contained four or five hundred, had only seven or eight survivors left to relate the calamities they had suffered. Families which had retired to the country to avoid the infection, on returning to town, when all infection had apparently ceased, were generally attacked, and died; a singular instance of this kind happened at Mogodor, where, after the mortality had subsided, a corps of troops arrived from the city of Terodant, in the province of Suse, where the plague had been raging, and had subsided; these troops, after remaining three days at Mogodor, were attacked with the disease, and it raged exclusively among them for about a month, during which it carried off two-thirds of their original number, one hundred men; during this interval the other inhabitants of the town were exempt from the disorder, though these troops were not confined to any particular quarter, many of them having had apartments in the houses of the inhabitants of the town.

The destruction of the human species in the province of Suse was considerably greater than elsewhere; Terodant, formerly the metropolis of a kingdom, but now that of Suse, lost, when the infection was at its acme, about eight hundred each day; the 170 ruined, but still extensive city of Marocco[129], lost one thousand each day; the populous cities of Old and New Fas diminished in population twelve or fifteen hundred each day[130], insomuch, that in these extensive cities, the mortality was so great, that the living having not time to bury the dead, the bodies were deposited or thrown altogether into large holes, which, when nearly full, were covered over with earth. All regulations in matters of sepulture before observed were now no longer regarded; things sacred and things prophane had now lost their distinction, and universal despair pervaded mankind. Young, healthy, and robust persons of full stamina, were, for the most part, attacked first, then women and children, and lastly, thin, sickly, emaciated, and old people.