It is, therefore, sufficiently evident, that what is now required to complete the united objects of manumission and colonization, is, not so much the consent of the slave-owners, as the power of carrying the design into operation. Mr. Elliot Cresson, of Philadelphia, an active and enthusiastic supporter of the cause, visited England in 1832, for the purpose of drawing attention to the subject, and of appealing to the well-known generosity of a country that has uniformly taken the lead in advancing the interests of civilization. A Society was formed, under the patronage of H.R.H. the Duke of Sussex, with the view of extending colonization in Africa, on the same system which has proved so successful in the case of Liberia. The subject, unfortunately, did not excite the attention which might have been anticipated, partly, I fear, because it was ill-timed, and was considered by the general body of Abolitionists, as a diversion tending to distract the public mind from the great question of emancipation, which was then undergoing anxious discussion; and partly, because it was considered by some, as a palliative likely to prolong the existence of slavery, in the same ratio as it diminished its evils. The selection of so unseasonable a moment for introducing the subject to the public, was influenced by the necessity Mr. Cresson was under of returning to the United States, but previously to his departure, the objections to the efforts of the Society were fully answered, and the important fact of the independence of each State, in reference to slavery, was stated in ample detail. From those statements it appeared, that the law of slavery, in some cases, prohibits—not only the emancipation; but the education of slaves, in order to render their bondage still more hopeless and oppressive: but that the efforts of the Society were gradually abating the rigour of those cruel restrictions. The Society has hitherto endeavoured, as far as its powers would permit, to extend the principle of colonization, by removing, invariably, with their own consent, such slaves as have the good fortune to obtain their freedom, to a spot where they were not only free from competition with the white population, but where their education, imperfect as it might have been, rendered them the superior instead of the inferior class: thus silently promoting the blessings of Christianity and civilization amongst the native tribes. Mr. Cresson, during his residence in England, distributed several illustrative documents, sanctioned by names of distinguished persons in the United States, and to which I am indebted for some of these particulars. From these documents, were there even no other evidence, it may be fairly inferred, that Liberia affords uncontrovertible proof of the practicability of establishing colonies on the African coast, composed of persons of the African race, nearly, if not wholly, freed from the control of the whites; that the expense of establishing such a colony is moderate, not having exceeded, in the case in point, 4000l. per annum; that it is greatly favoured by the natives, with whom the colonists are rapidly extending their commercial and friendly relations to their mutual benefit; that it has not only placed a large number of manumitted slaves in a prosperous situation, but led to the emancipation of many, who must otherwise have still continued in bondage; and, finally, that it has completely put an end to the slave-trade in the immediate neighbourhood of the settlement, where that nefarious traffic was hitherto most extensively prosecuted. It is to be deplored, that although Great Britain has recently made a noble effort to abolish slavery in her own dominions, there are other countries which still sanction a usage so degrading to our age and religion. But a very short time since, several vessels were captured, the united cargoes of which amounted to a thousand slaves, and when we refer to the large proportion which the liberated Africans bear to the rest of the population in Sierra Leone, equal to about three-fourths of the whole, and consider the heavy expense at which this country endeavours to fulfil the serious responsibility it has taken upon itself in the liberation of these unfortunate captives, I am persuaded that all the particulars which can be collected respecting Liberia, will be deemed worthy of the most serious attention. My readers, therefore, will not, I trust, think that I devote too much space to the subject, if I close my rapid sketch of the progress and fortunes of this settlement, with the latest information respecting it, which has been received in Europe. It is of a very recent date, and is from the pen of Dr. Mechlin, the Governor of Liberia:—

"The colony is daily adding strength and respectability to its character, and if even now all patronage were withdrawn, the colonists are fully capable of sustaining and defending themselves from any assaults of the natives, and regulating their own concerns in such a manner as to secure the prosperity of the colony. A court, courthouse, and trial by jury, are established. At this moment, since the departure of Governor Mechlin, and until the new Governor arrives out, there are none other than blacks among the inhabitants of Liberia.

"The slaves who were captured and brought into St. Augustine, and Key West, after remaining in the United States from six to twelve months, were sent to Liberia, a quantity of land being granted to them there. They have gone on to cultivate it in a manner equal, if not superior, to that of the colonists. They have been able to accomplish thus much from what experience they gained while in this country. These people arrived at Liberia naked; they have clothed themselves from the avails of their labour, and, what is rather singular, they have gone into the town to seek out for themselves wives, esteeming themselves too far advanced in civilization and refinement to form connexions among the natives, although they might obtain from among them much more comely persons than they are enabled to find among the very meanest of the colonists, from whom they are obliged to select. This fact alone shows, that but a small degree of civilization infused into this people, tends to the elevation of their character.

"The colonists of Monrovia are said to be much more inclined to trade than to cultivate the earth. The English and the French vessels which come there, have engrossed almost the whole trade of the colony, the Americans not being able to compete with them. Many of the natives come into the town, and are employed as labourers by the colonists. The colonists also receive some of the children of the natives into their families, and send them to school. At different times the natives have made three or four attacks on the settlements, but have always been repelled with spirit; for the last year the natives have been very quiet and friendly. The colonists can bring into the field, if necessary, about 500 troops, which are considered a match for ten times the number of natives. Many tribes of these natives hold slaves, which are treated with much cruelty, and it is doubtful if even their masters are so well off or so happy as the slaves in our southern states. They are much less civilized and more ignorant.

"The people there called Kroomen, reside in the country. They come down to the sea-shore and pitch their tents, and launch their canoes, and, sailing all along the coast, they become pilots to the traders; and these are the men with whom the Spaniards trade for slaves. These Kroomen keep no slaves themselves, neither do they allow any of their own tribe to be sold as slaves; and they become of so much importance to the slave-dealers on the coast, acting as a sort of brokers, negotiating among the tribes for slaves, that they themselves, knowing their own consequence, do not hesitate to board a slave-vessel, and there is no instance of their ever being kidnapped."

The history of this little colony, which I have endeavoured to sketch from the information furnished by Mr. Ashmun, appears to me to afford matter for serious reflection. The principle involved in colonization is, I am aware, liable to some objections, and I am not indifferent to the arguments to which it has given occasion. But the strength of truth and reason seems to be altogether in its favour. The dogmas of Malthus maybe right or wrong, the statistical propositions of Mr. Sadler, and the philosophical deductions he derives from them may be right or wrong: with these querulous rhetoricians, I have nothing to do. But one thing is certain, that while the fertile earth, in any of its endless divisions, affords the means of sustenance, no human being ought to be suffered to want, because the notion of emigration does not square with certain opinions of a despotic school. That some countries are overpopulated in reference to the resources of their superficies is, I take it for granted, a fact above impeachment. That there is room enough on the surface of the earth for all the population it contains, is another truth which very few persons will be hardy enough to contest. The principles of Providence in the economy of space appear, therefore, to be that the superabundant population of one place, shall seek in the uncultivated and scantily peopled regions of other countries, for those means of existence which are denied to them by the pressure of the demand on the soil at home. The immutable law of benevolence, drawn from the institutes of Christianity, ordains the earth for the sustenance of man. But that law is perverted by those who resist emigration under the circumstances to which I have alluded. What is to become of the surplus population, if it be not allowed a space wherein to fertilize the virgin soil, and supply its wants? If its own land denies it the means of life, must it die, that some philosopher may triumph in his doctrines?

It is very true that colonization frequently terminates disastrously, and that instances might be cited, in which emigrants have suffered terrible privations, and have even fallen beneath the insalubrity of unaccustomed climates. But these cases merely prove the necessity of adopting sufficiently precautionary measures, before the emigrant commits himself to a venture, upon which the happiness and interests of himself and his family altogether depend. If a man rashly goes out uncovered, and exposed, into a storm, he will surely run a chance of catching an illness: so too, if a man penetrate to the tropics, and carry with him the habits of England or France, he will certainly peril his life, for these habits are unsuitable to places where a vertical sun pours down its scorching rays upon the body. Every climate requires especial modes of conduct for physical constitution. Brandy and water might be a very good beverage, and even a medicinal protective at the North Pole, but it would be ruinous if taken in excess at Sierra Leone. It is because emigrants do not sufficiently study the situation to which they bend their steps, that they so often complain of failure. We have seen in the first expedition from the United States, that the project terminated fatally for nearly all the colonists; but why? Because they went to a low marshy island, at the commencement of the rainy season, when disease in its worst horrors was just setting in. How could they expect to escape a contagion, which they actually seemed to court?

If the example of the colony of Liberia were to be followed, if wholesome laws were laid down to regulate the movements of emigrants, and proper precautions taken, by which all the advantages of position might be seized, and the disadvantages avoided, I have very little doubt that colonization would ultimately prove a valuable safety-valve for society. The idle and wretched, who have no hopes or friends at home, might always be thus beneficially drafted off to infant states, where they could be made to labour, and where their recovered habits could be rendered subservient to the common good. At home they hang on the necks of the industrious; there they might be converted to useful members of the great community, improving the means of the social body, instead of deteriorating its morals, and wasting its resources.

————— [19] This is a small bag filled with air, for the purpose of floating nippers that are attached to it, through which the line passes, being intended to fasten itself to the line on the surface of the water the moment you check it on perceiving the lead strike the bottom, by which means more correct soundings are obtained.



CHAP. VI.

The Kroo Country—Religion of the Kroo and Fish men—Emigration of the Natives—Sketch of their habits and customs—Purchase of wives—The Krooman's ne plus ultra—Migratory propensities—Rogueries exposed— Adoption of English Names—Cape Palmas—Dexterity of the Fishmen—Fish towns—The Fetish—Arrival at Cape Coast—Land with the Governor— Captain Hutchison—Cape Coast mode of taking an airing—Ashantee Chiefs—Diurnal occupations—School for Native Girls—Domestication of Females—Colonel Lumley—Captain Ricketts—Neglect of Portuguese fortresses—A native Doctor

Monday, Oct. 8th, 1827.—Light airs and variable, with frequent heavy showers. Land in sight, bearing N.E. At noon calm and very hot. Lat. 5 deg. 32'. N. lon. 10 deg. 17'. W. Cape Palmas E.S.E. 168 miles. Hoisted in the pinnance, which we had been towing all the way from Sierra Leone, in consequence of the crowded state of the ship.

Tuesday, 9th.—At noon, lat. 4 deg. 55'. N. lon. 9 deg. 17'. W. Cape Palmas S. 76 deg. E. 83 miles. At one a canoe came off to the ship, at this time we saw a remarkable rock, called the Swallow, or Kroo rock, which is detached from the main land, about two miles and a half from the entrance of the river Waffen. There is a safe channel for vessels inside of this rock, with seven fathoms water, and a muddy bottom. Nearly twenty leagues to the westward of the Waffen is the river Cestus,[20] in which river, Captain Spence, an old African trader, has had a timber establishment some years.

Being now off the Kroo country, I think it desirable to introduce a short description of it, and its inhabitants.

The Kroo country is situated on that part of the coast of Africa called the Grain Coast, the chief towns of which are Settra Kroo, Little Kroo, Kroo Barru, Kroo Settra, and King Will's town. It does not appear that it extends any distance inland. The manners of the natives are sufficiently curious to merit some description. They are pagans, and place much faith in charms, auguries, and oracles. The most celebrated place for oracles is near the banks of the river Cavally, a little to the westward of Cape Palmas, and this spot is in as great repute amongst them, and the surrounding tribes (particularly those along the coast, even so far down as Cape Lahou), as ever that of Delphos was among the ancient Greeks, and so far as we can learn, imposes with equal success on the credulity and superstition of the poor ignorant natives.

The Kroomen, that is, the Kroo and Fish men, for they all come under the general denomination of Kroomen in Sierra Leone, are almost the only people on the coast who voluntarily emigrate, to seek for labour out of their own country. They come to Sierra Leone, to work in any capacity in which they can obtain employment, until they are possessed of sufficient property to enable them to purchase several wives. The object they propose to themselves in this increase of their domestic establishments, differs in some respects from the indulgences of the east. The Kroomen compel their women to perform all the field-work, as well as the necessary domestic duties, in conformity with the usages of savage life, and when they can purchase a sufficient number of wives to fulfil all these employments, they pass the remainder of their days in ease and indolence. Before they are able to accomplish this object, they are obliged to make several visits to Sierra Leone, as they do not like to be absent more than two or three years at a time from their own country. The average duration of this voluntary banishment is perhaps about eighteen months. A sketch of the progress of the Kroomen from their first visit to Sierra Leone, to the final consummation of their wishes, in the attainment of their Paradise of idleness, will fully illustrate the peculiar character of a tribe, one of whose usages is that of seeking abroad during the vigorous years of life, the means of dwelling with ease and comfort in old age at home.

When they have arrived at healthy boyhood, they first come to Sierra Leone in the capacity of apprentices to the old hands, who are considered as headmen or masters: these headmen, according to their influence, or station in their own country, have a proportionate number of apprentices attached to them, fluctuating from five to twenty, to teach them what they call "White man's fashion." The profit of the labour of the youths is always received by the headmen, who returns them a small portion of it. When an apprentice goes back to his own country, after his first trip, he is considered to have passed through the period of initiation, and when next he visits Sierra Leone, he comes upon his own account. The amount of the gains of this visit (a great part of which consists of what they have been able to steal) is delivered up to the elders of his family, who select and purchase a wife for him. A short time is now spent in marriage festivities with the respective relatives of the parties, and then a fresh venture to Sierra Leone is undertaken, on which occasion he leaves his wife with her relations. The proceeds of the third visit are dedicated to the building of a hut, and the purchase of another wife. But he does not remain long at home, before he prepares to set out again for the purpose of making fresh accessions to his wealth, so that he may increase his household up to the desired point where his own personal labour will be rendered unnecessary to his support. In this way he continues to visit Sierra Leone, accumulate property, and purchase wives, the general number of which varies from six to ten, until he has secured the requisite domestic establishment, when he "sits down" (as they call it) for the remainder of his life, in what he considers affluence and happiness. The process of wife-buying is remarkably curious. For the first wife they pay two bullocks, two brass kettles, one piece of blue baft, and one iron bar; but the terms upon which they obtain the rest, depends entirely upon the agreement they make with the parents of the brides. A convenient condition is attached to the marriage articles, which secures the husband against any risk of being disappointed by the bargain. If, after marriage, he discovers in the lady any imperfection, or qualities that falsify the account given of her previously by her parents, he is at liberty to turn her away in disgrace, and the rejected bride is for ever after looked upon as an abandoned character. In a very ancient history of Ireland, it is stated, that a practice formerly prevailed in that country, of permitting the bride elect to live with her intended husband twelve months before marriage; and if, at the end of that time, the gentleman was not satisfied with the lady's character and disposition, he was allowed to send her back to her parents, taking upon himself the charge of their offspring, in case they should have any. The gallantry of that people, however, appears not to hare visited the female with any odium in consequence: she was regarded by her friends with the same respect and tenderness as before. The Kroomen cohabit with their wives in succession, passing two days in rotation with each.

Of course, it does not fall to the lot of every Krooman who goes to Sierra Leone, to secure such luxuries for the decline of life, many of them being too imprudent to take sufficient care of their earnings.

The Kroomen sometimes come to Sierra Leone in their own canoes, which are comparatively small for such a voyage, but they manage them with skill, taking the precaution to keep close in with the land, and go on shore every night. They are also conveyed in vessels that trade on the coast, which they prefer, for the sake of economy, as they get their provisions for assisting in navigating the vessel. On returning to their country, however, they cheerfully pay 15s. a-head for their passage, in any vessel they can procure; and, at these times, their luggage, including the fruits of their plunder as well as their earnings, makes no inconsiderable appearance in the ship. When they can afford to return home in these larger vessels, they prefer them, on many accounts, to their canoes, which are not only inconveniently small, but expose their goods to the wet, and always liable to be attacked and plundered by the Fishmen, who are more expert on the water. They are also subject to great danger from some runaway blacks, who infest the coast near the rock Cestus, going out in canoes, and watching their opportunities for plundering any boat or vessel that they are able to overpower.

When the Kroomen leave their own country for Sierra Leone, they do not bring any thing with them, except their gregories (various charms), some native medicines, consisting merely of a few herbs, and a little box containing certificates of character from the different persons with whom they have served. These certificates they prize highly, as forming introductions to future employment; however, but very few of them could be possessed of such testimonials if their masters were better acquainted with their conduct. I have been informed by some persons who have visited the Kroo country, that they have seen in the huts of the natives, silver forks and spoons, knives and forks, table-cloths, towels, &c. &c., things which they never bought, but which they had, no doubt, stolen from their employers. The articles that they generally purchase for themselves are shawls, handkerchiefs, blue baft, and other cloths for wearing round their waist, fine beaver hats, muskets, ammunition, knives, common spoons, and various fancy articles for their women.

It was my intention to have visited their country, had not the Eden proceeded so soon to Fernando Po, but as I was very anxious to be present at the first operations in the formation of our establishment on that island, I reluctantly abandoned my design. Any person would be quite safe in the Kroo country, who would place himself under the guidance of one of their respectable headmen, and Englishmen in particular might visit the interior of their country under great advantages, as the people are well acquainted with them in consequence of the trade which is carried on in ivory, at their own towns on the coast, as well as the intercourse which is constantly kept up with Sierra Leone. There have occasionally been upwards of 2000 of these people at one time in Freetown; but, shortly before our arrival, an order in council was issued to restrict the resident Kroomen to 600, for the purpose of throwing open the labour market to the free blacks, as well as to prevent in some measure the drain of profit which the Kroomen caused by their frequent immigration and departure. Notwithstanding a great proportion of what they earned was expended on articles of British manufacture, which they took away with them, still a material injury was sustained by their constant robberies, which more than counterbalanced the benefit of their expenditure. Independently of this political motive for restricting their numbers, it was useful as a measure of social protection. They resided by themselves in a suburb of the town, apart from the rest of the inhabitants, and used to emerge at night from their close retreats, and commit the most daring burglaries. The stolen property was carefully secreted in their own quarter, where they had a much better opportunity of concealing it than if they dwelt promiscuously in the town at large. They frequently stole calves, pigs and poultry, always adopting the precaution of immediately dressing them, and burning the hides or feathers, as well as any of the offal, that might probably lead to detection. In consequence of these practices their moral character was very low at Freetown, but as they were active, muscular, and intelligent, they obtained a decided preference as servants and labourers. Some of them were also usually employed as sailors in nearly all vessels that remain on the coast. One very remarkable trait in these people is the bond of close union that keeps them together, and preserves an interest in common throughout the whole fraternity. If one of them should commit a crime, it is a very rare occurrence to find another informing, or bearing witness against him; and they carry this principle of combination so far, that they will rather suffer for the offender than denounce him. If the authorities attempt to elicit the facts by a course of examination, they only obtain subterfuges and prevarications, and seek in vain by threats or promises to shake the constancy of the witnesses. The headmen manage their rogueries with so much ingenuity that charges can very seldom be proved against them. They send out their apprentices, under particular instructions, to commit robberies, and, like the Spartan youths, they consider the most expert thief to be the cleverest fellow: should any of these young men be caught, they are left to get out of the scrape in the best manner they are able, for unless it be to swear falsely to an alibi, or some other evasion of truth, their masters never appear in the affair afterwards.

The native denomination of a Krooman is Kroo, and that of a Fishman Krepo, and they have distinguishing marks for their respective countries tattooed on their face.

From the difficulty which exists in ascertaining their own names, they always add some English word as a personal designation. The selection of the word is quite a matter of chance, and it is of no consequence whether it belong to a person, place, or thing. For instance, if you ask one of them what his name is, he will probably say, "My name is Soda Water, Massa," another will tell you that his name is "Bottle Rum," or "Bottle o' Beer," and others, "King Will, Jack Freeman, Tom Freeman," &c. &c. Freeman being one of the most common and favourite names amongst them.

On Wednesday, October 10th.—we were off Cape Palmas, bearing N.E. twenty-one miles, where a number of canoes came alongside with a few trifling articles for sale, but their object was evidently more to beg than barter. The article chiefly in demand amongst them was tobacco. On taking their leave, one of the men got into his canoe by leaping overboard while the ship was going very fast, and the boat paddling hard to keep up with her. He swam to the canoe, and rolled himself over the gunwale in a horizontal position, the people in the boat leaning over the opposite side to prevent it from upsetting. These men may truly be called Fishmen, for they appear almost as independent in the water as the fish who inhabit it; they think nothing of having their canoes upset on the wide ocean, for they can easily recover its former position, and get the water out of it when they resume their places. I was informed they will also attack a shark in the water without hesitation, and they are very expert in catching almost every description of fish. The Kroomen stand no chance with them on the water, and when they happen to encounter each other in their canoes, the first thing the Fishmen try to do is to upset the Krooman's canoe, after which they are quite at their mercy. They arc also much better seamen, as well as boatmen, yet notwithstanding this difference of character, they are in appearance the same people as the Kroomen, and a stranger would not know the difference. Formerly the Fishmen were without the distinguishing mark down the forehead, which is now commonly adopted. Their country, as I have before remarked, is in the vicinity of Cape Palmas, and their principal towns are Bafoo, Wapee, Batoo, Little Cess, Grand Cess, Garaway, Cape Town, Cavally, Tabor, and Bassa. They are much more numerous than the Kroomen, but neither Kroomen nor Fishmen have a united government; for they have frequent wars amongst themselves; Fishtown against Fishtown, and Krootown against Krootown, but they both possess one great and generous characteristic, that of never selling each other for slaves on any pretence. This, in a country where the slave-trade is so universal, may be noted as a very extraordinary and remarkable feature in their character.

When any person dies in the Kroo, or Fish countries, unless the deceased may have expressed a wish to the contrary, his friends apply to the Fetish-men to know how he came by his death, when they invariably fix on some obnoxious character, either man or woman, as having been the cause. This person is then compelled to drink what they call saucy-water, the infusion of the bark of a tree, well known for its deleterious qualities. Of this preparation they are obliged to take three heavy draughts of about a quart each. On the effect of this depends the supposed guilt, or innocence of the accused. If it remains on his stomach he is considered to be guilty of the alleged crime, and he consequently dies; but, if evomition takes place no evil consequence attends it, and he is declared to be innocent. Where it fails to produce the latter effect, the people hunt him about the town as they would a mad dog, until he is at the point of death, which generally takes place a few hours after he has drank the prescribed potion.

Saturday, 13th.—At noon. Cape Three Points E. 1/2 N. 7 miles.

Five leagues to the westward of Cape Three Points, is Axim, where the Dutch have a fort; and about one league further to the westward is the mouth of the river Ancobra. Six leagues to the eastward of Cape Three Points, is Dix Cove, where we had a fort occupied by a small detachment of the Royal African Corps. At half past eight in the evening, we anchored for the night in 15 fathoms water, for fear of running past Cape Coast roads before daylight, the currents being very irregular; and, early on the following morning, we proceeded on our voyage. At 9 o'clock we were abreast of the Dutch fortress of Elmina, which is 7 miles to the westward of Cape Coast Castle, off which place we came to an anchor about 10 o'clock, in 9 fathoms water. We found the African steam-boat, and the Diadem transport, waiting our arrival; there was also an English merchant brig in the roads, but we heard nothing of our schooner. At noon saluted his Honour the Lieut.-Governor, on his leaving the ship, taking his secretary and myself with him in the canoe, which was a fine boat, pulling 17 paddles: we were seated on chairs, fixed to a platform in the forepart of the boat. The castle saluted the Lieut.-Governor on landing, and the shore was lined with natives to receive him. The surf not being very high, we were enabled to land without a wetting, which is rarely the case. On entering the castle, I was introduced to the officers of the garrison, and to Capt. Hutchison, a merchant of this place, who is well-known for his eminent services in this country. The first thing that brought him into particular notice was being associated with Messrs. James and Bowdich, in their mission to the King of Ashantee, in 1817. He was left at Coomassie, the capital of that kingdom, as the accredited British agent, after the departure of the mission, on their return to Cape Coast. The King of Ashantee was pleased with his remaining, for it not only shewed the confidence he had in him, but it was a proof of the sincerity of our intentions, by thus leaving him as a pledge for the fulfilment of our part of the treaty that had just been negotiated; and the forfeiture of his life would, no doubt, have been the consequence, if the King had even suspected any breach of faith on our part. In this situation he remained several months, without the society of any white man, among savages, who think no more of the life of a human being, than a vicious boy does of a dog or cat. Some time after his return from this mission, Capt. Hutchison was called upon to serve in a military capacity against the very nation where all his efforts had been directed to preserve a pacific disposition: and we here find him no less distinguishing himself in the field of proud honour, with his sword in his hand, than he had done in his diplomatic character; for, notwithstanding he had an important command assigned to him, he was personally engaged in almost every battle, in one of which (at Affatoo) he was severely wounded in both arms, and before these wounds were healed, he was called upon to take command of the centre hill on the lines at Cape Coast, when it was attacked by the Ashantees, and all the nations that the powerful king of that country was in alliance with.

I took a ride with Capt. Hutchison before dinner, in his carriage, which was a gig, with a head to it, on four wheels, drawn by as many men; but, if these fellows could have been placed behind us, as they were in the canoe, it would have been desirable, for their muscular exertions produced an effluvia, which was any thing but agreeable. Objectionable, however, as this style of travelling may appear, it was certainly better than being carried about in a sedan-chair, or a palanquin, excepting for travelling at night, or any great distance.

My countrymen will, perhaps, think it very cruel to see men substituted for horses, but when they are informed, that it is undertaken voluntarily on their part, and even eagerly solicited by them, for the reward attendant thereon, there will be no reason for complaint. As a proof of their not feeling the employment derogatory, the following observations will be sufficient to convince the most sceptical:—when a gentleman, who has not a sufficient number of persons on his establishment to employ in this way, wants to take an airing in his carriage, he has only to mention it to his servants, and the house will soon be surrounded with volunteers, soliciting to be selected for the service. There are two reasons why the vehicles at Cape Coast are drawn by men instead of horses, the principal one being that horses are very dear, and do not live long in the climate; the second, that, even if they had a sufficient supply of horses, they could not find a drive of four miles in any one direction, without making a road expressly for the occasion. The short one that they already have, requires constant attention to keep it clear, the vegetation being remarkably rapid and luxuriant.

Captain Hutchison obligingly invited me to take up my quarters with him, but as Colonel Lumley also desired me to consider myself as his guest during my stay at Cape Coast, I divided my time between the Colonel and his officers at the Castle, and Captain Hutchison with the principal merchants of the place. Dined with the Lieutenant-Governor at the officers mess at the castle.

Tuesday, 16th.—Immediately after breakfast I accompanied the Governor and Captain Ricketts to visit a native school, which is composed of 100 boys, some of whom were very intelligent, and wrote and read English remarkably well.

I was present to-day when the Governor gave audience to twenty Ashantee chiefs, who were introduced by the King of the Fantees, or Cape Coast nation, accompanied by a number of his carboceers, or great men, who acted as interpreters to the Ashantees. These twenty chiefs were part of a mission, composed of one hundred and twenty sent by the King of Ashantee to the commandant at Cape Coast Castle, but as the Lieutenant-Governor of Sierra Leone happened to be there at the time, it was thought to be more complimentary that he should give them an audience. They came rather as petitioners than as equals, their object being to sue for a peace, offering to deposit a certain quantity of gold in Cape Coast Castle, as a security for their strict observance of the treaty. After the meeting, I had some conversation with the King of the Fantees, and several of his carboceers, all of whom spoke English.

Wednesday, 17th.—I will just give an outline of my diurnal occupations, which were pretty much the same during my short stay at Cape Coast. My first visit every morning was to Captain Hutchison about 7 o'clock, when I was sure to find him at breakfast. I remained with him about a couple of hours, which time was passed very agreeably in conversation, excepting occasional interruptions by a visit from one of the carboceers, who called on matters of business, or to get him to settle some disputes among their people, for he had so much the confidence of the natives, that both their great men and the common people, preferred referring to him to settle their quarrels than to their own authorities. At 9 o'clock I always repaired to the castle to breakfast with the Governor, and Captain Ricketts, the commandant, after which I used to pass my time among the different merchants, who had all called on me on my first arrival, and given me a general invitation to their houses. About noon I usually found a party assembled at Captain Hutchison's to relish with him, as it is significantly called, which in fact was an early dinner, as was the custom of the place. At 4 o'clock they took a ride in the manner before described, or called on each other, and at 6 they took their tea with meat, &c.

This evening I accompanied Colonel Lumley and the officers at the castle, to the merchants club-room, where some played cards, while others passed the time in conversation, billiards, &c. In the intermediate hours during the day I called on various persons, and visited different parts of the town, to glean what information I could. The Horatio, schooner, tender to the Eden, arrived this evening.

Thursday, Oct. 18th.—Passed through the market this morning, which is always held at an early hour, where the articles for sale consist principally of fruits and vegetables. The sales here are conducted by barter, the merchants generally exchanging tobacco and other goods for the articles they want to purchase.

I visited to-day an English school for native girls (21 in number) the expense of which is defrayed by the Government. These children were not all black, for there were a few very pretty Mulattoes amongst them. A custom that must appear strange and immoral to my own countrymen, but which is not held so at Cape Coast, prevails, in reference to these girls, when their education has been completed. Although none of them are regularly affianced, some of them are taken from the school into the household of resident English gentlemen, where they perform all the domestic duties in an anomalous capacity, combining all the responsibilities of the married state, without its legal bond. A previous engagement, and clear understanding is entered into with the parents of the girls, to the mutual satisfaction of all parties, and their offspring is afterwards provided for according to circumstances. These young women usually receive the elements of a good education, and constitute the only female society which an Englishman can enjoy here, as the climate is so debilitating to English ladies that they cannot reside in the place for any length of time. This, indeed, is the only excuse that can be offered for a custom, which it must be granted does not admit of an apology beyond the mere necessity of the case. The girls are excellent managers in domestic concerns, and good and careful nurses, qualities that are exceedingly valuable in such a situation.

Friday, 19th.—Being on the point of taking leave of my friends at Cape Coast, I cannot better occupy a few pages than with some general retrospective observations.

Colonel Lumley, Lieutenant-Governor of Sierra Leone claims my first attention. I had the good fortune to make his acquaintance at the seat of government, and during the whole time I had the pleasure of knowing him, I always found him to be actuated by a most zealous devotion to the many important duties which his situation imposed upon him. Nor was his high character as a public officer more praiseworthy, than his estimable qualities us a man. I shall always look back with pride and satisfaction to the period of our intimacy, which was clouded only with the apprehensions I entertained of the fate that awaited him. Perhaps the prophetic forebodings with which he was impressed might have led me to such gloomy anticipations; for he often observed to me, he felt convinced that if he should ever be attacked by the fever, it would prove fatal, as it unfortunately did, not very long after I left the colony: and I was informed he caught it from a young friend whom he was kindly attending, and who fell a victim to the disease.

With Captain Ricketts, the commandant of the fortress, I also had the pleasure of enjoying an intimate acquaintance. Captain Ricketts has served many years on this coast, and was engaged with the Ashantees at the battle of Essamacow, where Sir Charles McCarthy lost his life. On that occasion he had a most miraculous escape, both in, and after the battle, particularly on his return to the coast, where he was obliged to follow the course of rivers, traverse the jungle and forests alone, to evade the murderous Ashantees. He subsequently became commandant of Cape Coast Castle, in which capacity he acquired so much influence with the natives as to succeed in prevailing on them to build a market-place, to lay out several new lines of streets, and otherwise improve the town; but above all, to induce them, after a great deal of persuasion, and perseverance, to take down all the houses adjoining, and in the immediate vicinity of the castle walls, a measure which must have greatly interfered with their religious prejudices, as they were obliged to remove the remains of their relatives, who are always buried under the apartments they inhabit, and to carry them to their new habitations to be deposited in a similar manner. He had also succeeded with the King and carboceers in getting them to cut away all the jungle from the suburbs of the town, for three or four miles distant, and in fact his influence was so great, and the positive utility of the works he designed so obvious, that the natives of Cape Coast almost adored him. The castle, which is a fine building, was kept in the best order under the superintendence of this active and useful officer.

It is astonishing that the Portuguese, who have been so enterprising, and expended so much money on their early discoveries in the erection of fortresses, many of which may still be considered good modern fortifications, should now allow most of their foreign possessions to go to decay, and even to fall into ruins. Look at the once celebrated city of Goa on the Malabar coast, dwindled into insignificance, and proverbially called a city of priests and beggars. What is the cause of this decadence? Is it a just visitation for the unjust means they practised to acquire those possessions? All for the thirst of gold! Or is it that the active spirit of the Portuguese ceases with the acquisition of novelties, and that they are destitute of those persevering qualities which improve and foster the possessions that are originally obtained by enthusiasm and energy?

We had frequent heavy showers during our stay at Cape Coast, although this was not the regular rainy season, for these showers were what are called the after-rains, which last about a fortnight.

When the weather clears up after very heavy rains, many of the poor people, principally old women and children, take up the mud from the gutters, and wash it well in calabashes, when they generally find a few grains of gold for their pains. This is also the case after a very heavy surf has subsided which, during the violence of the storm, generally throws up a great quantity of black mud on the shore.

There is a strange exhibition to be witnessed every morning on the sea-shore, which, however, I shall forbear to describe.

There is a singular old man, upwards of 60 years of age, at Cape Coast Castle, who is well known by the name of Dr. Saguah, and who acts in the capacity of a native doctor. This person excites a great deal of attention, not only by the peculiarity of his manners, but by the circumstances through which he has reached a station of some consideration. He was originally a slave to the African Company at Cape Coast, and having been accidentally placed in the house of the medical establishment, he learned to compound medicines. In the duties which he performed in this capacity he rendered himself very useful, and continued at the pestle and mortar until Sir Charles McCarthy's arrival, when the African Company was dissolved, all their slaves liberated, and the new charter proclaimed, (for Sierra Leone and Cape Coast) on March 29, 1822. Having received his freedom, he now assumed a position of some importance, and was retained on the medical establishment as dispenser, with a small salary. His excellent conduct and judgment in the discharge of his new office procured him the general respect and confidence of Europeans, and his reputation, when I was at Cape Coast, stood so high that he was frequently consulted on the diseases of the climate in preference to medical gentlemen from Europe. He is in the habit of making daily visits to all the European residents, whether they require his services or not, and they generally invite him to take some refreshment, handing him at the same time the keys of their celeret or cupboard, that he may help himself to spirits, or wine. He sometimes avails himself of their offer, chiefly for the sake of gratifying his vanity, by shewing to the servants the confidence that is reposed in him; for no other native, perhaps, except himself, would be entrusted with the keys of any place where wine and spirits are kept. Trade was very dull during my stay at Cape Coast, and had been so for some time; the merchants, however, looked forward to its revival, in consequence of the prospects of peace with the Ashantee people, who were very desirous to terminate hostilities, for the sake of being enabled to resume their commercial intercourse with the English, and other Europeans on the coast. During the war it was believed that they had accumulated a great quantity of gold and ivory, which are the principal articles they barter for goods of European manufacture, and for which they had no sale while hostilities lasted, except in some few instances, where individuals risked the hazard of embarking in smuggling transactions.

Captain Hutchison (whom I have before mentioned, as being left at the Ashantee capital after the departure of the mission), when the troops returned to the coast, subsequent to the Ashantee war was appointed commandant of the Fortress of Annamaboe, a post which he resigned for a time, in consequence of some difference of opinion with Colonel Lumley, acting Governor of Sierra Leone, when he was at Cape Coast; however, he was afterwards induced to resume the command of the fort, where he has a mercantile establishment, as well as at Cape Coast. His opportunities of acquiring popularity have been very favourable, for he has held several high posts at one and the same time, namely:—

Commissioner of Requests, Commandant of Annamaboe, One of H.M. Justices of the Peace for the Gold Coast, Colonial Secretary of Cape Coast, and Captain of the Royal Gold Coast Militia.

And I have the satisfaction of adding my personal testimony of his worth, having found him a most intelligent, hospitable, and friendly man. In addition to all the kind offices he had rendered me during my short residence at Cape Coast, he presented me with a hoop basket-worked ring, richly chased, made of virgin gold from the Ashantee country, and also an Ashantee stool, which is described by Bowdich to be made out of a solid piece of wood, called zesso, which is very light, white, soft, and bearing a high polish. In addition to the soft nature of the wood, it is said to be well soaked in water to make it still softer, previous to its undergoing the process of carving.

From its being the custom among the Ashantees for their great men to be seated on stools, some of them take much pride and pains in having them highly carved or ornamented. The pattern is generally the same, being a very low concave seat; the only difference is the manner of ornamenting them. Bowdich relates, that in one of the grand processions at Coomassie, the stools of the great men were carried on the heads of favourites, and he observes that they were laboriously carved, with two bells attached to each. He also describes the King's stool as being entirely cased with gold. The word stool also signifies a high place of office in the King's council, to which his captains are occasionally raised for any distinguished act of bravery; but this promotion is attended by a heavy fee to the King's household, being no less than eight ounces of gold. When a rich man dies, the person that succeeds to his fortune is said to succeed to his stool. I will conclude the subject of stools with an observation relating to cushions, which is, that no subject can sit in public with a cushion on his stool, unless it has been presented to him by the King, or one of his four principal captains.

————— [20] Nine miles to the westward of the mouth of this river, is the rock Cestus, where there is a settlement of about seventy Fishmen, who have run away from their own country, to avoid the penalty of the law. They are principally from Niffon, Baddon, and Pickaninny Cess.



CHAP. VII.

Recollections of the Ashantee War—Battle of Essamacow—Accession of Osay Aquatoo to the Throne—Battle of Affatoo—Investment of Cape Coast—Flight of the Ashantees—Martial Law proclaimed—Battle of Dodowah—Ashantee Mode of Fighting—Death of Captain Hutchison

I cannot sufficiently express my sense of the uniform kindness I experienced from the residents at this station. My excellent friend, Capt. Hutchison, lodged me in a good stone house, which was entirely appropriated to my own use, and I had also apartments allotted to me at the castle, so that I passed my time as agreeably as I could possibly desire. The interesting conversations in which I had the good fortune to participate, afforded me a variety of curious and valuable particulars respecting the natives; and, when it is remembered that the gentlemen from whom I derived those anecdotes and descriptions, had mingled personally in the scenes to which they referred, they acquire an enhanced value, from so unequivocal a proof of their authenticity. Many incidents, connected with the Ashantee war, were related to me with all the fire and energy which the soldier exhibits when he enumerates the dangers he has escaped, and the victories in which he has shared; I wish I could transfer to my pages the spirit which inspired my informants; but I must leave the imagination of the reader to supply the strong feelings of personal interest involved in the details, contenting myself with a plain recital of a few short reminiscences.

The battle of Essamacow, which is registered in the Gold Coast Almanack, with the significant prefix of "fatal," was fought on the 21st of January, 1824. Hostilities commenced about two o'clock in the afternoon, when both parties opened a brisk fire across a small river, that separated their forces. Our troops consisted of only a few regulars, a small body of militia, and some irregular native allies, the whole commanded in person by his Excellency Sir Charles McCarthy, Governor of Sierra Leone.

The regulars and militia alone were armed with bayonets, so that, in the event of close collision, in which, unfortunately, this conflict terminated, we were at a fearful disadvantage, contending against a foe so much superior in numbers, and so expert in the use of their hand-arms. The firing across the river continued for four hours, but at six o'clock in the evening, the English were compelled to cease in consequence of having exhausted all their remaining ammunition. The Ashantees, perceiving the difficulty in which our troops were placed, resolved to turn the opportunity to immediate account, and, uttering discordant yells, rushed into the river, and advanced en masse upon our forces. Sir Charles McCarthy saw that there was but one means of resistance left, and received the tumultuous enemy at the point of the bayonet. For some time, the steadiness and courage of the English prevailed over the barbarian rage of the multitudes that threw themselves upon their "serried ranks," and the Ashantees fell in rapid succession; but it soon became evident that the strictest discipline of such an inferior body, could not withstand the increasing crowds that poured upon them: the English soldiers, finding themselves so hemmed in that their muskets became inconvenient to them, for want of space to exercise their arms with freedom, relieved themselves from the encumbrance by unfixing their bayonets, and casting their muskets away. With this awkward weapon they continued the engagement against an enemy armed with long knives, in the use of which every Ashantee is singularly skilful. All the advantages of European knowledge and cooperation, were at an end. It now became a terrific scene of slaughter, in which physical power had the inevitable superiority. Opposed to such infuriated masses, the coolness of the English was of no avail. They fell quickly before the knives of the Ashantees, exhausted from the loss of blood, and covered with numberless wounds. Happily their sufferings were of short duration, for the enemy, in the fulfilment of a barbarous usage, cut off their heads as they fell, as trophies of their own personal prowess.

Sir Charles McCarthy saw that the day was lost, and that it would be but an inglorious sacrifice of his own staff, and the few soldiers that yet remained, to continue on the field. He, therefore, prepared to retire; but this resolution—which, in the breast of so brave an officer, was slow to find a place—was taken too late. A large body of the enemy had already advanced upon his rear, and intercepted his retreat. All hope, even of escape, was now cut off. The victory of the Ashantees was complete: and nothing but conjecture is left as to the cruel sufferings which were inflicted upon our gallant countrymen and allies before they surrendered their spirits to their Creator on that fatal day.

Two officers only escaped—Brigade-Major Ricketts and Lieut. Erskine. Almost all the principal Europeans were slaughtered, and only one, Mr. Williams, is known to have survived: he was sent to the court of Ashantee. The most melancholy feature in this affair is, that the officer who had charge of the ammunition, neglected to keep the troops properly provided with powder, for had the supply been sufficiently prompt, it is believed that the Ashantees never could have succeeded in their advance movement, or, indeed, that they never would have attempted it, so great was our superiority over them in loading and firing. It is to be feared, that great blame is attached to the management in this part of the arrangement for the necessities of the battle, for when Major Ricketts opened the three last kegs supplied to the troops for ammunition, he found, to his consternation, that they were filled with macaroni! although, when the Ashantees plundered our camp the day after the battle, they discovered ten kegs of ball-cartridges, amongst a great quantity of valuable booty. But, however lamentable this negligence was, it should be suffered to pass into oblivion. The officer upon whom it is charged, perished with his brave companions; and, like them, he is placed for judgment before a higher tribunal: it is, therefore, unnecessary, as it would be cruel, to pain his friends and relatives by registering his name, to mark a military error, which might have been caused by the unexampled confusion of the scene in which he was called upon to act so responsible a part.

Shortly after this disastrous event, the late King of Ashantee, Osay Tootoo Quamina, died. He just lived long enough to receive the intelligence of a triumph which inspired the Ashantees with the most extravagant hopes, and led them to prosecute the war with sanguinary violence. Osay Aquatoo (the Orange[21]), the brother of the deceased king, had no sooner succeeded to the vacant throne, than he resolved to follow up the advantages of the war with vigour. He believed that the death of an officer of such estimation as Sir Charles McCarthy, must have thrown the ranks of the British soldiers into confusion and despair, and, taking it for granted, that a military demonstration, on his part, would be sufficient to complete the successes which had opened so successfully under his predecessor, he departed from his capital to take the command of the army, which was then advancing on Cape Coast. On this occasion, agreeably to the superstitious usage of the natives, the head of the late king was carried into the files of the Ashantees, as a charm to protect them in the battle, and an incentive to the performance of valorous deeds. When the King had made some progress towards the encampment, he sent a sarcastic message to the Commander-in-chief, who was then at Affatoo, within ten miles of Cape Coast, which abundantly shewed the confidence by which he was animated. His message was to the effect, that he had learned, in Coomassie,[22] that all the white men had been killed in the late action, and demanding to be informed, what he, the Commander, and all his young men were about, that they had not taken the Castle.—"Stop!"—was the naive reply of the General to the messenger—"Stop till Friday, when the white men are going to attack us: then you can carry back to the King the news of what you see, and of what the young men have to do." Friday came in due course, and the army of the Ashantees went forward to redeem the pledge of their exulting General. This was the battle of Affatoo, which took place on the 21st of May, 1824. The result was disastrous to the cause of the King. The natives were completely routed and driven from the scene of action, without the loss of a single officer on our side, and with but one wounded (Capt. Hutchison), who commanded the Annamaboe militia, and who was shot through both arms, while he was leading his men to the charge.

The Anglo-Fantee army, immediately after the battle of Affatoo, fell back on Cape Coast Castle, as had been previously arranged by Colonel Sutherland, who had arrived from Sierra Leone just before the battle. This movement of that portion of our troops, enabled Major Chisholm, who possessed the entire confidence of all the soldiers, to take the command in the field. The King of Ashantee, now joined the army, which he headed in person, and concentrating all his forces, he advanced towards Cape Coast Castle with the intention of blockading the town. On the 10th of June, 1824, he pitched his gorgeous pavilion,[23] sparkling with its rich colours and costly embroidery in the effulgent sunlight, on a height to the northward of the town; in the valley between which and the back of the town lay the ground where the important issue was to be contested.

For a whole month the belligerent parties lay in sight of each other, mutually watching their opportunities to attempt a decisive movement. Several skirmishes took place from day to day, but without making much impression on either side; and during this interval of suspense, in which our troops were exposed to the rays of a vertical sun, and in continual expectation of a hidden and treacherous attack from a barbarous horde, greatly superior in numbers, and with whom "revenge is virtue," ascending volumes of smoke wreathing up into the air, and blackening the bright expanse of heaven, marked the terrific conflagrations that were constantly taking place in the surrounding country.

At length the eventful day arrived on the 11th of July, 1824. In order to understand the peculiar perils which our army had to encounter, it is necessary to observe that Cape Coast Castle stands near the sea, and that the town is built on the west side of it, at a short distance from the beach. Upon three conical hills that arise close to the back of the town, and run nearly parallel with the coast, our troops were stationed. The right hill was occupied by Major Chisholm's division, the left by Major Purden's, and the centre by Captain Hutchison's; while the subordinate officers commanded the passes between the valley and the town, which were four in number, two beyond the hills, and two between them. These passes were choked up with a dense jungle. The whole army was commanded by Colonel Sutherland, assisted by Sir John Phillirnore, and most of the officers, seamen, and marines, of H.M.S. Thetis.

At noon the enemy pushed forward in immense numbers, and with ferocious valour towards the passes, with the design of forcing them. Their attention was particularly directed to the right wing, as the town was considered to be most accessible on that side. Their savage cries, their heedless desperation, and tumultuous onset, were well calculated to unnerve the bravery of troops accustomed to discipline and a more honourable species of warfare, but our soldiers met the Ashantees with an unmoved front: the resistance was as courageous as the attack was fierce; and the first approach of the enemy was repulsed with steadiness. It was at this crisis that Lieutenant Swanzy fell, covered with wounds at the head of his detachment. To this fine young man, whose gallantry was conspicuous in the action, might be applied with truth the celebrated words of the poet,

"The young, the beautiful, the brave!"

The conflict raged with great fury, and the indomitable self-possession of our soldiers at last threw the Ashantees into confusion. Their wild exultations gave way to universal despair, a panic seized upon their irregular masses, which now filled the valley in a state of fearful commotion, and exhibited a terrific picture of savage desperation. Perceiving the incertitude of his army, the King descended from the hill for the purpose of animating the troops by his presence. The royal cortege, as it swept down the height, and mixed with the heaving crowds below, was singularly imposing. The King advanced with a gaudy umbrella held over his head, followed by a glittering and diversified train, consisting of his numerous wives and eunuchs celebrating his praises and his deeds in barbarous lyrics, while others amongst his retinue were employed in waving brilliant feathers and fans, and the tails of elephants and horses over the head of the monarch, keeping regular time with the inspiring war-song, to which all his guards contributed in an uproarious chorus. The King exhibited great personal courage and perseverance; again and again he rallied his disconcerted troops, who were seen flying about in all directions in the utmost disorder. In this way the conflict was prolonged until darkness fell upon the scene and terminated the battle. On the cessation of hostilities, the Ashantees retired, with the intention, as the British soldiers believed, of renewing the fight with the return of daylight. Major Chisholm, taking advantage of the circumstance, removed into the fort for the night, and discovered for the first time, that the stock of ammunition, particularly the musket balls, was nearly exhausted. Rapid measures were adopted for repairing this disaster; all the leaden and pewter vessels in the town were immediately put in requisition, melted down during the night, and cast into ounce balls. Yet even this additional supply would have been of little avail, had the enemy renewed the attack on the following day. But when the dawn returned, the Ashantees were seen in the distance, encamped in stillness, and without exhibiting any disposition to encounter our soldiers again, and as evening began to fall, preparations were visible of an intention to retire from the field, and in a few hours afterwards, the King of Ashantee, despairing of success, retreated with his army under cover of the night.

From this period a cessation of arms followed; but the Ashantees becoming turbulent again, martial law was proclaimed on the 6th of June, 1826. Affairs were in this position, when the battle of Dodowah was fought on August 7, 1826, between the English, assisted by the native allies, and the Ashantees, with their allies, commanded in person by the king, commonly known by the designation of the Tiger-King.

The ground on which the battle was fought is an extensive plain, the surface of which is occasionally interspersed with clumps of trees and brushwood. It is distant from Accra, N.E. about seven or eight leagues, and lies four miles S. of a village called Dodowah, from which it takes its name. The day on which it took place being considered by the Ashantees as favourable to enterprises, was on that account anticipated by us, so that we were enabled to prepare for the action in time. About eight o'clock in the morning, our scouts brought intelligence that the enemy were already in motion, and the English drums immediately spoke with their fine martial music to our troops, who formed their lines with promptitude, stretching about four miles from E. to W. The variety of costumes, and flags of different nations, exhibited by the European lines, including the native allies, presented a very picturesque and imposing appearance, and invested the scene with a peculiar arid inspiring interest. For several days previous to the battle, a dispute was maintained between the King of Akimboo, the King of Dunkara, and the Queen of Akim ,[24] as to who should have the honour of attacking the King of Ashantee's own band. This point, however, was finally settled by an arrangement which satisfied all parties; it was decided that the King of Akimboo should take the extreme right, while the King of Dunkara and the Queen of Akim should occupy the extreme left. Their zealous aspirations, notwithstanding their ardour, were disappointed after all, for the King of Ashantee hearing that the white men filled the central position of the European lines, chose that point for his own attack, on account of the great honour which he hoped to acquire by meeting the English in person.

The officers and gentlemen engaged in the battle were Lieut.-colonel Edward Purden, commanding the whole. Captains Kingston and Rogers, and Lieutenant Calder, of the Royal African Corps; Dr. Young, of the staff; Mr. Henry Richter, merchant, Danish Accra, with his own men, about 120; Mr. I.W. Hanson, merchant, British Accra, with his men, amounting nearly to a similar force; Mr. J. Jackson, merchant, Cape Coast, with Mr. Bannerman's men (Mr. Bannerman being in England in bad health), amounting also to about an equal strength; and Captain Hutchison, Annamaboe, with the Cape Coast artificers, part of the town's people (volunteers), assisted by Bynie, a native chief, whose people, including the above mentioned from Cape Coast, amounted to about 150. These formed the centre, and were drawn up in lines, with the Royal African Corps as a reserve.

The attack commenced from right to left about half past 9 o'clock. Several of the natives, unaccustomed, probably, to the regularity of European movements, came to the troops in the centre, and reproached them in coarse and offensive language with cowardice, for not opening their fire, which circumstance being communicated to the commanding officer he ordered them instantly to advance. They accordingly moved forward about 400 yards, when a heavy well directed fire took place on our side. From this point the English troops continued steadily to proceed, the enemy slowly and sulkily giving way as they advanced. No prisoners were made, for as they fell they were put to death. Even in this summary cruelty there was a species of mercy, as many were ripped up, and their hearts torn from the vital region, in order that the blood might be poured out on the ground as an offering to the triumph of the English arms. The fighting in many instances was of the most barbarous and ferocious description. In some cases, single men marked their particular adversaries and dragged them from the ranks; and thus, combating in pairs, they wrestled and cut each other, until the knife of the more fortunate gladiator entered the vital part of his antagonist and terminated the revolting contest. The enemy was pressed so hard by our troops, that a distinguished Captain of the Ashantees, either from despair, or to end his misery the more speedily, blew himself up. A cry now arose that the Ashantees were advancing between the centre and the right wing of the army: the alarm was caused by a panic amongst the party from Danish Accra, the native troops in that quarter having, with their Carboceer at their head, retreated early in the action, it being, as they afterwards explained, "against their Fetish to fight on a Monday," and thus created in the remainder of the body apprehensions of weakness. This cowardly conduct of the Danes compelled the centre to fall back, and abandon all the advantages their valour had obtained, a movement which immediately exposed them to a galling fire from the enemy, who now rushed onwards in immense numbers to crush the retiring troops. At this important crisis of the battle, Colonel Purden advanced with the reserve, who brought rockets with them, a few of which thrown amongst the enemy spread the most appalling confusion. The hissing sounds of these novel messengers of death; the train of fire; the explosion; with the ghastly wounds inflicted by the bursting of the rockets; led them to suppose that this terrible instrument could be nothing less than thunder and lightning.

While these proceedings were going forward in the centre, another party of Ashantees attacked the left wing of King Chebbo (of Dunkara), the Winnebahs[25] having fled at the first fire, and never paused until they reached Accra. King Chebbo, however, was in advance with a handful of his people, driving back his opponents, and a few rounds of grape fired over the heads of our troops soon relieved his party from their assailants. On the right wing, the battle was never doubtful throughout the day. The King of Akimboo swept all before him, penetrated to the King of Ashantee's camp, took them in flank, and shewed his rapid and victorious progress by a column of smoke that extended to the very heart of the enemy's lines.

The example of the Ashantee Captain, who blew himself up to escape from the hand of his adversaries, was followed by several other Ashantees in command. The sight of these suicides on the field of death was terrible: the explosion of the gunpowder, the shouts and groans of the combatants, the discordant noises produced by the rude instruments of the barbarian soldiery, the general melee of the raging battle, and the confusion that arose in consequence of the grass having caught the flames from the firing and the exploding powder, presented a scene which, with a little aid from the imagination, might have been easily translated by a poet or a painter into a vivid picture of the infernal regions.

The effects of the rockets and grape-shot, produced so extensive an alarm amongst the enemy, that they fled in all directions, and were at last completely routed. The Danish flag now advanced from the rear, and it was soon seen that the Fetish of the recreants, although it had forbidden them to fight on a Monday, had not made any provision against the commission of acts of spoliation, for these people were the very first to plunder the Ashantee camp, and then to run off with the booty, as fast as they had fled from the field of battle.

The Ashantees lost in this engagement the whole of their camp baggage, including a great quantity of gold. Towards the evening a number of prisoners were made, for our allies, tired of slaughter, contented themselves with making as many prisoners as they could for slaves. They were supposed altogether to have lost 5000 men, amongst whom were most of the principal chiefs, and the King himself was wounded. One of his wives (to whom Mr. Bannerman introduced me at Accra) and a female child were taken prisoners. Our loss was comparatively trifling, not amounting to more than 800 killed, and 1600 wounded. Colonel Purden received a contusion on the higher part of his right leg, from a spent shot, and Mr. Richter received a shot through one of his thighs. Amongst the deaths, there were three native chiefs, who commanded in our lines.

Soon after the battle, some of the Annamaboe people brought several heads of Ashantees whom they had slain to Captain Hutchison, as a proof of their personal courage, and individual prowess. Some of these heads were recognised by Captain Hutchison as belonging to natives who had been known to him. Amongst the spoils one head was found by the Aquapim chief, which excited curiosity, by the care with which it was enclosed in wrappers, and Captain Hutchison desired that the covering should be removed. On taking off the first wrapper, they found the second to be a fine parchment, inscribed with Arabic characters; beneath this was a final envelope of tiger's skin, the well known emblem of royalty among the Ashantees. The evident pains which had been taken in the preservation of this head, satisfied all the by-standers that it was the head of Sir Charles McCarthy, to which it was generally understood regal honours had been paid by the natives. The gratification which this discovery gave to our countrymen may be easily conceived, and they lost no time in sending the head to England, together with the first account of the battle of Dodowah. The head, however, had scarcely been forwarded to its destination, when some prisoners who had been taken in the action, made the disagreeable disclosure that the head belonged, not to Sir Charles McCarthy, but to the late King, Osay Tootoo Quamina, and that it had been taken into the battle in conformity with the prevailing usage of the people. The effects of this information though painful were ludicrous enough. The head of the Ashantee King had found its way to England as an accredited relique of the lamented Sir Charles McCarthy, and was the first remains of an Ashantee that had ever, perhaps, received the solemn rite of Christian burial; while, on the other hand, the head of Sir Charles McCarthy, had been deposited with all the rude pomp of their heathen ceremonials in a Pagan cemetery. However disappointed the friends and countrymen of Sir Charles McCarthy must feel at the discovery of this strange interchange of reliques, the Ashantees are still more mortified at a circumstance which has robbed their royal catacombs of one of its mementos, and broken the line of death's heads by which the chronology of the throne is perpetuated. They are quite ashamed of the occurrence, and greatly annoyed whenever it is alluded to; more particularly as the Fantees, their immediate enemies, take every opportunity of reproaching them with a loss which they consider to be a disgrace.

Connected with this subject is the Ashantee mode of fighting, a description of which will serve to illustrate the previous details. In the first place, we must suppose them to be encamped, with the intention of advancing to attack their enemy. They commence their operations by cutting a number of footpaths for a single person only to make his way through the bush; these paths are cut parallel, equi-distant, and just within hearing. By these numerous paths they all advance in Indian file, until they arrive in front of the enemy, when they form in line, as well as circumstances will admit. Their arms and accoutrements consist of a musket without a bayonet, the lock of which is covered with a piece of leopard's or some other skin to protect it from the weather, a pouch tied round their waist containing the powder, in about twenty or thirty small boxes of light wood, each having a single charge; a small bag of loose powder hanging down on the left side; and in addition to this a keg or barrel of powder is carried for each party to replenish from when required. Their shot is langrage, composed of pieces of iron, lead, ironstone (broken in small pieces), &c. &c., and is carried loosely in a bag. The last of these materials is most generally used, as it is procured with facility, being found lying in great quantities on the surface of the earth. They load their muskets with a large charge of both powder and shot. In their buckskin belts they carry from six to twenty knives of various lengths, together with a cutlass or bill-hook, the former for cutting off heads, and the latter for clearing their way through the underwood. On arriving near the enemy, they cut a path transversely in front of those before mentioned, in which path they form their line, within twenty or thirty paces of the enemy, having a little brushwood in front for their protection. They then immediately commence firing through the intermediate bush. So soon as one of either party observes an opponent fall, he rushes forward and seizes him by the throat, when with great dexterity he separates the head from the body by means of one of his knives, and runs off with it to lay it at the feet of his captain. After the action is over, the captain collects all the heads that he has received, puts them into bowls, and causes them to be presented to the chief of the army.

I cannot take leave of this subject, or of the scenes to which it relates, without reverting to the name of Captain Hutchison, a sharer in the dangers and the glories of the war, and one to whom I am indebted for many valuable particulars, and for an anxious and steady friendship, upon which I shall always look back with satisfaction and gratitude. Very lately—indeed while these memoirs have been in preparation for the press—the painful intelligence of his death has reached me. I had been favoured by a visit from him since his return to England, after an absence of seventeen years in Africa, and anticipated shortly to have had that gratification renewed, looking forward to our meeting with something like the anticipations of a veteran, who hopes, in the society of some ancient and well-beloved comrade, "to fight his battles o'er again!" But these pleasurable dreams of life are not at our own disposal, and we must submit to the will of that Power in whose hands are the agencies of all the elements, of which man is but a perishable compound. My acquaintance with Captain Hutchison commenced under circumstances which cannot easily be obliterated from my memory, and ripened into friendship almost unconsciously. I speak of him as I knew him, and even my partiality, heightened by my regret, cannot much exaggerate his merits. He was a brave officer, and an intelligent gentleman. His mind was practical, prompt, and energetic; and he united to the qualities of a strict disciplinarian, all the kind feelings that embellish the character of social benevolence. Peace to his ashes, and honour to his name!

————— [21] From the colour of his skin.

[22] From "Coom," to kill, and "assie," under, meaning under the large Banian, or Indian fig-tree, that stands in the market-place, opposite to the palace.

[23] This was a very splendid tent that had been presented to him some years before by the Dutch Governor, General Daendals.

[24] This extraordinary woman, who displayed unexampled energy throughout the whole of this war, was about five feet three inches in height, and was distinguished by an almost infantine character of face, and a voice low and soft as the tones of a flute. It was thought that she habituated herself to that style of speaking to conceal her really masculine nature, and to interest her audience. Her voice, notwithstanding its sweet inflections, was broken, or "cracked," as singers term it, a circumstance occasioned, perhaps, by the constant use she made of it, for she was not a little remarkable for that volubility which a rude jest attributes to her sex in general. She was a very successful beggar, too, amongst the rest of her accomplishments, for munition and strong drink. Just before the battle of Dodowah commenced, she passed along the ranks, encouraging her people with an appropriate harangue, and waving at the same time a gold-hilted sword in one hand, and an elephant's tail (the emblem of royalty), in the other, with a necklace, well adapted for the occasion, composed of a string of musket halls. This heroine said to some of our countrymen, who called on her the day before the battle, "Osay has driven me from my country because he thought me weak, but he is mistaken; for, although I have the form of a woman, I have the heart of a man!" an observation which her extraordinary prowess in the fight fully justified. She was to be seen every where in the heat of the battle, encouraging and exciting her troops; wherever the greatest danger was, there, too, was the energetic Queen of Akim. Her conduct reminds us of Queen Bess at Tilbury Fort, and perhaps still more of Boadicea herself.

[25] These are the same people who murdered Governor Meredith about fourteen years before. For that crime, the English blew up their fort. They have always acted basely in battle, and are notorious for gluttony, cruelty, and cowardice. The Ashantees said that if they went to Winnebah, they could catch the people like swine.



CHAP. VIII.

Embarkation—Departure for Accra—Land Route—Accra Roads-Visit to Danish Accra—Dilapidations of the Fortresses at Dutch and English Accra—Captive Queen—Mr. Thomas Park—Cause of his Death unknown— Departure for Fernando Po—First view of the Island—Anchor in Maidstone Bay—Early History of the Settlement—Captain Owen's Expedition—Visited by the Inhabitants—Site for the Settlement determined—Author's Mission to the King of Baracouta—Visit of the King—Native Costume—Ecstacy of the Natives—Distribution of Presents—Second Visit to the King—His Majesty's evasive Conduct—Renewed Interviews—A Native Thief—Intended Punishment— Cut-throat, a Native Chief—Visit to King-Cove—Purchase of land

Friday, Oct. 19.—When on the point of embarking with Mr. Galler, the purser of the Eden, we took some refreshment at Mr. Castle's, a commissariat officer, whom I had the pleasure of unexpectedly meeting again at New South Wales, and who is one of the few survivors, after serving some years at Sierra Leone and Cape Coast. Embarking, as well as landing, at this place, is a matter of some moment, the passengers and a part of the crew being obliged to get into the boat before they launch her from the beach; for the surf is occasionally so heavy as to become exceedingly perilous. Canoes are frequently upset in the attempt to get off in bad weather, and the purser of a man-of-war was drowned in this manner a few years before; but the natives, who are like fish in the water, are indifferent to the danger; all they care about is to keep the boat from being stove, and to save her appointments. There was a small lodge of rocks about one hundred yards from the shore, that would answer for the foundation of a breakwater, which it is calculated might be effected at the cost of from three to five hundred pounds, and which certainly would be most desirable for affording protection, and facility to boats, both on landing and leaving the shore.

Saturday, Oct. 20th.—At eight this morning we left Cape Coast Roads with a fine breeze, for Accra, a distance of sixty miles by sea, and eighty-five by land. A sketch, of the land route may not be uninteresting. Four miles eastward of Cape Coast is Moree, and the Dutch Fort Nassau; six miles from Moree is Annamaboc, the most complete fortification in the country; five miles from thence Cormantine, the first fort possessed by the English, and built by them about the middle of the seventeenth century. It was taken afterwards by the Dutch, and being stormed, was almost destroyed by the Ashantee army, before it attacked Annamaboe; the position is very commanding. Tantumquerry, a small English fort, is about eighteen English miles from Cormantine (crossing the small river Amissa, an hour's walk inland from which is Mankasim, the capital of the Braffoe district of Fantee), the natives call the town Tuam; eight miles from Tantumquerry is the town of Afram, where there is a Dutch fort, and a small river; eight miles from Afram is Simpah or Winnebah. The people of Simpah are Fantees, but their language is called Affoottoo. They are in the district of Agoona. About nine miles from Simpah is the Dutch fort Berracoe; the natives call the town Leniah. Attah, of Akim, laid a contribution on this fort in March 1811. About twenty-seven miles from Berracoe is Accra or Inkran, once subject to Aquamboo, which people, according to Isert, formerly drove them to Popo.

We had only the Horatio schooner in company, the African steam-vessel, and Diadem transport, having sailed the preceding evening for Fernando Po.

Sunday, 21st.—At eleven o'clock this forenoon, we anchored in Accra Roads, where we found His Majesty's ship Esk, Captain Purchass, who came on board to wait on Captain Owen. I had the pleasure of accompanying this gentleman on his return, first to his ship and then to the shore, in a very fine canoe of the country, belonging to Mr. Bannerman, who is the only English merchant at Accra. This canoe was fifty feet in length, pulling seventeen paddles, and Mr. B. has had it raised two feet in the fore part (where the passengers were seated on chairs), expressly to protect him from the sea in his occasional voyages to and from Cape Coast Castle.

We found the beach equally bad for landing as at Cape Coast. Some of the officers of the Eden and Esk, as well as myself, dined with Mr. Bannerman, and I slept at the house of Captain Fry, who was commandant of the English fort here, which is in a most ruinous state, and instead of being fort, I should say it was foible.

Monday, 22nd.—After breakfast, a party of us in two gigs, drawn by four blacks each, went to Danish Accra, a distance of two miles, and a very good road. The Danish Governor and all the officers received us very politely, and invited us to remain and pass the day with them. The fortress was very clean, and every way apparently in good order. What is called Danish Accra is merely the fortress, which is the case with Dutch and English Accra,[26] for there are no Europeans living in private houses, except Captain Fry and Mr. Bannerman. The fortress of Dutch Accra is even in a more ruinous state than that of the English, and is entirely deserted. There is a native town, of course, and in it are to be found jewellers, who make ornaments of every fashion, out of the purest gold, brought from the interior. The gold is four pounds per ounce, and they charge an additional pound for converting it into necklaces, bracelets, or any other ornaments, of whatever pattern you may fancy.

Mr. Bannerman invited us to visit one of the King of Ashantee's favourite wives, who had been made prisoner during the war, with her daughter and grand-daughter, whom Mr. B. had accommodated with part of his house, where his own two sisters were living, distant about a quarter of a mile from the house of business where he resided. They were apprized of our visit, and were dressed accordingly to receive us. Mr. Bannerman is himself a gentleman of colour, and a man of education; he resided a long time in England, and is a sensible, mild, and gentlemanlike man. He supplies all our men of war, on the African station, when they call at Accra, with bullocks, vegetables, &c. &c.

Mr. Thomas Park, who left England, as one of the Midshipmen of the Sybille, but with three years leave of absence from his ship so soon as she arrived on the coast, ordered by the Admiralty for the express purpose of travelling in Africa, with the avowed intention of endeavouring to discover the course, and source of the Niger, was landed at Accra some time since from that ship, and passed a short time there in studying some of the languages of the countries through which he meant to travel. He left Accra to proceed on his journey into the interior on the 29th of September, 1827, and arrived at Mampong in Aquapim on the 2nd of October; this he left on the 5th for Acropong, the chief town of Aquapim, and on the 10th left Acropong, for Aquambo, a town at the head of the Volta river, where he arrived on the 16th of October. I heard that he had been kindly treated, so far as he had penetrated, but at the last mentioned place, he took a fancy to climb a particular tree, which the natives entreated him to desist from, saying that it was Fetished,[27] however, he persisted and accomplished his wish. A few days after this he was taken ill, and as every one knows, he did not survive to tell his own story: perhaps the precise cause of his death will ever remain in doubt. This gentleman was a son of the celebrated Mungo Park, than whom no man was better calculated for such an enterprise, and whose loss is perhaps more to be regretted than that of any other African traveller; but I lament to say that from the moment I heard of his son, an inexperienced young man, undertaking an enterprise of such magnitude, as that of penetrating alone into the interior of an unknown country, to solve a problem in the pursuit of which so many distinguished travellers had failed and fallen, I confess I never supposed he would live to return: in fact, the project appeared to me, what is emphatically expressed in the old proverb, "a wild-goose chase." For where men of maturer judgment and greater experience found that they could not contend against the superstitions, prejudices, and artifices of those cunning savages, how was it to be expected that a youth of nineteen could possibly succeed?