In consequence of their extended dominions, the princes of Gorkha have increased the number of the chief officers of state, and have four Chautariyas, four Karyis, and four Serdars.

When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited the country the twelve chief officers, according to his orthography, {107} were reckoned, one Choutra, four Kajies, four Sirdars, two Khurdars or secretaries, one Kuppardar or storekeeper, and one Khuzanchee or treasurer.

These chief officers now form the Bharadar, or great council of the Raja, which attends him in the Durbar, Rajdani, or palace to transact business, and which frequently acts without his presence. It ought to consist of these twelve members; but some of the places are often vacant, and, at other times, the persons who hold them have so little influence, that they neglect or avoid giving their attendance. At other times, again, on business of the utmost emergency, a kind of assembly of notables is held, in which men who have neither office, nor any considerable influence in the government, are allowed to speak very freely, which seems to be done merely to allow the discontents of the nation to evaporate, as there is not a vestige of liberty in the country, nor does the court seem ever to be controlled by the opinions advanced in these assemblies.

The first rank of councillors is the only one now confined to the princes family, and is often given to illegitimate kinsmen. The Chautariya, who is the nearest relation to the reigning prince, is always considered as the prime minister, although he may have little real authority. During our stay in Nepal, the first Chautariya was a boy, brother to the Raja, and never appeared except on occasions of ceremony, where he was exhibited like a puppet, in the same manner as his sovereign.

The office of Karyi should be held by persons only of a few very distinguished families; but many exceptions have been made of late, and especially in the instance of Bhim Sen, the present ruler of the country, who holds no higher office than this, to which even his birth does not entitle him.

The Serdars are chosen from whatever families the chief thinks proper; but, in public opinion, the giving the office to low men, especially if these are entrusted with much power, is exceedingly offensive.

Every person who has held the office of Chautariya, Karyi, and Serdar, continues to enjoy the title for life; and, whenever a man is appointed to one of these dignities, all his brothers assume the title.

Military officers, named Serdars, frequently are appointed to command over different portions of the country, and, wherever they are, have a jurisdiction in all matters over the Subahs. In particular, their criminal jurisdiction is much more extensive, as they can condemn to capital punishment, without any reference to the court, while the Subah requires an order from thence before he can punish any criminal. Still more are the Subahs under the authority of the higher officers of state, the Chautariyas and Karyis, when any of these eight great officers of state are deputed in command to the provinces. The Serdars who visit the provinces do not always belong to the four great officers of this title, who with the four Chautariyas and four Karyis compose the great council of twelve, which assists the Raja to govern the nation. These great Serdars, like the other great officers of state, are occasionally deputed on high commands; but some Serdars, such as I have before mentioned, are, in general, stationary in different parts of the country, and have authority over all the Subahs and civil officers in their vicinity, although they are properly military men, for such are the only persons, Brahmans excepted, who are considered as entitled to any weight in the state. The Serdar in command at Vijaypur, I understand, receives 7000 rupees a-year, but out of this he pays his establishment. It is to these persons that communications from our provincial officers should be made, as the Subahs are considered as inferior characters.

There are thirty-six families of Gorkhalis, who should hold all the principal offices of government, and, in fact, have always held the greater part of them. A fuller detail of the condition and privileges of these families than I procured may be found in Colonel Kirkpatricks account. {110} They are divided into three gradations, and the highest, consisting of six houses, are considered as having an exclusive right to the office of Karyi. When I was at Kathmandu, in 1802, by far the most powerful of these six houses were the Pangres and Viswanaths.

Occasionally a few regulars are sent to act as a guard to the Subahs, but the Telanggas, or regular troops, are entirely exempt from the authority of these officers.

The military force among the petty chiefs was always large in proportion to their means, but consisted of a rabble totally undisciplined and ill armed, although of good bodily endowments. Much order has been introduced by the chiefs of Gorkha, although both in arms and discipline the soldiers are still very far behind Europeans. In Puraniya I was told, that, in that vicinity, that is, in the country of the Kiratas, the lands assigned for the support of the military were given to the officers commanding companies, who were held bound to give regular pay to their men; nor have I any reason to doubt that such a measure has been carried into effect in that vicinity; but I was assured at Gorakhpur, as also at Kathmandu, that each individual in the western parts receives his own lands.

Each Subahdar commanding a company now receives 400 or 500 rupees a-year, and 15 khets or fields, each of which is estimated to produce 100 muris or 234½ Winchester bushels of grain, of which, if the land is let, he will obtain one-half, worth almost 72 (71) rupees. For every Pati or squad of from 20 to 25 fuzileers there are one Jumahdar, one Havildar, and one Amildar. The first of these receives 7 fields of land, and 200 rupees in money. A major keeps the accounts of the company, and has Jumahdars allowances. Each company has five or six squads, besides officers and music. The privates have each three fields, and 25 rupees a-year. Such are the accounts that I received. Those given to Colonel Kirkpatrick {111} differ somewhat, making the allowance of the superior officers higher, and of the privates lower, than what I have stated.

Each company has a large band of music, amounting to ten men, where there are six Patis or squads. These have instruments of the most hideous noise. Each company has, besides, two flags, and a regular establishment of artificers, so that the army may be considered as perfectly well arranged; but the soldiers are little versed in tactics, and, considering the strong country that they possess, this would be of less importance, were they in habits of more prompt obedience, and more dexterous in the use of their arms; but they do not load with cartridge. They have all firelocks, but these are not in the best condition. They do not use the bayonet, but have all swords, which are, perhaps, better fitted for such a country, and I believe that the men are dexterous in their use. They also have in their belt a large knife or dagger, (Khukri,) which serves as many purposes as that of Hudibras. It is represented in the uppermost figure of the plate opposite to page 118, in the work of Colonel Kirkpatrick. When that gentleman visited the country, the troops were irregularly clothed, some in the same company of guards wearing red, some green, and some blue. When I saw them, this irregularity had been remedied, and all were in red, each company having, besides, its peculiar facings; and, although their arms were not clean, they did not appear so bad as when Colonel Kirkpatrick saw them, as he states {112} that few of their muskets appeared fit for service.

In the vicinity of Kathmandu, Bhim Sen is said to have collected 25 companies, and there are probably 15 at Tamsen, under his father. It is also said, that at each of the capitals of former petty chiefs there are from one to five companies; and a large body, perhaps from 20 to 25 companies, is under old Amar Singha in advance beyond the Yamuna. In the western parts, the old irregulars, I believe, have been entirely discarded, or are only called out occasionally in times of actual hostility, when they are employed to plunder.

In the parts west from the river Kali, almost the whole revenue, whether on the mountains or plains, being reserved under the immediate management of the prince, a fuller establishment was necessary; and that which existed under the petty chiefs, entirely resembled what is described by the late Mr Grant, Sereshtahdar of Bengal, as the proper Mogul system. The actual cultivators, or farmers as they would be termed in England, only they all occupied very small farms, were called Zemindars, and were very moderately assessed. In Almora, (and the other estates did not materially differ,) the rent was fixed by the Visi, which, on an average, may be taken at 10 Calcutta bigas, or 3-1/5 English acres; but the Visis varied a good deal in size, especially in such as were exempted from assessment, which were in general much larger than such as paid it. The extent of 10 bigas for the Visi is chiefly applicable to the latter. The rent was paid partly in kind, partly in money. Each Visi in October paid 28 sers of clean rice, (Calcutta weight,) 4 sers of the pulse called Urid, and 2 sers of Ghiu or oil: in May it paid 28 sers of wheat, 4 sers of Urid, and 2 of Ghiu: in August it paid one rupee in money. On each of the two holidays called Dasahara, there was besides a kid offered to the sovereign for every 10 Visis. The possessions of a convenient number of Zemindars formed a gram or gang, and one of them held the hereditary office of Pradhan, entirely analogous to the Umra of the eastern parts. The Pradhan was allowed a deduction of rent, and enjoyed some honourable distinctions, and, when the heir was in any manner incapacitated, a relation was appointed to act for him. The representations of the other Zemindars or farmers in the same gram, were usually considered as the most just criterion of this incapacity. Besides the judicial powers and the magistracy of his territory, the Pradhan kept an account of the other tenants, and of their payments and debts to government, and, receiving what was due, transmitted it to the collector. He was also an agent for the other Zemindars of his village, to represent losses which they had suffered, and to solicit indulgences on the occasion. Over from twenty to fifty Pradhans was another hereditary officer named Kamin, analogous to the Desali of the eastern states. He assisted the Pradhans in settling their accounts, and in obtaining indulgences on account of peculiar losses; and it was his duty, in an especial manner, to protect the Zemindars, and to induce new comers to occupy waste lands. The rents were never farmed out, but were delivered by the Pradhans to the messengers of the collector, or Bandari, who received an account of what was due from the Kanungoe or register, and he made up his accounts from those forwarded to him by the Pradhans. Where the lordship was petty, no other officers were necessary; but where large, the country was divided into pergunahs or taluks, each managed by an officer removeable at will. In the most important of these districts, especially towards a weak frontier, were stationed military officers called Foujdars, who had authority to determine many small suits without appeal, but always with the assistance of a Pangchayit. In the less important stations, the officers managing taluks or pergunahs were on the hills named Negis, and on the plains Adhikars. These also decided causes by means of a Pangchayit; but there was an appeal to the chiefs court, in which he sat in person, assisted by his principal officers, the Darogah or judge, and the Dharmadhikar or chancellor. These often decided the cause without a Pangchayit; but this was only when the parties were obstinate, and would not consent to the use of this kind of jury. The facts in criminal prosecutions were often investigated by the inferior officers and Pangchayit on the spot, and the chief and his chancellor judged from their report, what punishment was due. The Foujdars, Negis, and Adhikars, besides their duties as judges, magistrates, and military guardians of the boundary, which the Foujdars were, received from the Pradhans all the rents, and, having sold those paid in kind, remitted the proceeds to the (Bandari) collector, or rather store-keeper.

About six parts in ten of the whole lands had been alienated to the Brahmans and temples, nor do I hear any complaint in this quarter of the present government having invaded this property; but much of the Zemindary lands have been granted to the soldiers and officers, on the same terms as towards the east, and the Zemindars of such lands have in a great measure been left to the discretion of the new occupants, who have of course raised considerably the rate of rent. In former times the chiefs received the whole proceeds, and paid from thence the whole establishment, civil and military. In comparing the following accounts, therefore, of the states east and west of the river Kali, particular attention must be paid to this circumstance. For instance, the revenue of Gorkha has been stated at 12,000 rupees, and that of Bhajji at 15,000; but the latter, even in comparison with the former, was altogether petty, as this 15,000 rupees was the whole sum destined for the support of the chief and his family, and of his officers, servants, and soldiers; whereas the 12,000 rupees in Gorkha was entirely disposable for the personal expense of the chief, and his children; his kinsmen, and even most of his domestics, as well as the civil and military establishments, being supported entirely by land.

In the western parts, the chief civil authority was held by the Vazir, and the chief military command by the Bukhshi, and both were appointed by the will of the chief; but of course most commonly were conferred on his kinsmen, although some families of Brahmans often interfered. The military were of two kinds. Part consisted of adventurers from the low country, the privates receiving usually five rupees a month, and remaining constantly on duty. The others were selected from the stoutest youth in the families of the Zemindars, and were relieved as often as they pleased, by their parents or kinsmen sending other youths in their place; for no sort of instruction in military evolution was attempted, and the only exercise was shooting at a mark. The privates of this class received daily rations of food, and twice a year from 20 to 100 rupees, according to their supposed intrepidity. Those, however, who received more than 25 rupees were few in number. The whole troops were armed with matchlock, sword, and target.



PART II. ACCOUNT OF THE PARTICULAR STATES WHICH FORMERLY EXISTED, AND OF THE FAMILIES BY WHICH EACH WAS GOVERNED.

INTRODUCTION.

I now proceed to give an account of the various states and principalities which this mountainous region contained, and of the manner in which they became subject to the chiefs of Gorkha; and I shall commence at the Eastern extremity, proceeding westward regularly, so far as I can, without interrupting the account of each family.



CHAPTER FIRST. OF THE STATES EAST FROM THE RIVER KALI.

SECTION I. COUNTRY OF SIKIM.

Inhabitants.Government.Extent.History.Geography.

The most eastern principality, in the present dominions of Gorkha, is that of the Lapchas, called Sikim. Although the prince of Sikim was a Bhotiya, the strength of his army consisted entirely of the Lapchas, who inhabited the higher mountains between the Kankayi and Tista. The Bhotiyas themselves are a very timid race, entirely sunk under the enervating effects of what they call religion.

Besides the Bhotiyas, who surrounded the prince, and the Lapchas by whom he was guarded, the mountains of Sikim contained many people of the tribe called Limbu, who have been already mentioned. My informant thinks, that of the whole population three-tenths were Bhotiyas, five-tenths Lapchas, and two tenths Limbus.

The princes of Sikim, as I have said, were Bhotiyas. They were of a family of high rank from Lasa, and took the title of Gelpo. The next person in the state was the chief or Hang of the Lapchas. I suspect that the Gelpo possessed little power, except in matters of religion; for it is said, that his neighbour, the Deva Dharma Raja, although a mere priest, appoints whomsoever he pleases to manage the temporal affairs of his country; but in Sikim the office of Hang is hereditary. I have not learned the succession of the princes of Sikim; but it is probable that the Bhotiyas have governed the country for a considerable time.

At one time the princes of Sikim had extended their dominion far south, into the district of Puraniya, and possessed the low country on the east of the Mahananda, as far as Krishnagunj, a part of the country which was originally possessed by the Koch and Paliyas, the natives of Kamrup and Matsya, now the districts of Ranggapur and Dinajpur. The Rajas of Sikim were driven from the greatest part of this most valuable of their possessions by the Moslems; but they still retained a small space of the plain to the north of the Pergunah of Baikunthapur, when they were attacked by the Gorkhalese. Although the Kankayi, in the upper part of its course, was nearly their boundary, they never would appear to have possessed the plain between the Kankayi and Mahananda; but they were lords of the lower hills, occupied by the tribe called Dimali, who, I am assured, are the same with the Mech, a tribe now confined to the eastern parts of Kamrup or Ranggapur.

The chief who governed Sikim before the year 1782, was by the natives of the Companys territory named Rup Chiring; but the Bhotiya names are so mangled by the Bengalese, that no reliance can be placed on those reported by them. He resided at Darjiling, and had there a fort, or strong house of brick, which an old Bengalese, who visited it about that time, describes as very splendid; but his ideas of magnificence in building are probably rather confined. This prince died about the year 1782, and was succeeded by his son, the Chhawa Raja, which is the name that the low country people give to the heir-apparent of this family. During his time, and, as would appear from a letter addressed by Mr Pagan to Colonel Ross, in the month of September, (probably of 1788, for there is no date in the letter,) the Gorkhalese invaded Sikim. Their troops consisted of about 6000 men, of whom 2000 were regulars, and were under the command of Tiurar Singha, Subah of Morang. He met with no opposition until he approached Sikim, the capital, in defence of which the Rajah ventured an engagement; when, after an obstinate resistance, he was completely defeated, owing, in all probability, to the 2000 fusileers. The Gorkhalese, however, suffered much, although they immediately laid siege to the capital. This happened shortly previous to the 28th October 1788, as, in a letter from Mr Pagan of that date, he mentions, that he had just received accounts of the entire conquest of Sikim by the Gorkhalese, who, in this report, had considerably magnified the extent of their victory.

The Raja of Sikim retired towards the frontier of Thibet, in order to reassemble his army, and to solicit assistance from Lasa and Tasasudan. At the latter place was soon concluded a treaty, by which the Sikim chief engaged to pay the Deva Dharma Raja a certain tribute, on condition of his being restored to his dominions by the exertions of that prince. This negotiation is said to have been facilitated by an open boast made by the Gorkhalese, that they no sooner should have conquered Sikim, than they would attack the Deva Dharma Raja, a kind of policy of which the Gorkhalese are fond, when they have no sort of intention of putting their threats in execution.

The Raja, strengthened by a considerable force of the Deva Dharmas troops, and a party of Bhotiyas from a province of Thibet, named Portaw, returned towards the capital, and, about the beginning of December, compelled the Gorkhalese to raise the siege; and, after losing many men in a skirmish, to retire towards Ilam on the Kankayi, where they had erected forts to secure a communication with Morang. It must be observed, that, at this time, the Gorkhalese had invaded the province of Kutti in Thibet, and had there met with a repulse; and that a body of the troops of Thibet had penetrated through a pass in the mountains to the eastward of Kutti. These troops seized on the passes of the Kosi and Arun rivers, thus intending to cut off all communication between Kathmandu and the army in Morang; an excellent plan, and very easily practicable.

The Gorkhalese commander, far from being dismayed, seems soon to have dispossessed these troops, and gave out that he had retreated from Sikim merely on account of the severity of the cold.

From the reports of the natives, there is reason to suppose, that about this time the Sikim Raja died, leaving his son Kurin Namki, an infant. The war was chiefly conducted by Yuksu-thuck, the Hang or chief of the Lapchas, who was next in rank to the Raja. This man, by the natives of the low country, was called Chhatrajit, and was a person of barbarous energy. He seems to have headed the army in the field, while his brother Nam-si (Lamjit of the Bengalese) defended the capital. They were sons of Lang-cho, son of De-sha, both of whom had held the office of Hang.

Soon after these advantages over the Gorkhalese, the troops of the Deva Dharma Raja retired; for they are allowed no pay, and the country was too poor to admit of plunder. By a letter from Mr Pagan, this would appear to have happened before the 29th March 1789. On this the greater part of the people of Sikim submitted to the Gorkhalese; but the Raja fled to Tankiya in Thibet, and the chief of the Lapchas retired to a stronghold situated between the two branches of the Tista; from which he has ever since annoyed the Gorkhalese. This place, called Gandhauk, has annexed to it a territory of considerable extent, and affords the Raja a revenue of about 7000 rupees a-year, which is all that he possesses; but, being a man of high birth, he lately obtained in marriage a daughter of the chief minister at Lasa, with whom, in 1809, he returned to the petty dominion, which the vigour of his minister has retained.

Both the Deva Dharma Raja and the government of Lasa seem to have been most seriously alarmed at the progress of the Gorkhalese, and applied to the Emperor of China for his interposition. In the meanwhile, the Deva Dharma Raja is said to have sent an embassy to Kathmandu, offering as a sacrifice the part of Baikunthapur, that had been given to him by Mr Hastings; but the interposition of the emperor came in time to save this, and the Gorkhalese have ever since abstained from giving him any molestation. The people of Thibet were not so fortunate, and were compelled to cede to the Nepalese a part of Kutti, which now forms the government of Kheran or Kheru, on the head of the Sankosi, and some Bhotiya villages near the Arun, which are now annexed to the northern part of Vijaypur, and with that form the government of Chayenpur. By a letter from Colonel Ross, dated in the end of December 1789, it would appear that our government had received intelligence of every thing having been settled by the interference of the Chinese, and that a Gorkhalese envoy had been dispatched to pay homage to the emperor.

The Lapchas were, however, not so easily managed. Part under their chief Nam-si maintained an absolute independence, and the remainder have been so troublesome, that the Gorkhalese have judged it prudent to give them a governor, or, at least, a collector of their own. This person, named Yu-kang-ta, and called Angriya Gabur by the Bengalese, is nephew of the Lapcha chief, who has so gallantly defended the remnant of the principality. In 1808, I found that he was in possession of the whole civil government, and had agreed to pay annually a fixed sum as tribute. The Subah of Chayenpur was, however, in military authority over him, and there were Gorkhalese troops at Sikim and Darjiling, the two chief places in the district.

On the return of the young Raja to Gandhauk, he brought with him as an escort 500 Bhotiyas of Thibet; and an insurrection seems to have been meditated. In the end of 1809, a person calling himself Dihit Karan, a relation of the chief of the Kirats, came to Lieutenant Munro, then stationed at Sannyasikata, and informed him that he had been sent as an ambassador by the Chinese general, (Vazir,) who had arrived with 15,000 men and 40 guns to restore the Prince of Sikim, and that he was on his way to Puraniya, to proceed from thence to Calcutta. From the information of his nearest relations, there is reason to think that Dihit Karan had died before this time, and the messenger did not go to Puraniya. It is probable that he merely came to sound Mr Munro, whether or not there was any actual appearance of hostility between the British government and the Gorkhalese. The only troops that had come were the 500 armed Bhotiyas; but with even these the enterprising Lapcha is said to have determined to proceed, and a good many Gorkhalese soldiers marched in that direction. At this time the Lapcha died, and after a little skirmishing things were amicably adjusted, the Sikim Raja retaining Gandhauk alone.

The map of this country drawn by the Lama, and mentioned in the Introduction, although very rude, as might be naturally expected, will enable scientific men to throw considerable light on the geography of that country, hitherto almost unknown, and more reliance is to be placed on most of the Lamas positions, than on those given in the map of the countries east from Nepal, which has been mentioned in the same place, except towards the south-west corner, for the Lama was better acquainted with the other parts of the country than the person who constructed the map to which I have alluded. His scale is an inch to the days journey. His angular lines represent mountains, and, beginning at the north, we find Khawa karpola, that is, the mountain white with snow, or the highest ridge of Emodus, which separates Sikim from the dominion of Lasa. According to the map, this ridge is penetrated by three rivers. That on the west is the Kankayi; but it seems doubtful whether or not this actually rises from beyond the highest peaks of Emodus, for, in another map, which will be afterwards mentioned, its source is made to come from a lower range of the snowy mountains, which by some is called Mirgu; and this opinion is strongly confirmed by its size, when it enters the plains. The Kankayi would appear to run in a narrow valley between two ridges of mountains, and for some way down the whole valley belonged to Sikim. In this are two Golas or marts, Bilasi and Majhoya. To these marts the low country traders carry rice, salt, extract of sugar-cane, hogs, dry fish, tobacco, spirituous liquor, and various cloths. Formerly they took oxen for slaughter, but, since the conquest, this has been prohibited. They procured in return cotton, Indian madder, (Manjit,) musk, and Thibet bull-tails, (Chaungris.)

Farther down, the Kankayi formed the boundary between the Kirats and Sikim, until it reached the plain, the whole of which, as far as the Mahananda, belonged to the Vijaypur Rajas, while all the low hills belonged to Sikim. These low hills are not represented in the map, although they are of very considerable size, such as the greater part of the mountains of Scotland or Wales; but, near Emodus, these appear like molehills. The hilly country, I am told by the traders, commences at what they call six coses north from Sannyasikata, and extends about eighteen coses farther to Siumali, another mart, which the low country people name Dimali.

The hills south of Dimali are thinly inhabited by the Mech or Dimali, who cultivate cotton, rice, and other articles, in the same manner as the Garos, which will be described in my account of Asam. This kind of country extends from the Kankayi to the Tista, everywhere, probably, about the same width; but the coses, in all likelihood, are very short, twelve of them being reckoned a days journey, and, in such roads, twelve miles is a long journey, and will give no great horizontal distance.

Between the Mahananda and Tista the Sikim Raja possessed a low tract, four or five coses wide, which is inhabited by Koch, and cultivated with the plough. The chief place in it is Dabi, on the east bank of the Mahananda. This part is not noticed in the Lamas map.

Siumali, or Dimali, according to the Bengalese, is a custom-house on the east side of the Bala kongyar river, but the Lama places it on the west, and is probably more correct, the Bengalese concerning such points being uncommonly stupid. At this custom-house or mart is a Lapcha collector, appointed by Yu-kang-ta. He has with him four Bengalese writers, to assist him in collecting the duties. The custom-house consists of a square surrounded by buildings, in which the traders and their commodities are received, for there is no house near, except those of the collector and his assistants. The traders from the low country take up salt, tobacco, cotton cloth, goats, fowls, swine, iron, and occasionally a little coral, and broad cloth. They bring back Indian madder, (Manjit,) cotton, beeswax, blankets, horses, musk, bull-tails, (Chaungris,) Chinese flowered silk, (Devang,) and rhinoceroses horns.

North from the mart, half a days journey, on a hill at the source of the Bala kongyar, is the residence of Yu-kang-ta, the Lapcha chief, who now collects the revenues for the Gorkhalese. By the natives it is called Sam-dung, but the Bengalese call it Nagrikoth. They describe it as a very large building, with several stories, and it was represented to Mr Monro as a fort of some strength. Both accounts are, however, doubtful, as I learn that it is roofed only with thatch. Two days journey east from this, at the source of the Mahananda, is Satang, another Gola or mart; but, of late, Siumali has engrossed almost the whole trade.

Immediately north from these places the Lama lays down a high ridge of mountains, extending from the Kankayi beyond the Tista, and on this he says that Dalimkoth, belonging to Bhotan, is situated, and he makes it communicate with the snowy mountains, both at the Kankayi and to the east of the Tista. All the rivers between the Kankayi and Tista spring from the south side of this chain, and between its two arms is included the greater part of Sikim, watered by various branches of the Tista, and forming, as it were, a valley; but the whole of this space is extremely mountainous, though there is much cultivation carried on with the hoe. The great articles of cultivation are rice and Manjit.

Beyond Sam-dung and Sa-tang one days journey, and on the other side of the first high mountains, is Darjiling, which would appear to be the chief fortress of the country, as it is there that the Gorkhalese troops are mostly stationed. From thence to Sikim, the capita], is six days journey, and the snowy mountains are about the same distance still farther north. Sikim is on the west side of the Jhamikuma river, which arises from the south side of the snowy mountains, and, opposite to the town, divides into two branches, which surround an immense mountain, on the top of which there is a small level and strong-hold named Tasiding. The descent from this to the river is reckoned half a days journey on each side. Some way below this, the river receives from the west a branch named Rainam, that rises from the mountains, by which the Kankayi is bounded on the east. The united streams are called the Rimikma, which soon joins the Tista.

The great river Tista arises in the dominions of Lasa by two branches, called the Greater and Lesser Tista, and passes through the snowy mountains. The western branch forms the boundary between the dominions of the Gorkhalese and the petty territory of Gan-dhauk, which still remains to the Raja of Sikim. This poor prince possesses also a small portion beyond the lesser or eastern Tista, which, however, in general, forms the boundary between him and Bhotan, or the country of the Deva Dharma Raja. On its east side is Dam-sang, a fortress belonging to the last-mentioned prince. The united stream of the two Tistas forms the present boundary between him and Gorkha.

The only route between Sikim and Thibet is by a passage through the snowy mountains, named Phakali, and this is seven days journey from Jang-chim, in the north-east part of the Sikim territory, so that, the route being through the territory of the Deva Dharma Raja, the people of Sikim were entirely dependent on this prince for a communication with Thibet.

SECTION II. DOMINIONS OF THE FAMILY DESCENDED FROM MAKANDA SEN, RAJA OF MAKWANPUR.

General History.Branch of Lohanga which occupied the Country of the Kiratas.History.Former Government.Military Force, Police, and Revenue, and Justice.Present State.District of Morang.District of Chayenpur.District of Naragarhi.District of Hedang.District of Makwanpur.Western Branch, which occupied chiefly the Country of Palpa.HistoryDescription.Tanahung Family and its Possessions, and Collateral Branches.Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot.

The next principality to that of the Lapchas was that of the Kiratas, which fell to the lot of a family that pretends to be sprung from the Rajas of Chitaur, although its claims, as I have said, are by no means well substantiated, and the different branches of the family differ much in the account of their genealogy.

In the account of the Newars, I have mentioned, that the tribe called Bhawar or Bhar has many territories, which had been subject to a powerful chief, whose capital was Garsamaran in Tirahut, and the dominion of these Bhawars extended once all over Gorakhpur. Garsamaran was destroyed in 1322 by the Muhammedans, and in its vicinity a state of anarchy, under petty chiefs, prevailed for twenty-four years, while the Muhammedans seized on the parts towards the Ganges. About 1306, the Muhammedans had destroyed Chitaur, and expelled from thence the Chauhan tribe, called also Sisaudhiyas, because they had been settled in a town of that name before they occupied Chitaur.

In the account given of the mountain Hindus, I have mentioned, that these Chauhans are said to have retired to the mountains, and founded the dynasties of Karuvirpur and Yumila; but another family pretends also to be descended from the Rajas of Chitaur, and to have long occupied a great extent of country to the east, south, and west of Nepal Proper. In the eastern parts of this dominion, it was said, that the first chiefs of this family, who came to the parts of which I am now treating, were Jil and Ajil Rays, sons of Buddhi, brother of Chitra Sen, Raja of Chitaur, and son of Pratap Sen, son of Udayraj Sen, of the Sisaudhiya tribe of the Kshatriya race. These two adventurers, with 700 soldiers of fortune, entered into the service of Karma Singha, a person of the impure tribe of Bhawar, which is very numerous in the low country subject to Nepal. This chief resided at Rajpur, on the west side of the Gandaki or Salagrami, where that great river enters the plains, and he had subject to him many of his countrymen, who chiefly cultivated the low lands, and some Kirats, and other barbarians, who occupied the adjacent hills, and formed his military power. He is said to have had two brothers, Nandakumar, Raja of Nandapur Tisuti, near Bhawara, (Bawara R.) in Tirahut, and Sarandeo, Raja of Belka on the Kosi.

For twenty-two years the Hindu nobles served this low man, but were then able to cut him off, and Ajil Sen assumed the government. He was succeeded by his son Tula Sen; and it must be observed, that all the princes of this family are called Sen, which I shall for the future in general omit, although among the natives, in speaking of them, it is always annexed. Tula built on the hills the fortress of Makwanpur, (Mocaumpour, R.) since which time the principality has been often called by that name, but it seems then to have extended only from the large Gandaki to the Adhwara River. He was succeeded in regular lineal descent by Dambhal, Gajapati, Chandra, Rudra, and Mukunda, by which time the principality had been extended far towards the west, over the mountains of the Magars and Gurung.

In the western parts of the territory belonging to this family, I procured a manuscript said to have been composed by Rana Bahadur, late Chautariya of Palpa, and one of its descendants. He states, that the first of his ancestors, who came to this country, was Rudra Sen, the son of Chandra Sen, Raja of Chitaur, descended of Ratna Sen, first Chauhan chief of that city; but I think that this account is not tenable, and Samar Bahadur, the brother of Rana Bahadur, gives one totally different, and, in my opinion, more probable. He says, that Ratna Sen, instead of being the first Raja of Chitaur, was the last of these princes; and that Naya Sen, his eldest son, settled at Prayag or Allahabad, which he seized with 20,000 men, and he considers Tutha Sen, Ribeli Sen, Dimirawa Sen, Udayarawa Sen, Udayachanda Sen, Jagadbrahma Sen, Dharma Pala Sen, Aneka Singha Sen, Ramraja Sen, and Chandra Sen, the father of Rudra Sen, not as Rajas of Chitaur, as his brothers manuscript represents, but as chiefs of the colony from that city, which settled in the vicinity of Nepal. Tutha Sen, he says, having been driven from Prayag, seized on the country adjacent to the hills of Butaul, and afterwards seized on the principality of Champaranya, the capital of which was Rajpur. Now, this seems highly probable, for Chitaur was taken in about 1306, and Garsamaran, of which Champaranya was originally a dependency, did not fall until 1322, while an anarchy prevailed throughout the territories of Garsamaran until 1346, that is to say, until these were mostly reunited under the colony from Chitaur, 40 years after the fall of that city. It is, therefore, unlikely, that the chief who left Chitaur should have seen his family established in a new dominion; but, that it should have been his son who accomplished this event, as Samar Bahadur says, is highly probable. Tuthas first acquisition on the hills seems to have been Rishiyang, now an inconsiderable place between Butaul and Palpa. His son founded Ribdikot in that vicinity, of which it continued to be the capital, until Palpa was founded by Rudra Sen. It must be observed, that the accounts procured in Puraniya and Gorakhpur differ totally as to names, until the time of Chandra Sen, after which they agree tolerably well, and Rudra was probably the first of the family, as his descendant alleges, who assumed the title of the Palpa Raja. It is agreed by all, that the Makanda Sen, the son of Rudra, possessed very extensive dominions, and might probably have founded a kingdom equal to that which the Gorkhalese now enjoy, but he had the imbecility to divide his estates among his four sons. The accounts concerning these sons differ somewhat. According to what I heard in Puraniya, Manik, the eldest son, obtained Palpa, Bhringgu received Tanahung, Rajpur the original possession of the family, was given to Arjun, and Makwanpur, with its hardy mountaineers, fell to the lot of Lohangga. But the account given in the manuscript of Rana Bahadur, which here, I think, deserves most credit, is, that the eldest son was Binayak, who communicated his name to a large territory on the plain west from the Gandaki, which he received as his patrimony; but this territory is now most commonly called Butaul, from its chief town, and in the low country the chiefs are commonly called the Butaul Rajas. The second son, Manik, obtained Palpa; the third son, Bihangga, (Bhringga of the Puraniya account,) obtained Tanahung, and Lohangga, the fourth son, obtained Makwanpur.

I shall now return to the Kiratas, the nation next to the Lapchas, when they were about to receive Lohangga as their chief.

At that time the country between the Kosi and the Kankayi, and on the plain so far as the Mahanandah, was subject to Vijayanarayan, whose ancestors are said to have come from Kamrup. From his title, one might be led to suppose that he was of the Vihar family; but one of this race, who was in my service, denied any such relation; and, indeed, as Vijaya is said to have been the seventh prince of his family, he could scarcely have been descended of the grandson of the Koch Hajo, ancestor of the chiefs of Vihar. The natives allege, that the title of the chiefs of this family was Harbhang Raja, and that the title of his minister was Bharbhang Mantri. Harbhang Bharbhang, in the provincial dialect, implies foolish, similar to the notions entertained by the Bengalese of Havachandra and Bhavachandra of Kamrup, which may perhaps serve to connect the history of the two dynasties. Not that these princes seem to have been more foolish than their neighbours, but they probably had some customs, that appeared extraordinary to their subjects. Two dynasties are mentioned as having preceded that of the Harbhang Rajas; 1st, That of Kichak Raja, contemporary with Yudhishthir; and, 2d, That of the Satya Rajas, in whose time probably the power of the Kirats or Kichaks was at the greatest height.

I have received three accounts of the manner in which Vijayanarayan was overthrown. The first was given me orally by Agam Singha. He says, that the ancestors of Vijayanarayan originally possessed only the low country called Morang; but that this prince took into his service his ancestor Singha Ray, the son of Khebang, who was Hang or hereditary chief of the Kirats, that occupied the hills north from Morang. When the needy mountaineers had for some time been accustomed to the luxuries of the plains, the Raja built Vijayapur, and took the title of Vijaya Bharati, or victorious over the earth. He soon after took occasion to put the mountain chief to death, under pretence, that he, being an impure beef-eating monster, had presumed to defile a Hindu woman. Baju Ray, son of the mountain chief, immediately retired, and, going to the Rajput chief of Makwanpur, promised to join him with all his Kirats, if that prince would enable him to destroy the murderer of his father. This was accordingly done, and the Hang was constituted sole Chautariya or hereditary chief minister of the principality, which dignity his descendants enjoyed, until its total overthrow, and Agam Singha, the last possessor of the office, accompanied his master, when he fled for refuge into the Companys territory, and now lives with the mother of that unfortunate youth.

The second account was given by the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, mentioned in the Introduction. He nearly agrees with the Kirat chief, but says, that the new dynasty was formed in a manner entirely peaceable. Vijayanarayan having died without heirs, the Kirat chief, who was the second person in the government, invited a brother of the Palpa Raja to take possession of the government.

The third account was communicated to me in writing by Premnarayan Das, mentioned also in the Introduction. The scribe says, that one day Vijayanarayan went to Varahachhatra, a place of pilgrimage on the Kosi, where Vishnu is worshipped under the form of a boar. Here he found a Sannyasi, Ramanath Bharati, who, warned by a dream, had come from Surya kunda, and had taken up his residence in a hut near the place of worship, where he was assiduous in prayer. The Sannyasi having been insolent to the Raja, a circumstance not at all improbable, the prince had the audacity to kick him down the hill, and to burn his hut. The god then appeared to the saint in a human form, and gave him authority of speech, (Bakya Siddhi,) by which all men would obey his command. Bharati then went to the poor chief of Makwanpur, who, having been kind and attentive, was commanded to take possession of the dominions of Vijayanarayan, and was informed how it might be done.

The account of the Kirat is evidently the most credible, although it is not unlikely that Ramanath may have been disgusted, and might have been employed to gain over the people, and to negotiate between the Rajput and Kirat; but the scribe alleges, that these barbarians were not elevated to the first office of the state until a later period. However that may be, in the remainder of the history, I shall follow chiefly his account, although even there it differs in some particulars from the accounts that I received both from Agam Singha, and from the Brahman.

Lohangga, on crossing the Adhwara, first subdued a petty chief of the Magar tribe. He then took possession of a small territory on the plain, belonging to an Aniwar Brahman. Then he destroyed Mohan Thakur, another chief of the last mentioned tribe, and seized on his territory, which now forms the district of Mahatari. He in a similar manner seized on Korani, belonging to a Bhawar, and probably a descendant of Nandakumar, (p. 129;) on Khesraha, belonging to Raja Langkeswar; on Rampur belonging to Raja Muzles; on Pokhari, belonging to Raja Karabandar; on Jhamuna, belonging to Raja Roja; on Jogoda, belonging to Raja Udaygir; on Dhapar, Kalisa, and Belka koth, belonging to Raja Karnadeo; on Samda, belonging to Ballabh deo; and on Karjain, belonging to Dullabh deo, a brother of the two last mentioned chiefs, who were descended of Saran deo, brother of Karma Singha and Nandakumar, (p. 129,) as I am informed by Gauri Chaudhuri, their representative, and now Zemindar of Dhapar, in the district of Puraniya. All these were petty independent chiefs, whose territories now form Pergunahs in the Subah of Saptari, belonging to Gorkha, or in the adjacent parts of the Companys territory. The rapacious chief now made an attack on the hill Gidha, but here he was opposed by a devil, (Dano,) who killed a number of his troops, and prevailed, until the holy man Ramanath ordered the god Ramkrishna to cut off the devils head, which was accordingly done. The Raja then descended to Meghvari on the banks of the Kosi, where he learned that Vijayanarayan had died. He, therefore, left one-half of his troops at Meghvari, and, advancing with the other, took quiet possession of Vijayapur, (Bissypur, R.) The nature of these transactions strongly confirms the account given by Agam Singha, as the force of the petty district of Makwanpur seems to have been totally inadequate to effect such conquests; but the junction of the Kirats will readily account for the success.

Agam Singha says, that during these wars, his ancestor Baju was killed, and was succeeded by his son Bidyachandra, who relinquished the title of Hang, and in its stead took that of Chautariya, and who, like all his successors, assumed a Hindu name, and adopted some degree of purity in his manner of life.

Lohangga had now acquired a very extensive territory, reaching from the Adiya on the west to the Mahananda on the east, and from the alps of Bhot to Julagar near Puraniya. When the Sannyasi had placed the Raja on the throne, he wished to return to his native country, but, at the intercession of the prince, he remained some time longer, having been appointed priest (Mahanta) to a temple (Math) erected at Varaha Chhatra, and well endowed. According, indeed, to my authority, the priests, his successors, seem to have held a distinguished place in the state; but, since the conquest, they have sunk into insignificance, although the Gorkhalese still allow them ample endowments.

Lohangga had two sons, Raghav and Bhagawanta, but rationally left the whole of his dominions to the former, who, by all other persons except the scribe, is considered as having been the founder of the family in these parts, and as a brother of the Raja of Palpa. In his reign Ramanath delivered over his office to Jagamoban, and disappeared; but he promised his successor to favour him with an annual visit.

Harihar, the son of Raghav, extended his dominions to Gondwara, and took the title of Hindupati, or chief of the Hindus. His wife, Jagamata, having been delivered of a daughter of most extraordinary beauty, he, in his joy, called to her by her name; but, as it is totally contrary to Hindu law for a man to call his wife Mata, that is, mother, he was under the necessity of divorcing her, which will, perhaps, show that his civilians had a considerable skill in discovering legal pretexts for the actions of their prince. The chief was soon after supplied with other wives, for, having made war on the Vihar Raja, and taken that prince in battle, his anger was pacified by obtaining Mahisi and Maheswari, two beautiful daughters of the descendant of Siva. By Mahisi the Morang Raja had four sons, Chhatrapati, Padma, Pratap, and one who died an infant. Maheswari bore only one son, named Subha, to whom his father intended to leave the whole of his dominions, and, in order to secure his authority, gave him immediate possession of the territory of Makwani.

After this, Harihar seems to have fallen into a state of dotage, and his three sons by Mahisi rose upon their aged parent, and put him in confinement. In this difficulty he applied to Adanuka, the wife of Chhatrapati, one of these unnatural sons, and promised, if she would procure his release, that he would leave the whole of his kingdom to the child with which she was then pregnant. This lady, who seems to have possessed great abilities, persuaded her husband and his two brothers to release their father, on condition that the whole kingdom should be divided into four equal shares, one for each brother. The three sons of Mahisi then went and attacked their brother, in order to compel him to agree to this engagement, but they were defeated with great loss, and retreated to Phulwari, on the Kamala river, where Adanuka was delivered of a son, whom his grandfather immediately created king of all the territories east from the Kosi, while he left all on the west of that river to his son Subha. The father and uncles of the infant had probably been too much weakened by their defeat to venture on any farther enterprise of villainy.

I shall now follow the history of Subha, who soon after these events fell sick, and sent for Ganggadhar, the successor of Jagamohan as priest at Varaha Chhatra. This person informed the Raja that he was just about to die, but, as he himself had forty years of life to spare, he would transfer them to the prince, for whom he had a great regard. The Raja accepted the offer, and soon after the priest went and buried himself alive, (Samadi,) a manner of taking leave of the world which is considered as very laudable, and to this day is occasionally practised at Varaha Chhatra. The Raja, on the strength of this accession of life, married a young Rajput named Amarawati, by whom he had two sons, Mahapati and Manik.

Subha Sen had governed thirty-one years of his additional life, when he had a dispute with Pradyumna Upadhyaya, a Brahman of Tanahung, who was his Dewan, or minister of finance. This traitor entered into a conspiracy with a certain officer named Parasuram Thapa, and, in order to induce this man to rebel, did not hesitate to give him his daughter in marriage, although the fellow was of the spurious breed called Khas, descended by the fathers side alone from the sacred order; and this would appear to be considered as by far the most reprehensible part of the Brahmans offence. Having seized on the old Raja, their master, these traitors intended to deliver him up to Isfundiyar khan, the Nawab of Puraniya. By this time Indu Bidhata, the infant who had been made Raja of Marang, had grown up, and, hearing of his uncles misfortune, led an army against the Nawab and the traitors, and was accompanied by his brother Budha Sen. Having obtained a victory, he restored his uncle; but, while they were still in the midst of their joy, Kalu Upadhyaya, a relation of the treacherous Brahman, contrived to seize on both the uncle and nephews, and again delivered them to the Nawab, who had made the most liberal promises. It was on this occasion that the Moslems reduced the greater part of the low country of Morang, and, in fact, they settled some free land on the family of the traitor, but to no great extent, and vastly less than was expected. One of his descendants is now the Munsuf at Bahadurgunj, mentioned above as one of the persons from whom I received information respecting this principality.

The unfortunate Subha and his nephews were sent to Dilli, where Muhammed Azim, then emperor, deprived them of cast by a curtailment of which the faithful are proud.

Prabodh das, the then Neb, or second hereditary minister of the family, fled with the two sons of Subha Sen to the Kirats, and his descendant, who gave me the written account, alleges that it was then only that the chiefs of this tribe were elevated to the dignity of Chautariya; but in this, I imagine, he is mistaken.

Mahapati, the eldest son, was placed by the Kirat Bidyachandra Ray on the throne of all that remained to the family east from the Kamala river, while the smaller portion west from that river was given to his brother Manik, to whom Prabodh das adhered; but a Kirat of the same family with Bidyachandra acted as the Chautariya of Manik, and Mahapati had a Neb of the family of Prabodh das.

Mahapati married, but neglected his wife, and had eighteen illegitimate children. Mahapati means elder son, and I was assured by the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, that his real name was Mandhata. Here, indeed, I must follow chiefly the authority of the Munsuf; for the descendant of Prabodh das is little acquainted with the history of the eastern division, while the Munsuf was naturally unwilling to speak of the western.

Mandhata governed eighteen or twenty years, and left his territory to his natural son Kamdatt. I am informed by a Brahman, who had resided long in these parts, and by an intelligent Kirat, that Kamdatt lived on very bad terms with Bichitra Ray, the Kirat Chautariya of this part of the principality, who drove Kamdatt to Lasa, and placed on the throne Jagat, a younger but legitimate son of the western branch of the family. This prince reconciled the Chautariya to Kamdatt, and while Jagat reserved to himself the country between the Kamala and Kosi, he gave all the territory east from the latter river to his kinsman Kamdatt. Thus the principality became divided into three shares.

Soon after this Bichitra the Chautariya died, and was succeeded by Budhkarna his son, with whom Kamdatt continued to live on the worst terms; sometimes the one, and then the other, being under the necessity of flying from Vijayapur, which was the seat of government. On one of these occasions Kamdatt came to the Companys territory, and applied to Ghanasyam Upadhyaya, of the family of the traitor who had betrayed Subha Sen. The Brahman took him to Calcutta; but, receiving no countenance from the Governor-General, they returned to the frontier, where they raised some men, with whom Kamdatt recovered the government of Morang. Kamdatt still farther enraged the Kirat by putting his brother to death, on which event Budhkarna applied to the legitimate heir of the family, then in exile, who recommended an alliance with the Sikim Bhotiyas. Budhkarna having gone to that country, and having formed an alliance with its rulers, ten men were sent by them under pretence of adjusting the differences between the prince and his minister. These ruffians, having been admitted to a conference without suspicion, rushed on Kamdatt and put him to death. Budhkarna then placed on the throne of Vijayapur the legitimate heir, Karna Sen, whom the Gorkhalese had then expelled from the middle principality. He died in about eighteen months afterwards, in the year 1774, leaving an only son, a boy, under the charge of his widow, and of his Chautariya Agam Singha, descended in the fifth degree from Bidya Chandra, who was contemporary, according to Agam Singha, with the first Rajput prince of this country. In the same year the Gorkhalese attacked Vijayapur, and the widow fled with her son, and accompanied by Agam Singha, to the Companys territory.

The widow, her son, and minister, settled near Nathpur; while Budhkarna, after some fruitless engagements, went to Calcutta to solicit assistance, but without success. He soon after came towards the frontier, at Chilmari in the Companys territory, from whence he was carried off by a party of Gorkhalese soldiers disguised like robbers. He was taken to Vijayapur, where, under pretence of avenging the death of Kamdatt, the slender claim which the Gorkhalis used to cover their unjust attack on the infant son of Karna Sen, he was put to the most cruel tortures, which continued three days before he expired.

The jealousy of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha did not permit him to view the poor child, then five years old, without anxious fears. His first plan was to endeavour to inveigle him into his power, by promising, on condition of an annual tribute, to restore his inheritance. He next offered to hold the territories of the youth from the British government, and to pay an annual sum; for he was cruelly alarmed lest the governor should interfere. At length he is alleged to have calmed his fears by a stratagem worthy of his savage nature. A Brahman was hired to insinuate himself into the favour of the mother, to whom he represented himself as a person skilled in the inoculation for the small pox. Having gained the mothers consent, he performed the operation; but the smallpox did not appear; in its stead most dreadful ulcerations took place, and the child perished of a wretched disease. It is in general believed that poison was used instead of matter, and that the perpetrator was hired by Prithwi Narayan; for, immediately after the operation, the Brahman disappeared, and is supposed to have retired to Nepal. The character of the prince does not leave much room to think that he would hesitate about employing such means.

The unfortunate widow, deprived of her only hope, seems to have harboured views of revenge. She sent to Mukunda Sen, the Raja of Palpa, and, as I have said above, of the same family with her husband, in order to request one of his sons, whom she might adopt, and to whom she might transfer the right to the middle and eastern divisions of the principality. The Raja accordingly sent Dhwajavir, one of his younger sons, who came to Puraniya in the year 1779, and sent letters to the Deva Dharma Raja, to Sikim, to the Chaubisiya Rajas, and to the Governor of Bengal, soliciting aid, but without the least probability of success. He had remained about three years at Puraniya, and had formed a friendship with Madrapati Ojha, a Brahman, who managed the estate Dhumgar, within nine coses of the frontier of Morang. He had also formed a friendship with a Ganes Bharati Mahanta, a priest, who lived between Puraniya and Dhumgar. This man, in the year 1782, promised, that, if the youth came to his house, he would adopt him as his pupil, (Chela), and lend him money, of which the young man was in much need. On his arrival at the residence of this priest, various delays and frivolous excuses were made to avoid the performance of the promises; and the youth was tempted, by an invitation from his friend Madrapati, to advance to Dhumgar, where he and his attendants were entertained eight days, in the office where the rents of the estate were collected. In the night of the eighth day the party were suddenly awakened by the approach of a body of men; and, on looking out, perceived that these were armed, and had surrounded the house. The party in the office now looked for their arms; but these had been removed in the night without their knowledge. They soon learned, from the language of the people by whom the house was surrounded, that they were Gorkhalese soldiers, who ordered them, in opprobrious language, (Nekal Bahenchod,) to come out. Several who went out were killed, but the Raja remaining within, and all his people invoking the protection of the Governor and of the Company, as usual in such cases, the soldiers entered, and said, there is no Governor nor Company can now give you any assistance. The Raja soon received a cut in his forehead, and then acknowledged himself; asking them, whether they intended to carry him away or to murder him. They replied, that they came for his life; on which he began to pray, and held out his head, which was cut off with a sword. During the confusion a Brahman escaped, and repaired to Madrapati, who replied with the utmost composure that he could give no assistance. The Raja had with him thirty-four people, of whom fifteen were killed, eleven wounded, and four carried away. Among the killed were Ripumardan, a natural son of Karna Sen Raja of Morang, and a messenger from the Sikim Raja, with five of his attendants. The soldiers were disguised like robbers, and took away such property as they found with the Raja, more probably to show what they had effected than for the sake of the plunder, as they gave no disturbance to the people of the village. From all the circumstances attending the event, few doubt that the scheme was preconcerted, and that the Mahanta and Brahman were the agents of the Gorkhalese, to decoy the youth within their reach.

The poor widow was now totally helpless. She was originally allowed a pension of 100 rupees a month; but for many years this has been withheld, and the Zemindars in the Companys territory are giving her great trouble respecting some lands, which had been granted her free of rent. Her sister-in-law died in the year 1810, in Tirahut, where she had some villages, which she left by will to the unfortunate old lady; but I am told that the Raja of Darbhangga has seized on them as Zemindar, although his claim is probably dubious, the grants having been made before the decennial settlement.

Having thus traced the fate of Mandhata and his descendants, I return to his brother Manik, who procured the share of the principality that is west from the Kamala river.

By the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, Manik is said to have governed his country quietly for twenty years. Although his share of the principality was one of the most productive of revenue, as including a large portion of the plain, he had little power, few of the hardy Kirats being under his authority; but then he was exempted from the dangers arising from the turbulence of these mountaineers. He left four sons, Hemcarna, Jagat, Jaymanggal, and Vikram. The first succeeded his father, and Jagat, as I have mentioned, was placed by the Kirats in the government of that part of the principality which is situated between the Kamala and Kosi.

Hemcarna had a son, Digbandan, and a daughter, Maiya Saheb, of most extraordinary beauty. About this time first rose to notice Prithwi Narayan Saha, whose ancestors had held the petty territory of Gorkha, in some measure dependent on the Palpa Rajas, the kinsman of Hemcarna. This person had by various means acquired some little power, and had induced the people of Lalita Patan to choose his brother Dalmar-dan Saha for their king; for they had fallen into anarchy, and had displaced their lawful sovereign of the Mal family, which had long been in possession of the three principalities into which Nepal. Proper had been divided. Prithwi Narayan, about this time, offered himself as a suitor for the beautiful daughter of Hemcarna, but was rejected with scorn, as a match far beneath her rank. Soon after, however, he was the fortunate suitor, but I do not exactly know the period. Hemcarna having died, was succeeded by his son Digbandan, a very weak prince, in whose affairs his brother-in-law, Prithwi Narayan, soon began to interfere; and by his courage, liberality, and strength of understanding, totally drew to himself the minds of the soldiery. In the year 1761 he openly attacked his brother-in-law, and took him and his family prisoners. The chief persons that had resisted his attack he put to death, some by the sword, some by the rope, and some by flaying them alive. Their children he delivered to the most vile and abominable tribe, (Sarki,) to be educated in their odious profession, as outcasts. The captives he conducted to Nepal, the open attack on which he then commenced; for, until then, he had contented himself with seizing on the passes, by which the valley is surrounded, and with fomenting dissensions among the three divisions of the principality. In 1769, having completed his conquest of Nepal Proper, he attacked the petty Rajas west from Gorkha, usually called the Chaubisiya, or Twenty-four. For some time he had rapid success, but in an engagement with the Tanahung Raja, he was so roughly handled, that he was compelled to relinquish these conquests. In the meanwhile, his brother-in-law Digbandan, his wife, and seven sons, were kept in close confinement, and were only prevented from starving, by a pittance sent to them by their kinsman the Palpa Raja. What became of the remainder of these unfortunate persons I cannot say; but in the year 1780 Bhubar, one of the sons of Digbandan, effected his escape to Betiya, in the Companys territory, where he was kindly received, and two villages, free from the obligation of paying any revenue, were granted to him. He died lately, and has left two sons, one of whom in 1810 was eight, and the other five years of age; and these are the undoubted legal heirs to the whole principality founded by Lobangga Sen.

I have already mentioned, that Budkarna, the Kirat chief of the eastern division of the principality, discontented with the illegitimacy and temper of Kamdatt, invited Jagat, a younger son of Manik, to assume the government, which he accordingly did, but he seems to have been a person of moderation; he contented himself with the middle portion of the principality, situated between the Kamala and Kosi, and allowed Kamdatt to retain whatever was beyond the latter river, for a maintenance, but not as a sovereign. Jagat usually resided at Chaundandi and Shikarmari, and died in peace. He had no son, and his dominions went to his brother Vikram, who left them to his son Karna Sen. In 1773 Prithwi Narayan, having somewhat recovered from the defeat which the Tanahung Raja had given him, attacked Karna Sen, and took his dominions. The fugitive prince, as I have mentioned, was received by Budkharna, the Kirat, as sovereign of Morang; but I have already given an account of the miserable events that immediately after happened.

Having now detailed the first origin and total overthrow of the principality founded by the Rajput Lohangga, I shall mention what I have learned concerning the nature of the government, which his descendants administered.

The Raja, in most cases, seems to have given himself very little trouble about the affairs of government, but was surrounded by Rajputs and Khas much attached to his person and family, and by Brahmans; by whom both he and his guards were duped, and who seem to have been the most active intriguers of the court.

Next in rank to the Raja was the Chautariya, who, as I have said, appears to me to have always been a Kirat of the family, that had governed his nation before the union with the Rajputs. The Kayastha alleges, indeed, that this was not the case; but he appears to me to be either mistaken, or to have made his representation from hatred to the Kirats, by whose power the Rajas and their Hindu adherents were very much controlled; for, setting aside the evidence of Agam Singha, a plain unaffected man, but who may however be supposed to be influenced by vanity, the Kayastha pretends, that, until a late period, the office of Chautariya was held by the family of the perfidious Brahman, who delivered Subha Sen to the Moslems; but the descendant of that person does not pretend that his ancestors ever enjoyed the dignity of Chautariya, and says, that they held the lucrative appointment of Dewan, which will be afterwards mentioned. The Chautariya signed all commissions and orders, while the Raja applied his seal. The Raja might punish the Chautariya in whatever manner he pleased, and even put him to death; but he could not deprive him of his rank, nor his son of the regular succession. This power of punishment, however, must have been very much limited, as the Kirats seem to have been entirely guided by their chief; and they composed almost the whole strength of the state. The Chautariya was allowed one-tenth part of the whole revenue.

The ancestor of the Kayastha held, by hereditary descent, the office of deputy (Neb) Chautariya, and seems merely to have been the person appointed by the Hindu Raja to carry on the writings necessary to be executed by the chiefs of the Kirats, who, if we may judge from Agam Singha, were no great penmen.

Next to the Chautariya was the Kazi or Karyi, to whose office the Raja might appoint any person that he pleased. The Karyi was usually the most active person in managing the affairs of government, and received one-sixteenth of the profits of the whole country.

Next to these was the Dewan, whose office, as I have stated, was hereditary in a family of Brahmans. The Dewans managed the whole collections of the territory on the plain, and probably made much more than either Chautariya or Karyi, which, joined to their birth, gave them great influence. When the principality subdivided, each Raja had his Chautariya, Karyi, and Dewan, who formed his council.

The regular military force consisted of two kinds. First, the Rajputs and Khas, who generally resided near the person of the Raja, and formed his immediate security. They were by no means numerous, and were usually paid in money. The other branch of the regular army was more numerous, and consisted chiefly of Kirats. They were under the orders of Serdars, but the number of men under each of these was not defined; each was appointed to command a number proportioned to the supposed extent of his abilities. The Serdars could at pleasure be removed, or the number of their troops altered. Each Serdar, in proportion to the extent of his command, received a quantity of land in the hills, which he subdivided among his officers and soldiers, reserving a share for himself. He might at pleasure appoint new soldiers, or remove old ones; but he received no regular tribute from the lands, although all his men made him presents. When called upon by the Raja, he was bound to appear in the field with his stipulated number of men; and a few Kirats, in their turn, were always on duty at the residence of the prince. When on actual service, the men were allowed subsistence. The Kirats seem to have been chiefly armed with swords and bows, their arrows being poisoned. The Rajputs had fire-arms. It is said, that there were in all 90,000 Kirats able to carry arms; but not above 5000 or 6000 were considered as regulars. The others paid rent.

In the hills the management of the police and the collection of the revenue was entrusted to officers called Subahs, who accounted to the Dewans for the revenue, but as commanding the militia, were subject to the Serdars. There were also Zemindars, who appear to have held the property of the soil, but were allowed to retain only a small portion (15 to 20 bigas) of good land, fit for transplanted rice, and for this they were held bound to pay three rupees a-year, and to appear in the field as a militia, when called upon by the Subah. The Zemindar, however, as lord of the soil was entitled to cultivate, without additional burden, as much as he pleased of any ground not fit for transplanted rice, and no one could cultivate such without giving him a present. Every family, except the Zemindars, who cultivated this kind of ground, paid three rupees a-year to the Raja, and the men, when required, were bound to appear in the field. All the land fit for transplanted rice, except that held by the Zemindars, was Melk or free of revenue. Part had been granted to Brahmans and temples, and part to various officers of the state, none of whom were paid in money; but by far the greater part was given to the Serdars, for the support of their men. Over every three or four villages the Subah appointed a deputy, called a Duyariya.

In the hilly part of the country, much of the cultivation was carried on by Adhiyars, who gave to the soldier, officer, or Zemindar that employed them, one half of the produce for rent. Each family of this kind paid a rupee a year to the Raja. All persons not employed in agriculture (Sukhvas and Khosvas) paid eight anas for ground-rent, and two anas for holidays. No casts were exempted.

In the level country the lands were cultivated by tribes, who had little or no turn for military affairs, and paid a rent in money, which was collected under the Dewans by Fouzdars, who managed districts (Garhis) by means of Chaudhuris, who held manors, (Pergunahs,) and under these by Mokuddums, who held villages, (Gangs.) In some places the word Pergunah had not been adopted, but the Chaudhuri held the space between two rivers, which is called a Khari.

Independent of the Dewans was a register called Suduriya, and, wherever there was a deputy of the Dewan, the register had also a deputy. In fact, the Mogul system of finance had been completely introduced, while in the mountains the Hindu system of military tenure seems to have been more completely retained.

The trial of civil causes was conducted at the capital by four Bicharis, who appointed a deputy for the jurisdiction under each Subah, and for each subdivision; and these judges seem to have had a much greater authority than is usual in Hindu or Muhammedan governments. Under the Bicharis and their deputies were petty officers, named Duyariyas, who arrested offenders, and decided petty suits. These were assisted by Kotwals, or messengers. The reason of the attention paid to suits seems to have been, that the Raja took one-fourth of all property recovered by legal process, and allowed the judge a share; of course, the complainant usually gained the cause. The principal chance which the defendant had was giving a bribe higher than the share that the judge would legally receive; but the Raja was a check on this kind of gain.

In the hilly country there were no duties levied, except at custom-houses placed on the passes towards the plain, or towards the dominions of Lasa. On the plain there was a vast variety of duties, similar to those now exacted, and which will be afterwards detailed.

I shall now proceed to consider the present state of this principality, in the footing on which it has been placed by the Gorkhalese.

In the first place, it has been divided into districts.

The eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, together with the part of Sikim, and a portion of Thibet, that have been conquered, are now divided into two districts, (Zilas,) Morang and Chayenpur, each under the management of a Subah.

Morang, in a general sense, extends in the low country from the Tista to the Kosi, for the level country, that formerly belonged to Sikim, has now been annexed to this district. Its extent, therefore, from east to west, is rather more than 87 miles. On the low hills, it extends from the Kankayi to the Kosi, which is about 48 miles. It includes very few or none of the mountains, and none of the Alps.

The most remarkable places are as follows:

Vijaypur, the residence of the Subah, and of a former dynasty of princes, is situated on the higher part of the low hills, and is in so much exempt from the unhealthy air of that region called Ayul, that the people, they say, can eat three-fourths more there than they can in the lowlands; a manner of measuring the salubrity of different places, which is in common use among the natives, but, I suspect, is rather fanciful. The fort is always garrisoned by regulars, and a Serdar very commonly resides in it, superintends the conduct of the neighbouring civil officers, and watches over the frontier.

Samrigarhi is another small fort still occupied.

Chaudanda, until the division of the principality founded by Lohangga, was most commonly the seat of government. It is now almost entirely deserted.

Satya Raja is a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of a dynasty, that governed the country before the ancestors of Vijaynarayan.

Kichak jhar is also a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of Kichak, the brother-in-law of Virat, king of Matsya, celebrated in Hindu legend. I am assured by the people of the vicinity, that in a very thick wood at Kichak jhar there are ruins.

At Sorahbag was the residence of the wife of Vijaybharat, the last king of the dynasty, which preceded Lohangga.

Varaha kshetra is a temple dedicated to Vishnu, in the form of a boar. During the government of the former dynasty, the priests (Mahanta) of this temple seem to have had great weight; and their successor enjoys some land, and the whole duties collected at a neighbouring custom-house, (Chatra Gola.) The place is still frequented by a good many pilgrims, but the number has, of late, considerably diminished. This is a place where holy persons sometimes bury themselves alive, and on such occasions, are supposed to be endowed with the gift of prophecy. The buildings are not considerable, and, of late, have become ruinous.

The market places (Hats) are 24 in number, as will appear by the map.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are frequently changing, and, of late, have mostly been placed near the frontier, and removed from the hills.

At present, Morang is divided into three Taluks, or districts. Each is under the charge of a deputy collector, or Fouzdar. The first has under him one Chaudhuri, or Zemindar; the second has four Chaudhuris; and the third three Chaudhuris. The land, under this Subahs authority, is divided into Pergunahs.

Rupees Sayer 1. ( Nangang and Dhapar, 5,000 ) 1,300 land rent, ( Beli, 600 )

( Futehhari, 4,500 ) ( Gogra, 7,500 ) 1,000 ( Hathiya Simar, 450 ) ( 2. ( Mangar, 250 ) ( Beliya, 700 ) ( ) 2,500 ( Kuthor, ) 12,500 ) ( Bariyati, ) )

( Harchand garhi, 14,500 ) 1,600 3. ( Kerayan, 1,125 ) ( Atmanza, 7,000 1,100 ( Mechpali and Latang, 400 ———— ———— R. 54,025 R. 7,500

Total land rent, R. 54,025 Do. Sayer, 7,500 Kascharai, or rent for 24,000 pasture, Khayer Sal, or duty on 3,000 Catechu, Kathmahal, or duty on 38,000 timber, Chiriyamahal, or duty 500 on birds,

Customs at the Golas, Chatra, (given to a R. 1,500) temple,

Vijayapur, 2,000 Raksa, 800 Latang, 600 Rotoya, 1,000 ————- 4,400 ————- Total Rupees 131,425

The land rent is levied by so much on each crop, by a biga of nine common cubits the Katha, equal to 72,900 square feet. The following was the rate at the time when I procured the account; but the chief of the village, (Mokuddum,) for every hundred bigas that pay rent, is allowed five free of that charge.

Rate in the year Sambat 1868, A.D. 1810.

By the country measure. By the Calcutta measure. Rupees. Anas. Anas. Pies. Sali or rice 3 5 10 5½ Maruya and 2 11 8 6 Mustard Cotton and patuya 2 4 7 0 or corchorus Kitchen gardens 5 0 15 9½ and tobacco Sugar-cane 4 0 12 7½

No other crop pays any thing, and the tenantry pay no ground rent for their houses. The Calcutta Biga is one-third of an English acre, and the rupee weighs 179½ grains of silver; it is divided into 16 anas, and the ana into 12 pies.

The settlement in the year Sambat 1846, soon after the conquest, was considerably lower, but more crops were included.

The duties called Sayer include a capitation on artists, a duty on the sale of oxen and buffaloes, on marriages, on the contract with a concubine, on grain exported, on all things sold at Hats or markets, and on adulterers.

The duty on Catechu I have already explained.

The management of the mines is not entrusted to the care of the Subahs.

The whole amount which the Subah collected in the year 180910 is said to have been 131,425 rupees, out of which the Subah pays 80,000 rupees to government; and his share of the Rajangka, and presents to the twelve great officers of state, usually amount to 20,000 rupees more; but this is probably compensated by similar exactions that he makes from his inferiors. He, however, incurs a heavy expense in furnishing the regular troops with provisions, which he must do at a price fixed by government, and which is always far below the market price; but he squeezes a great part of this from the neighbouring tenantry. Colonel Kirkpatrick {154} estimates the nett revenue of this territory, which he calls East Turrye, at from 125,000 to 150,000 rupees, including, perhaps, Rajangka and mines.

Each village (Gang) is under a Mokuddum, who has five per cent. of the land free of rent; a Patwari or clerk, who has one-half ana on the rupee of rent, and two anas a-year on each house, both from the tenants, and gives one-half of this to his superiors, the Mohurers, who are registers to the Fouzdars, and to the Kanungo, who is register to the Subah. The messengers (Gorayits) from every house get about two loads of the ears of rice, which give about one man (82 lbs. avoirdupois) of grain; so that, neither on account of the village establishment, nor on that of the Kanungoes or his clerks, (Mohurer,) is there any deduction from the above sum; but the Subah pays several heavy establishments.

At his chief office, it amounts to about 3500 rupees a-year. There are, besides the Fouzdars, Chaudhuris and armed men, at the three subordinate divisions for the land rent and sayer.

The Subah, being a merchant of Banaras, keeps the Catechu at his own disposal, and, besides the duties, has probably much profit on this article as a merchant.

The duties on timber are formed in three lots, to three Fouzdars, and the nett proceeds only have been included.

The rents on pasture are farmed on the same plan to two Fouzdars.

His whole establishment, therefore, does not probably exceed 7000 rupees a-year.

Two captains (Subahdars) have lands in the district for the maintenance of 300 men.

The Subah, as judge, receives 25 per cent. on all sums recovered in his court, but the greater part of this goes to the Raja. The Subah, however, always receives presents from the defendant, when the suit is given in his favour, and he has fees in the management of the police. The avowed profits, in the management of justice and police in the year 180910, are said, in even numbers, to have been 15,000 rupees.

The inhabitants of Vijaypur, towards the east, are chiefly Koch or Rajbangsis, who are considered as the same, live on the plain, and speak the dialect of Bengal; on the lower hills are many Mech. Both these tribes are original inhabitants of Kamrup. In the western parts, most of the cultivators are of the Gangaye cast, who speak the dialect of Mithila, and adhere to the doctrines of purity, as established in that country. On the hills, the people are mostly Khas, or a mixed breed between the mountain Hindus and natives, with some Rajputs, and some Magars, who have been lately introduced.

The northern part of the eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, has been lately formed into a distinct district, and its Subah resides at Chayenpur. The hilly parts of Sikim, so far as has been subdued, and a portion of Thibet, bordering on the Arun river, have been annexed to the jurisdiction, which is bounded by the Sengkhuya Arun, and Kausiki on the west, and by the Tista on the east, extending between 80 and 90 miles in these directions, and perhaps about 60 or 70 from north to south. It consists altogether of lofty mountains, rising, in many parts, to the most tremendous Alps.

The land revenue, I am told, is very trifling, the whole almost being held by military tenure; but I did not learn the particulars. The chief revenues are the customs at Golas, mines, and capitation, (Rajangka,) but the two last are not collected by the Subah. There is no Sayer.

The forts are Chayenpur, about two or three coses from the Arun, Changiya, Hedang, a large place towards the frontier of Thibet, Darjiling, and Sikim.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are Ilam, Majhuya, Bilasi, Tangting, Huchi-Mechi, Dimali, and Satang, all in the territory formerly belonging to the Sikim Raja. The Gorkhalese have no connection with Thibet in that quarter, because the route is still in possession of the Sikim Raja. Chayenpur, however, has a considerable trade with Thibet by that part of the country which is near the Arun. Hatiya on the Arun, and Alangchang on the Tambar, are at present the marts established for this commerce. Formerly it was carried on at Pokang in the middle between the two rivers. People can pass to the two former all the year; the trade at Pokang was confined to summer. The goods imported at these places from Thibet are salt carried on sheep, gold, silver, musk, and musk-deer skins, the tails called Chaungris, blankets, borax, Chinese silks, and medicinal herbs. The goods sent from Chayenpur are rice, wheat, maruya, (Cynosurus corocanus,) uya, a grain, oil, butter, iron, copper, cotton cloths, broadcloth, catechu, myrobalans, (harra bahara,) planks of the Dhupi, pepper, and spices, indigo, tobacco, hides, otters fur, sugar-candy, and extract of sugar-cane, occasionally some pearls.

The route from Vijaypur to Pokang is said to be as follows in days journeys:

1. To Mulghat on the Tambar river. The road hilly, but not mountainous. Much cultivation. No river of note.

2. To Dhankuta, or Dhankot. The same kind of country. Cross the Tambar.

3. To Ukhaliya. Country more hilly, and less cultivated. Several small rivers, especially the Mangmay.

4. To Jaresang, a town in a plain well cultivated country.

5. To the Leghuya river, where there is a fine valley. The road passes over low hills.

6. To Dobhang. The road hilly, but in many parts cultivated. Cross the Piluya river below Chayenpur Fort. Dobhang is situated on the Soyeya river, near where it joins the Arun.

7. To Tamlingtar, a smooth road fit for horses. It stands between the Soyeya and the Arun, which are about 1 coses distant from each other. This is the largest place in the district, and is said to be about the size of Kirtipur, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain 6000 people; but Tamlingtar is not built with brick, as is the case with Kirtipur. The plain round it is very considerable, extending twelve coses north and south, and four coses east and west. The plain is bounded on the west by the Arun, and is not quite so cool as Kathmandu, nor is it fully cleared.

8. To Tamling, a smooth road fit for horses. Tamling is about three coses east from the Arun.

9. To Segeya, a smooth road fit for horses. The country is well cultivated. Segeya is a days journey east from the Arun.

10. To Lum, a good road.

11. To Jupha, a very hilly road with steep ascents and descents, but much cultivation.

12. To Jholangghat, on the Arun, where there is a bridge suspended by rattans.

13. To Hedang, the route being on low hills by the west side of the Arun. West from Hedang two days journey, is Meyangma, a snowy mountain, and at the same distance east is another named Mirgu.

14. To Komba, a village of Bhotiyas, at a distance from the Arun, and formerly at least the residence of a Lama, who was supposed to be an incarnation of God.

15. To Chamtang, another village inhabited by Bhotiyas, and at a distance from the Arun.

16. To Seksula, or Seksura, on the Arun. Some accounts place it on one side, and some on the other of the Arun. It is a village of Bhotiyas, and part may be on each side of the river, which is crossed on a bridge of rattans.

17 and 18 to Pokang. The country is not very hilly, but so high and cold, that it is frequented only in summer by shepherds and traders who attend the mart.

From Seksula, proceeding on the west side of the Arun, you have,

17. Hatiya, a Bhotiya village, where there is a mart.

18. Chipachintang, another Bhotiya village belonging to Gorkha. A little way beyond it is Manigumba, a village subject to Lasa.

The Arun here would seem to pass through the highest ridge of the snowy mountains. The Kirat, who gave me the map of the eastern parts of the principality, names the portion of these mountains towards the east Papti, and says, that between it and Mirgu, mentioned above, there is a large valley; but, except near the Arun, it has no regular inhabitants. In summer it is frequented by shepherds alone; but he would not appear to have been acquainted with its eastern parts; for, though he admits that the Tambar rises from Papti, and afterwards passes through Mirgu, he knew nothing of the Gola that is there, and is called Alangchang. South from Mirgu is another high ridge; but the snow that occasionally falls on it in winter soon melts. The Kirat calls it Ichhanglima; I have no doubt that it is the Phakphok of the map made by the slave; for the Kirat says, that the Kankayi rises from Mirgu, and passes through a gap in Ichhanglima. The slave in his map says that Phakphok is the proper source of the Kankayi, but admits, that it receives a stream from the snowy mountains. The Kirat alleged that the hollow between Mirgu and Ichhanglima is overgrown with immense forests occupied by elephants and rhinoceroses, which is scarcely reconcilable with its necessary elevation; and the compiler of the other map represents it as a well inhabited country, which is the most probable account, as the Kirat had not visited that part.

On the west side of the Arun, again, the Kirat places Syamphelang as the highest ridge of snowy mountains, and he seemed to think, that the very highest peak visible, and bearing about N. by W. from Nathpur, was part of this mountain connected with this, but leaving between them the valley watered by the Tarun, is another snowy mountain, which the Kirat calls Meyangma, but which the slave who constructed the map calls Salpa pahar.

The inhabitants of the eastern parts of Chayenpur have been already mentioned. In the western parts the most numerous tribe is Kirat, next Limbu, then Magar, lately introduced as soldiers, then Khas and Rajputs. There are also Murmis, and towards the N.W. Bhotiyas.

The middle part of the principality of Lohangga has also been divided into two districts under Subahs. The first comprehends the southern portion called Saptari, but the low land between the Rato and Kamal, named Mahatari, which formerly belonged to the western division of the principality, has lately been placed under the authority of this Subah. His jurisdiction, therefore, on the plain extends about 100 miles from east to west, and its width there is nearly the same as that of Morang; so that it possesses more level land. Very little of the hilly country belongs to it, as Khatang and Makwanpur come far down and meet at the Kamal.

The most remarkable places in this district are Naragarhi, a small fort on the plain, where the Subah usually resides; Bhemagarhi, another similar place, where he occasionally resides; and Janakpur, a place of pilgrimage noted in Hindu fable, and already mentioned as the seat of a very ancient dynasty. I am told that there are no remains of former power or greatness.

There are ten market-places.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are placed in the map.

The land-rent is collected by two Fouzdars, one for Saptari, the other for Mahatari; but these also collect some trifling dues which have not been let with the sayer or duties on markets; for there is no regular system of finance. These dues are those on marriages, (Bihadani,) on contracts of concubinage, (Sagora,) and a fine on adulterers of rupees 2-10/16, levied by the collector, besides the fine that goes to the Raja; for the man who has farmed the duties on the markets takes a part of the fine, amounting to rupees 2-10/16. The following will show the sums collected on these heads in the year Sambat 1867, (A.D. 1809.)

ZILA. SAPTARI. Land-rent. Marriages. Concubines. Adulterers. Pergunah Khalisa 10,015 75½ 50 25 Jagadal 2,485 25 12½ - Pakri 13,345½ 55½ 25 30 Maljhumna 754½ 15 5 - Rayjhumna 941½ 25 7½ 10 Pakuya 855½ 10 5 5 Gudagari 501½ 25 7½ 20 Rampurbehara 481 - 5 - Mahishan 501½ 20 5½ -

Khonjvaghni ) Totally waste Majhoya ) Dhanchhoyar ) Vihar ) ———- ———- ———- ———- Total 29,881 251 123 90



ZILA. MAHATARI. Land-rent. Marriages. Concubines. Adulterers. Pergunah Mahatari 9,115½ 103 50 25 Korari 10,025 40½ 10 16 Khesraha 11,212 50 25 - Pihan 7,855½ 80 40 65 ———— ———— ———— ———— Total Rupees 38,208 273½ 125 106

The establishment is nearly similar to what is maintained in Vijaypur. A great part of the rents are farmed. The rent is paid by so much a biga for each kind of crop. The biga is of the same size as in Morang. The following is the rate:

According to Country According to Calcutta measure. measure. Rupees. Anas. Anas. Pies. Rice (Sali) 4 10 14 7¼ Mustard (Turi) 3 10 11 6¾ )

Corocanus (Maruya) ) Cotton 3 12 11 10 Tobacco and 5 0 15 9½ Kitchen Gardens

All ranks pay the same rate. Tradesmen pay a ground rent for their houses of rupees 5. 10. included in the land-rent, and a capitation tax to the Sayer of rupees 1. 10. Those who have regular shops in the market-places pay to the Sayer rupees 7. 10, and nothing for ground rent. Washer-men, barbers, tailors, and shoe-makers, pay no capitation.

The Sayer, consisting of the capitation on tradesmen, and of the duties levied on goods sold, and grain exported, is farmed to two men for Saptari, one paying 3254 rupees, and the other 3?35½; and for Mahatari, to one man paying 6595½.

The rents on the pasture of buffaloes is farmed at 1431 rupees for Saptari, and 3956 rupees for Mahatari.

The duty on those who make catechu is farmed in Saptari for 1015 rupees, and in Mahatari for 1212 rupees.

The duties on timber are farmed in Saptari for 2462 rupees, and in Mahatari for 2225 rupees.

The duties on boats loaded with timber are farmed in Saptari for 2441 rupees, and in Mahatari for 345.

The duty on birds for both is farmed at 698½ rupees.

The duties levied at the Golas, or custom-houses, have been farmed for three years at 100,000 rupees, or 33,333 a year; but in this bargain are included the duties at Varaha kshetra and Vijaypur, for which the renter pays 1500 rupees annually to the priest of the former place, and 2000 to the Subah of Morang; so that the customs here are actually farmed at 29,833 rupees a-year. The person who has farmed these rents, Achal Thapa, resides at Bhangraruya on the Kosi, and has endeavoured to secure a monopoly; but his plans have not been very successful, and he will be a heavy sufferer by the interruptions of commerce that have ensued in consequence of the disputed frontier.

The total revenue collected by the Subah is as follows:

Rupees Land-rent and several casualties 68,957 Pasture 5,386 Catechu 2,227 Timber cutters 4,687 Duties on boats loaded with timber 2,786 Duties on birds 698 Customs at Golas 29,833 Duties on markets or Sayer 12,985 ————- Total 127,559

Exclusive of the Rajangka or income tax, he pays to the Raja 58,000 rupees a-year.

There is very little land granted for the support of the army, or officers of government, and no great religious establishment.

At Jaleswar, in Mahatari, south from Janakpur, the Raja has a manufacture of saltpetre and gunpowder.

There is only one mine of iron at Sisuya, near the Kosi.

The Tharu cast, resembling, in its manners, the Gangayi of Morang, composes the greatest part of the population on the plain. Next to these, are nearly equal parts of the impure Bhawars, and of the military and agricultural tribe of Brahmans, called Aniwar, both of whom have, at different times, been sovereigns of the country. Immediately under the hills are many Batars, who speak the Hindwi language. The lower hills are occupied by Sringguyas, a branch of the Limbu tribe, and by Magars, and Rajputs or Khas. The Magars have been lately introduced.

The northern parts of this middle division of the principality of Lohangga, form the jurisdiction of the Subah of Khatang, who possesses an extensive region of mountains, bounded by the Arun on the east, and on the west by the Tamba Kosi, which separates it from the territory of Bhatgang, one of the three principalities into which Nepal Proper was divided. Towards the south it descends to the Kamal, which, in part, separates it from Makwanpur. On the north it is bounded by the snow hills, which separate it from Thibet or Lasa, and, in this part, advance far south.

The land revenue has been almost entirely granted to the different officers of the Gorkhalese government, and there is no Sayer, nor customs, so that the Raja chiefly receives the income tax, (Rajangka,) fines, and the profits of mines. The Subah pays only 12,000 rupees a-year, and about 3000 rupees as Rajangka. This district maintains two companies of 120 fusileers each.

The forts are Hedang, where the Subah resides; Chaudandi, where the Rajas formerly lived; Rawa, near the junction of the San and Dudh Kosis; Chariyagarhi, on the Kamal; and Hatuya, at the junction of the San Kosi and Arun, where a Serdar often has a military station.