One more characteristic type of the ancient pueblo doorway remains to be described. During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined pueblo of Kin-tiel was surveyed, a number of excavations were made in and about the pueblo. A small room on the east side, near the brink of the arroyo that traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out, exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other details of construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found a large slab of stone, pierced with a circular hole of sufficient size for a man to squeeze through. This slab was set on edge and incorporated into the masonry of the partition, and evidently served as a means of communication with another room. The position of this doorway and its relation to the room in which it occurs may be seen from the illustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ. The doorway or "stone-close" is shown in Fig. 86 on a sufficient scale to indicate the degree of technical skill in the architectural treatment of stone possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zui in October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H. Cushing, learned that the Zui Indians still preserved traditional knowledge of this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time the following extract from the tale of "The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards," a Zui folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of Zui.



"'How will they enter?' said the young man to his wife. 'Through the stone-close at the side,' she answered. In the days of the ancients, the doorways were often made of a great slab of stone with a round hole cut through the middle, and a round stone slab to close it, which was called the stone-close, that the enemy might not enter in times of war."



Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of such circular stone doorways at ruins some distance northwest from Zui, but had been under the impression that they were used as roof openings. All examples of this device known to the writer as having been found in place occurred in side walls of rooms. Mr. E. W. Nelson, while making collections of pottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent to the Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, "a flat stone about 18 inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This stone was taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall between two inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means of communication or perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an example of their stone-working craft." The position of this feature in the excavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan, Fig. 60, which also shows the position of other details seen in the general view of the room, Pl. C.

A small fragment of a "stone-close" doorway was found incorporated into the masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicating its use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the Cibola district. Another point at which similar remains have been brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from the present Zui. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. F. H. Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite common occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter were held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form were seen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearly rectangular form, found within this ruin, may have served the same purpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular slabs for this purpose when the openings were conveniently near the floors. No example of the stone-close has as yet been found in Tusayan.

The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known to the writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of aboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this device was necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The larger rectangular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably were covered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended from the lintel. In the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling the stone-close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in a more permanent manner.

The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much to the fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was to defensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude ones built with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors and windows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings in such a manner as to protect and render comfortable the inhabited rooms implies a greater advance in architectural skill than these builders had achieved.

The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos is only a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors, admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the present day, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the early type. The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerable height from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of any convenient means of rigidly closing the doors and windows, in early times external openings were restricted to the smallest practicable dimensions. The convenience of these openings was increased without altering their dimensions by elevating them to a certain height above the ground. In the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in the height of the openings above the ground, and such openings were likely to be quite uniform when used for similar purposes. The most common elevation of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readily step over at one stride. It will be seen that the same economy of space has effected the use of windows in this system of architecture.

WINDOWS.

In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not always clearly differentiated. Many of the openings, while used for access to the dwellings, also answer all the purposes of windows, and, both in their form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meet the requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than for access. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters III and IV, openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wall as to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is wholly inadequate, but which are still provided with the typical though diminutive single-paneled door. Many of these small openings, occurring most frequently in the back walls of house rows, have the jambs, lintels, etc., characteristic of the typical modern door. However, as the drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openings concerning the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can only provide outlook, light, and air.



In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayan and Cibola the width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in what appear to be the older portions of the present pueblos, this shape probably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient pueblos were sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when larger they were never distinguishable from doorways in either size or finish, and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width of openings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building stone made use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders had not sufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The failure to utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of mechanical aids that at first thought seems scarcely in keeping with the massiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing many of the remains; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, the latter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands, although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. The narrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblos suggests timidity on the part of the ancient builders. The apparently bolder construction of the present day, shown in the prevailing use of horizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, but rather to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction.



The same contrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in the disposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does not seem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in some of the older pueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco, and others of the same group, the arrangement of the outer openings exhibits a certain degree of symmetry. The accompanying diagram, Fig. 87, illustrates a portion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, in which the small windows of successive rooms, besides being uniform in size, are grouped in pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in the execution of the masonry about these openings is in keeping with the precision with which the openings themselves are placed. Pl. CV, gives a view of a portion of the wall containing these openings.

In marked contrast to the above examples is the slovenly practice of the modern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, even in a single room, nor are these usually placed at a uniform height from the floor. The placing appears to be purely a matter of individual taste, and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows occur sometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in some cases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall; examples may be found occupying all intermediate heights between these extremes. Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregularity, but Pls. LXXIX and LXXXII of Zui perhaps represent it most clearly.

The framing of these openings differs but little from that of the ancient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by the more careless method of combining the materials, and by the introduction in many instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or sticks, usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side in contact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earth of the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet of stone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is never long enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for larger openings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach from the face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings the surrounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish influence occasionally shows itself in the employment of sawed boards for lintels, sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit a curiously light and flimsy construction.

A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, are furnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sash of several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; in some instances it is set directly into the adobe without any intervening sash or frame. In several cases in Zui the primitive sash or frame has been rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example of this is shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly into the wall. Hinged sashes do not seem to have been adopted as yet. Often the introduction of lights shows a curious and awkward compromise between aboriginal methods and foreign ideas.





Characteristic of Zui windows, and also of those of the neighboring pueblo of Acoma, is the use of semitranslucent slabs of selenite, about 1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. Pieces are occasionally met with about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches wide, but usually they are much smaller and very irregular in outline. For windows pieces are selected that approximately fit against each other, and thin, flat strips of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the openings to serve as supports for the irregular fragments of selenite, which could not be retained in place without some such provision. The use of window openings at the bases of walls probably suggested this use of vertical sticks as a support to slabs of selenite, as in this position they would be particularly useful, the windows being generally arranged on a slope, as shown in Fig. 89. Similar glazing is also employed in the related, obliquely pierced openings of Zui, to be described later.



Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. No examples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where this material is found and now used. Throughout the south and east portion of the ancient pueblo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, where many of the remains were in a very good state of preservation, no cases of the use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a typical selenite window.



In Zui some of the kivas are provided with small external windows framed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a long time perpetuate methods and practices that had been superseded in the construction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, would necessarily be limited to openings of small size, as such use for large openings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders.

Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in external exposed walls in Zui. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what seem to be the older and least modified portions of the village. At Tusayan, however, this method of framing windows is much more noticeable, as the exceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence on Zui construction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are arranged more in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures resembling the courts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not been encroached upon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier methods seem to have been retained in greater purity than in Zui. The unbroken outer wall, of two or three stories in height, like the same feature of the old villages, is pierced at various heights with small openings that do not seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan examples of these loop-hole-like openings maybe seen in Pls. XXII, XXIII, and XXXIX.



In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on a distinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care. Openings of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the second story outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) similar loop-hole-like openings were very skillfully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle, as shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes maybe seen in Pl. LXV. This figure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners and faces of three large openings of the second story, which, though greatly undermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still held in position by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built.



It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows of a house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the temporary absence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the seasons of planting and harvesting. At such times many Zui families occupy outlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the Tusayans, in a like manner, live in rude summer shelters close to their fields. Such absence from the home pueblo often lasts for a month or more at a time. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in the roughest manner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid masonry has been used. The latter is sometimes plastered. Occasionally the sealing is done with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than the opening, held in place with mud plastering, or propped from the inside after the manner of the "stone close" previously described. Fig. 92 illustrates specimens of sealed openings in the village of Hano of the Tusayan group. The upper window is closed with a single large slab and a few small chinking stones at one side. The masonry used in closing the lower opening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the adjoining walls. Pl. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening in a detached house of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the home pueblo of Zui at the close of the harvesting season. The doorway in this case is only partly closed, leaving a window-like aperture at its top, and the stones used for the purpose are simply piled up without the use of adobe mortar.



Windows and doors closed with masonry are often met with in the remains of ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occupants were absent at the time of the destruction of the village. When large door-like openings in upper external walls were built up and plastered over in this way, as in some ruins, the purpose was to economize heat during the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would be inadequate.

Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just described, the modern pueblo builders frequently make permanent changes in such openings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows are reduced in size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the walls, apparently, with the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from their finish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity of the mud-covered wall in which they are found. Occasionally surface weathering of the walls, particularly in Zui, exposes a bit of horizontal pole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window long since sealed up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It is probable that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace of their existence on the external wall. In Zui particularly, where the original arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms must have been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, such changes are very numerous. It often happens that the addition of a new room will shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latter are often converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards. Such niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos. Changes in the character of openings are quite common in all of the pueblos. Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in the rougher and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finished houses of Zui. Pl. CVII illustrates a large, balcony-like opening in Oraibi that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by filling in with rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over the lintel of the newer door. Pl. CVIII illustrates two large openings in this village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, but the filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have been used as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the right having been provided with a small transom; the combined opening was arranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In the further conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondary transom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a small loophole window in the upper lefthand corner of the large opening was also closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left in this illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway. A small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open. It will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings have in all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry.





The clearness with which all the steps of the gradual reduction of these openings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked contrast with the obscurity of such features in Zui. In the latter group, however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has been partly closed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a window. Often in such cases the filled-in masonry is thinner than that of the adjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway is easily traced. Fig. 93, from an adobe wall in Zui, gives an illustration of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zui house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIII, has been similarly reduced in size, leaving traces of the original form in a slight offset. In modern times, both in Tusayan and Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seem to have been made with the greatest freedom, but in the ancient pueblos altered doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing of these features was more carefully considered, and the buildings were rarely subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding.

In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, seem to have been universally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being confined exclusively to doorways.

ROOF OPENINGS.

The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows is, with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes, whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in the simple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the first terrace. Pl. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground a kiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is but little difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambers and those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the former are in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumed dancers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope, conforming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while those of the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the house roofs in which they are placed. In Zui, however, where the development and use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatchways are distinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. An examination of the plans of the modern villages in Chapters II and III will show the general distribution of roof openings. Those used as hatchways are distinguishable by their greater dimensions, and in many cases by the presence of the ladders that give access to the rooms below. The smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructed in essentially the same manner as the trap doors, and the width is usually regulated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. The second series of small roof poles is interrupted at the sides of the opening, which sides are finished by means of carefully laid small stones in the same manner as are projecting copings. This finish is often carried several inches above the roof and crowned with narrow stone slabs, one on each of the four sides, forming a sort of frame which protects the mud plastered sides of the opening from the action of the rains. Examples of this simple type may be seen in many of the figures illustrating Chapters II and III, and in Pl. XCVII. Fig. 94 also illustrates common types of roof openings seen in Zui. Two of the examples in this figure are of openings that give access to lower rooms. Occasional instances are seen in this pueblo in which an exaggerated height is given to the coping, the result slightly approaching a square chimney in effect. Fig. 95 illustrates an example of this form.







In Zui, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openings occur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roof drainage. These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with coping stones laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a thin slab on edge, as illustrated in Fig. 96.



Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form.

The special object of this arrangement is in some cases difficult to determine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof always takes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative to drainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on the slightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no means constant. Roof holes on the west side of the village in such positions as to be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail here during certain months of the year seem in some cases to have in view protection against the flying sand. We do not meet with evidence of any fixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many cases these trap holes are provided with a thin slab of sandstone large enough to cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fair weather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed to cover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown in Fig. 97.



When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab at one end, it has a steep pitch, to shed water, and at the same time light and air are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this is the result of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possible development of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimentary chimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys. A development in this direction would possibly be suggested by the desirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenient smoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the attention of the Indian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace, they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat.





The survival to the present time of such an inconvenient arrangement in the kivas can be explained only on the ground of the intense conservatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In the small roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be so practicable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which they have been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of masonry or adobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping over walls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for the admission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The ladder for access rests against the coping.

When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certain peculiarities in which they differ from the ordinary form used in dwellings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admit dancers in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roof openings to be found in Zui, are framed with pieces of wood. The methods of holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail. It is quite likely that recent examples, while still preserving the form and general appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence that the builders had used their knowledge of improved methods of joining and finishing.

As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing, by the addition of a cross piece, divides the opening unequally. The smaller aperture is situated immediately above the fireplace (which conforms to the ancient type without chimney and located in the open floor of the room) and is very evidently designed to furnish an outlet to the smoke. In a chamber having no side doors or windows, or at most very small square windows, and consequently no drafts, the column of smoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically from the roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is used for ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests that at no very remote period one opening was used to answer both purposes, as it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction in which differentiation of functions began to take place, which in the kiva was delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling, when in the civil architecture it may have been the initial point of a development that culminated in the chimney, a development that was assisted in its later steps by suggestions from foreign sources. In the more primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simply laid on without any cutting in. The central piece is held in place by a peg set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladder helping to hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has been somewhat improved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertained whether these were of later date or not.

In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are "halved" in the manner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by a pin as shown in Fig. 99.

The use of a frame of wood in these trapdoors dates back to a comparatively high antiquity, and is not at all a modern innovation, as one would at first be inclined to believe. Their use in so highly developed a form in the ceremonial chamber is an argument in favor of antiquity. Only two examples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan in a ruined pueblo on the Animas. "One of these measured 16 by 17 inches and the other was 16 inches square. Each was formed in the floor by pieces of wood put together. The work was neatly done."[8]

[Footnote 8: Contributions to N.A. Ethnology, vol. 4. House Life, etc., p. 182.]





Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not describe in detail the manner in which the joining was effected, or whether the pieces were halved or cut to fit. It seems hardly likely, considering the rude facilities possessed by the ancients, that the enormous labor of reducing large pieces of wood to such interfitting shapes would have been undertaken. A certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arranging the principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at right angles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kiva roof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, is paralleled in the excavated lodges of the San Francisco Mountains, where a single opening served this double purpose. A slight recess or excavation in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for the exit of smoke.

At the village of Acoma the kiva trapdoors differ somewhat from the Zui form. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no opportunity was afforded of ascertaining from the Indians the special purpose of the mode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, as in Zui, but the portion against which the ladder leans, instead of being made into a smoke vent, is provided with a small roof. These roof holes to the ceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open air, while in the dwelling rooms it seems customary (much more customary than at Zui) to enter the lower stories through trapdoors within upper rooms. In many instances second-story rooms have no exterior rooms but are entered from rooms above, contrary to the usual arrangement in both Tusayan and Cibola. All six of the kivas in this village are provided with this peculiarly constructed opening.

In Zui close crowding of the cells has led to an exceptionally frequent use of roof-lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders was greatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The roof hole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access and light for the first terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is here used in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air. In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has led to the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directly modeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularly frequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house No. 1. The exceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, with the consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuity of the Zui to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings here assuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere.

In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clustering of the Zui houses has led to the invention of a curious device for lighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. This consists of an opening, usually of oval or subrectangular form in elevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. This opening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as shown in the sections, Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within the room just at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the wall. With the meager facilities and rude methods of the Zui, this peculiar arrangement often involved weak construction, and the openings, placed so low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water from the roof. The difficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was much lessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceiling within.

These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of houses Nos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of the village, though they do not occur either at Acoma or in the Tusayan villages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer and continuance in use of a constructional device developed in one place by unusual conditions to a new field in which it was uncalled for, being less efficient and more difficult of introduction than the devices in ordinary use.



FURNITURE.

The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in which the term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain features which are more or less closely embodied in the house construction and which answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothes rack for ordinary wearing apparel, extra blankets, robes, etc., has already been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes and ceremonial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are stored away in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms.



The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a thin filling-in wall, and which answer the purpose of cupboards or receptacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also been described and illustrated in connection with the Zui interior (Pl. LXXXVI).



In many houses, both in Tusayan and in Cibola, shelves are constructed for the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are often constructed in a very primitive manner, particularly in the former province. An unusually frail example may be seen in Fig. 67, in connection with a fireplace. Fig. 101, showing a series of mealing stones in a Tusayan house, also illustrates a rude shelf in the corner of the room, supported at one end by an upright stone slab and at the other by a projecting wooden peg. Shelves made of sawed boards are occasionally seen, but as a rule such boards are considered too valuable to be used in this manner. A more common arrangement, particularly in Tusayan, is a combination of three or four slender poles placed side by side, 2 or 3 inches apart, forming a rude shelf, upon which trays of food are kept.

Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblo house, is a pocket or bin built into the corner of a room. Fig. 101, illustrating the plan of a Tusayan house, indicates the position of one of these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown in Fig. 102. This bin, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like, is formed by cutting off a corner of the room by setting two stone slabs into the floor, and it is covered with the mud plastering which extends over the neighboring walls.

A curious modification of this device was seen in one of the inner rooms in Zui, in the house of Jos Pi. A large earthen jar, apparently an ordinary water vessel, was built into a projecting masonry bench near the corner of the room in such a manner that its rim projected less than half an inch above its surface. This jar was used for the same purpose as the Tusayan corner bin.





Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in which their ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of course have been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. In Zui, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for the precious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. This is an oblong box, provided with a countersunk lid, and usually carved from a single piece of wood. Typical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and 104. The workmanship displayed in these objects is not beyond the aboriginal skill of the native workman, and their use is undoubtedly ancient.









Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of the pueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household milling apparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates of varying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting position most convenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone set into the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitions between the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105, illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zui are of the same form, as maybe seen in the illustration of a Zui interior, Fig. 105. Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing walls of the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end of the series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisions being made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are not usually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in their setting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at the proper angle. This arrangement of the mealing stones is characteristic of the more densely clustered communal houses of late date. In the more primitive house the mealing stone was usually a single large piece of cellular basalt, or similar rock, in which a broad, sloping depression was carved, and which could be transported from place to place. Fig. 106 illustrates an example of this type from the vicinity of Globe, in southern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day is undoubtedly the successor of the earner moveable form, yet it was in use among the pueblos at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as the following extract from Castaeda's account[9] of Cibola will show. He says a special room is designed to grind the grain: "This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Three women sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, the second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder." It will be seen how exactly this description fits both the arrangement and the use of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanical devices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to be in advance of the achievement of this people in other directions.

[Footnote 9: Given by W. W. H. Davis in El Gringo, p. 119.]

The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondingly varying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for the first crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the final grinding on the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appliances the corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten flour. The grinding stones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ from those that were used with the early massive type of metate in being of cylindrical form.

One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against the wall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is quite narrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series comprising four mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zui, are very generally arranged in this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left behind the mills to accommodate the women who kneel at their work. Pl. LXXXVI illustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing stone is set at right angles to the other stones of the series.

Mortars are in general use in Zui and Tusayan households. As a rule they are of considerable size, and made of the same material as the rougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grinding the chile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the Zui, and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. These mortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used with a round pestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form for convenience in handling.

Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of the pueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. These consist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the loom, which need not be described in this connection. In some of the Tusayan houses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor provided with holes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening the warp, similar to those built into the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 31. No device of this kind was seen in Zui. A more primitive appliance for such work is seen in both groups of pueblos in an occasional stump of a beam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying heights. Ceiling beams are also used for stretching the warp both in blanket and belt weaving.



The furnishings of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. The meals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participants rarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled up or folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but the need of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by these Indians, who can, for hours, sit in a peculiar squatting position on their haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairs or stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are provided with the low ledge or bench around the rooms, which in earlier times seems to have been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form of seat was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on p. 132, which at the same time served a useful purpose in the adjustment of the warp threads for blanket weaving.



The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, and are usually made of a single piece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates two forms of wooden stool from Zui. The small three-legged stool on the left has been cut from the trunk of a pion tree in such a manner as to utilize as legs the three branches into which the main stem separated. The other stool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree trunk, which has been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leaving the two ends for support.



A curiously worked chair of modern form seen in Zui is illustrated in Fig. 108. It was difficult to determine the antiquity of this specimen, as its rickety condition may have been due to the clumsy workmanship quite as much as to the effects of age. Rude as is the workmanship, however, it was far beyond the unaided skill of the native craftsman to join and mortise the various pieces that go to make up this chair. Some decorative effect has been sought here, the ornamentation, made up of notches and sunken grooves, closely resembling that on the window sash illustrated in Fig. 88, and somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams seen in the Tusayan kivas. The whole construction strongly suggests Spanish influence.

Even the influence of Americans has as yet failed to bring about the use of tables or bedsteads among the pueblo Indians. The floor answers all the purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The food dishes are placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the blankets, rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly upon it. These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes pole previously described and illustrated.

CORRALS AND GARDENS.

The introduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a new and important element to their mode of living, but they seem never to have reached a clear understanding as to how these animals should be cared for. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that the lambs will be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of sheep and goats which are allowed to run together at all tunes. Black sheep and some with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. No attempt is made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, since the black and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in producing many of the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these people. The flocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures every evening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at quite a late hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving them to and from pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than those of the nomadic Navajo. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of small size and inclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may be seen in the foreground of Pl. XXI. Pl. CIX illustrates several corrals just outside the village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of somewhat larger size. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger size, approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens are rudely rectangular in form, with more or less rounded angles, and are also built of rude masonry.



In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used for inclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in Pl. LXX, illustrating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farming pueblo of Pescado. Pl. CX illustrates in detail the manner in which stone work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the construction of this inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corrals are placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, but at Zui, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearly continuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes and brush held in place by horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide. The rudely contrived gateways are supported in natural forks at the top and sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros or horses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identical with those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig. 109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and also the method of attaching the horizontal tie-pieces. The construction of these inclosures is frail, and the danger of pushing the stakes over by pressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces that abut against horizontal pieces tied on 4 or 5 feet from the ground. Reference to Pl. LXXIV will illustrate this construction.



Within the village of Zui inclosures resembling miniature corrals are sometimes seen built against the houses; these are used as cages for eagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zui for the sake of their plumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. Pl. CXI illustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobe wall and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals.

In both of the pueblo groups under discussion, small gardens contiguous to the villages are frequent. Those of Tusayan are walled in with stone.

Within the pueblo of Zui a small group of garden patches is inclosed by stake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of the principal villages are provided with low walls of mud masonry. The small terraced gardens here are near the river bank on the southwest and southeast sides of the village. The inclosed spaces, averaging in size about 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers, beans, etc., which, during the dry season, are watered by hand. These inclosures, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probable explanation for similar inclosures found in many of the ruins in the southern and eastern portions of the ancient pueblo region. Mr. Bandelier was informed by the Pimas[10] that these inclosures were ancient gardens. He concluded that since acequias were frequent in the immediate vicinity these gardens must have been used as reserves in case of war, when the larger fields were not available, but the manner of their occurrence in Zui suggests rather that they were intended for cultivation of special crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhaps also of a variety of tobacco—corn, melons, squashes, etc., being cultivated elsewhere in larger tracts. There is a large group of gardens on the bank of the stream at the southeastern corner of Zui, and here there are slight indications of terracing. A second group on the steeper slope at the southwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walled gardens of the same type as these Zui examples occur in the vicinity of some of the Tusayan villages on the middle mesa. They are located near the springs or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand. Some of them contain a few small peach trees in addition to the vegetable crops ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule, smaller than those of Zui, as there is much less space available in the vicinity of the springs. At one point on the west side of the first mesa, a few miles above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quite an extensive series of small garden patches distributed over lower slopes.

[Footnote 10: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 92.]





At several points around Zui, usually at a greater distance than the terrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similar manner. Their inclosure was simply to secure them against the depredations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When the crops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the low wall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. Pl. LIX indicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches on the southeastern side of Zui. Fig. 110, taken from photographs made in 1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops and a large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls as contrasted with that of the house masonry has been already described and is illustrated in Pl. XC.

"KISI" CONSTRUCTION.

Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fields were probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Such shelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which material was most available.

In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooks naturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters. In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion, however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan these lighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties, are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of construction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interest as affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruder neighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of the details of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an opportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used in these pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the "tuwahlki," or watch house, and the "kishoni," or uncovered shade. The former is constructed by first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one end of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between this ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks and brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with a maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the accommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until the fruit is harvested.



The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps the simplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplings are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved inclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid with stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6 or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of small cottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the outside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings with cottonwood and willow twigs.



Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter in Tusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade the level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable retreat.





ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE.

The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the terms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayan houses and kivas:

Kikoli The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace. Tupubi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace. Ahpabi } A terrace roof. Ihpobi } Tupatca ihpobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering place. Tumtcokobi "The place of the flat stone;" small rooms in which "piki," or paper-bread, is baked. "Tuma," the piki stone, and "tcok" describing its flat position. Tupatca "Where you sit overhead;" the third story. Omi Ahpabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it upon the roof of the "kikoli." Kitcobi "The highest place;" the fourth story. Tuhkwa A wall. Puce An outer corner. Apaphucua An inside corner. Lestabi The main roof timbers. Winakwapi Smaller cross poles. "Winahoya," a small pole, and "Kwapi," in place. Kahab kwapi The willow covering. Sibi kwapi The brush covering. Sih kwapi The grass covering. Kiam balawi The mud plaster of roof covering, "Balatlelewini," to spread. Tcukatcvewata Dry earth covering the roof. "Tcuka," earth, "katuto," to sit, and "atcvewata," one laid above another. Kiami An entire roof. Kwopku The fireplace. Kwitcki "Smoke-house," an inside chimney-hood. Sibvuttkmula A series of bottomless jars piled above each other, and luted together as a chimney-top. Sibvu A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney pot. Bokci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than a doorway. Hitci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also applied to a gap in a cliff. Hitci Kalauwata A door frame. Taata A lintel; literally, "that holds the sides in place." Wuwkpi "The place step;" the door sill. Niuhpi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the lintel. Panaptca tcpi bokci A window; literally, "glass covered opening." Utcpi A cover. Ahpabtcpi } A door. "Apab," inside; wina, a pole. Winatcpi } Owa tcpp "Stone cover," a stone slab. Tika A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa. Kiami An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and roof layers have the same names as in the kiva, given later. Wĭnaki Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the walls. Balkakini "Spread out;" the floor. Otcokph "Leveled with stones;" a raised level for the foundation. Balkakini twi "Floor ledge;" the floor of one room raised above that of an adjoining one. Hakola "Lower place;" the floor of a lower room. Sand dunes in a valley are called "Hakolpi." Koltci A shelf. Owakoltci A stone shelf. Tap kita A support for a shelf. Winakoltci A hewn plank shelf. Kokini A wooden peg in a wall. Tleta A shelf hanging from the ceiling. Tlethaipi The cords for suspending a shelf. Tklci A niche in the wall. Tkli A stone mortar. Mata The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn. Owamata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs. Mataki The metate or grinding slab. Kakomta mataki The coarsest grinding slab. Talak mataki The next finer slab; from "talaki" to parch crushed corn in a vessel at the fire. Pinymta mataki The slab of finest texture; from "pin," fine. Mata tci The upright partition stones separating the metates. The rubbing stones have the same names as the metates. Hawiwita A stone stairway. Ttbe hawiwita A stairway pecked into a cliff face. Saka A ladder. Winahawipi Steps of wood. Kicka The covered way. Hitcuywa "Opening to pass through;" a narrow passage between houses. Kisombi "Place closed with houses;" courts and spaces between house groups. Bavwakwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping.



In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same names as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described on pp. 148-151.

Lestabi The main roof timbers. Winakwapi The smaller cross poles. Kahab kwapi The willow covering. Sibi kwapi The brush covering. Sih kwapi The grass covering. Tcukatcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof. Kiambalawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof. Kiami An entire roof.

The following terms are used to specially designate various features of the kivas:

Tpatcaiata, Both of these terms are used to designate lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the Lestabkwapi, } hatchway walls rest. Snacabi lestabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the hatchway. Ĕpeoka lestabi The main beams next to the central ones. Pepeoka lestabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams intervening between the "epeoka" and the end beams are so designated. Kalabeoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva. Mataowa "Stone placed with hands." Hzrowa "Hard stone." Both of these latter terms are applied to corner foundation stones. Kwak tcpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering hatchway opening, Fig. 29. "Kwaku," wild hay; "utepi," a stopper. Tpatcaiata The raised hatchway; "the sitting place," Fig. 95. Tpatcaiata tkwa The walls of the hatchway. Kipatctjuata The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway, Fig. 28. Apaphoya Small niches in the wall. "Apap," from "apabi," inside, and "hoya," small. Sipaph An archaic term. The etymology of this word is not known. Kwŏpkota The fireplace. "Kwuhi," coals or embers; "kaiti," head. Kŏitci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway. "Ko-hu," wood; Fig. 28. Kokina Pegs in the walls. Saka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder. Figs. 45-47. Sakaleta Ladder rungs; "Leta," from "lestabi;" see above. Tvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the floor. "Tu-vwi," a ledge; Fig. 24. Tvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The same term is used to designate any ledge, as that of a mesa, etc. Katcin Kib "Katcina," house. The niche in a ledge at the end of the kiva. Kwisa The planks set into the floor, to which the lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened. Kaintupha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean Kivakani } "the large space." Tapwtci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long, set into the floor. Winawtci A plank. Owaphimiata "Stone spread out;" the flagged floor; also designates the slabs covering the hatchway. Yauwiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding the loom beam while the warp is being adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132.



The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces.





CONCLUDING REMARKS.

The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography than did their predecessors even of historic times.

Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to the valley types—villages of considerable size, located in open plains or on the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans in Chapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the necessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, so that now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesa summits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although compelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessible summit of Taaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population of which afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained only by building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence on the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, while at Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied in modern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In both provinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portions of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by less skillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happens to contain a notable exception to this general carelessness.

In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position, notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the Fire House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, since the Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zui, are made up of remnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of the Indians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zui, built a number of pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the present paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonial room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here discussed.

The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being no greater than would result from the slightly different conditions that have operated within the last few generations. Zui, perhaps, came more directly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan.

Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but it is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression on the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At some of the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of the village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; but such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to have been attempted. Zui is an apparent exception; but all the house clusters east of the church have probably been built later than the church itself, the church court of the present village being a much larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in stone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the composition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe.

At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are complete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblos built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied only in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the valleys below.



It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have been from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and regarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished but once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midst of desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with "Aztecs" and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is amply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on this subject.

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes, clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliff dwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present Pueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period.

The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends collected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursued their wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they halted many times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certain places on their routes during a certain number of "plantings," always building the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up the march.

When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their replies are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from the north, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a confederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries and groups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally referred to as having been important are now represented by few survivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each phratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings of their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, and refer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the case of others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cave lodges is known to have occurred within historic times.

Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former times occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as the early homes of "Aztec colonies," etc.

The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environment indicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that now prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the sandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffs throughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small pieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of the pueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselves give an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness with which the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the last chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the walls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry would suggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection and arrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco ruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface finish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more irregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by carefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones and fragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; this method is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders.

Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkable adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influence of such environment would not alone suffice to produce this architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another element was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuous influence of this defensive motive throughout the period of their occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, who had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been influenced more by the physical environment and would have progressed further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular rooms—the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo architecture—would not have been brought into action. The crowding of many habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site, resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the conditions imposed by this necessity for defense.



The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein the ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional materials about them, both by the difficult conditions of their semi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection against their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village of many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zui, perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught the builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the material was derived from the nearest available source, and often variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work does not display great skill in construction or in preparation of material. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundance of material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult and inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply, compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was an important factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in the building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of the climate remains unaltered.

The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent employment.

The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has greatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the long practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparative security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognize the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sites difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are necessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in the building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main villages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing the defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the newest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking example within the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as the country comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resulted in the more careless construction in modern examples as compared with the ancient.

There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of building many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more convenient system, employing scattered small houses, located near springs and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to a mode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo prior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl. LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on the outskirts of Zui, across the river from the main pueblo.

The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation progresses. Mr. Cushing's study of the Zui social, political, and religious systems has clearly established their essential identity in grade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weaving, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many tribes who build ruder dwellings.

In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their neighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive character of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the environment.



INDEX

Acoma, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 direction of kivas of 116 kiva trap-doors at 207 Adobe, use in Tusayan 54, 78 use in Zui attributed to foreign influence 139 necessity for protecting against rain 156 used in Spanish churches 224 Adobe balls used in garden walls 146 Adobe bricks, in Hawikut church 81 use modern in Zui 138 Adobe mortar, in Taaiyalana structures 90 Cibola and Tusayan use of, compared 137 Adobe walls on stone foundation at Moenkopi 78 ikoka. See Acoma 30 Aiyhokwi, the descendants of the Asa at Zui 30 Alleyway, Hawikuh 81 Altar, conformity of, to direction of kiva 116 Andiron, Shumopavi 176 Annular doorway 192, 193 Apache, inroads upon Tusayan by the 25, 26, 35 exposure of southern Cibola to the 96 Architectural nomenclature 220, 223 Architecture, comparison of constructional details of Tusayan and Cibola 100-223 adaption to defense 226, 227 adaption to environment 225, 226, 227, 228 Art, textile and fictile, degree of Pueblo advancement in 227 Arts of Cibola and Tusayan closely related 224 Asa, migrations of the 30, 31 language of the 37 houses of, Hano 61 Asanyumu. See Asa. Awatubi, survey of 14 Spanish mission established at 22 when and by whom built 29 settlement of the Asa at 30 attacked by the Walpi 34 description of ruins of 49, 50 possession of sheep by the 50 clay tubes used as roof drains at 155 fragments of passage wall at 181 Aztecs, ruined structures attributed to the 225

Badger people leave Walpi 31 Baho, use of, in kiva consecratory ceremonies 119-120, 129, 130 Balcony, notched and terraced 187 Banded masonry 145 Bandelier, A. F., description of chimney 173 explorations of 197 on ancient stone inclosures 216 Bat house, description of ruin of 52 Btni, the first pueblo of the Snake people of Tusayan 18 Bedsteads not used by Pueblos 214 Beams, Tusayan kivas, taken from Spanish church at Shumopavi 76 for supporting upper walls 144 modern finish of 149 construction of steps upon 162 for supporting passageway wall 181 Chaco pueblos, how squared 184 Bear people, settlement in Tusayan of the 20, 26 removal to Walpi of the 21, 27 movements of 27, 30, 31, 38 Bear-skin-rope people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27 Benches or ledges of masonry, Zui rooms 110 Tusayan kivas 121, 123, 125 Mashongnavi mungkiva 127 around rooms of pueblo houses 213 Bins for storage in Tusayan rooms 109, 209, 210 Blankets formerly used to cover doorways 182, 188, 189, 194 Blue Jay people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27 Bond stones used in pueblo walls 144, 198 Boss, or andiron, Shumopavi 176 Boundary line, Hano and Sichumovi 36 Boundary mark, Shumopavi and Oraibi 28 Boxes for plumes 210 Bricks of adobe modern in Zui 138 Brush, use of, in roof construction 150 Brush shelters 217-219 Burial custom of K'iakima natives 86 Burial inclosures at K'iakima 147 Burial place of Zui 148 Burrowing Owl people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26 Buttress, formerly of Halona, existing in Zui 88, 89 Buttress projections, Zui 111 Tusayan rooms 109, 110 girders supported by 144 chimney supported by 172, 173 support of passageway roofs by 181

Cages for eagles at Zui 214 Canyon de Chelly, proposed study of ruins of 14 Tusayan, tradition concerning villages of 19 early occupancy of, by the Bear people at Tusayan 20 occupied by the Asa 30 use of whitewash in cliff houses of 74, 145 circular kivas of 117, 133 finish of roofs of houses of 150, 151 doorway described and figured 190 cliff dwellings of 217 Casa Blanca, traces of whitewashing at 145 Castaeda's account of Cibolan milling 211, 212 Cattle introduced into Tusayan 22 Cave lodges occupied in historic times 225 Cave used by inhabitants of Kwaituki 57 Ceiling plan of Shupaulovi kiva 123, 125, 126 Ceilings, retention of original appearance of rooms through nonrenovation of 89 Cellars not used in Tusayan and Cibola 143 Ceremonial chamber. See Kiva. Ceremonial paraphernalia of Tusayan taken by the Navajo 50 Ceremonies connected with Tusayan house-building 100-104, 168 Ceremonies accompanying kiva construction 115, 118 Ceremonies performed at placing of Zui ladders 160 Chaco ruins, character of 14, 70 compared with Kin-tiel 92 finish of masonry of 140, 226 upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144 finish of woodwork of 149, 184 symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195 loop-holes in walls of 198 Chairs, lack of in Pueblo houses 212 Chalowe, description of 83 Charred roof timbers of Tusayan kiva 120 Chimney. See Fireplace. Chimney-hoods, how constructed 169-175 Chimneys, traces of in K'iakima 85 remains of, at Matsaki 86 Tusayan 102 Zui 111 described and figured 167-180 Chukubi pueblo, built by the Squash people 25 description 58, 59 fragments of passage wall at 181 Church, Shumopavi, established by Spanish monks 75, 76 Hawikuh 81, 138 Ketchipauan, remains of 81, 82 in court of Zui 98, 138, 148 See Mission. Churches established in Zui and Tusayan 224 Cibola, ruins and inhabited villages of 80-99 architecture of compared with that of Tusayan 100-223 See Zui. Circular doorway of Kin-tiel described 192 Circular kivas, antiquity of 116 traditional references to 135 absent in Cibolan pueblos 224 Circular room at Oraibi Wash 54-55 Circular rooms at Kin-tiel 93 Circular wall of kiva near Sikyatki 117 Clay surface of pueblo roofs 151 Clay tubes used as roof drains 155 Cliff dwellings, Moen-kopi 54 use of whitewash in 74 absence of chimneys in 168 developed from temporary shelters 217 occupied in historic times 225 Climatic conditions, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 140, 227 Clustering of Taaiyalana ruins 89-90 Cochit claimed to be a former Tewa pueblo 37 Communal village, development of pueblo architecture from conical lodge to 226 Consecration of kivas 129 Contours represented on plans, interval of 45 Cooking, pueblo method of 164 Cooking pits and ovens described 162-166, 176-177 Cooking stones of Tusayan, flames of 104 Copings of walls described 151-152 Coping of hatchways 203 Coping. See Roof-coping. Cords, used for suspending chimney 170 Corner stones of Tusayan kivas 119 Corrals, Payupki 59 Sichumovi 62-63 Hawikuh 81 Ketchipauan 81 modern, at K'iakima 85 how constructed 146 described in detail 214-217 Cotton cultivated by the Tusayan 33 Courts, Mishiptonga 52 Kwaituki 56 Chukubi 59 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63 Mashongnavi 68 Shupaulovi 71 Shumopavi 74 Hawikuh 81 Ketchipauan 81 Matsaki 86 Taaiyalana 90 Kin-tiel 92 Pescado 95 Zui 98 Covered way, how developed 76 Covered passages and gateways described 180-182 Coyote people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26 Coyote kiva, direction of the 116 Crossbars used in fastening wooden doors 183 Crosspieces of ladders 159 Cruzate, visit to Awatubi of 49 Culture of pueblo tribes, degree of 227 Cushing, Frank H., identifies K'iakima as scene of death of Estevanico 86 excavations at Halona 88, 193 opinion concerning western wall of Halona 89 opinion concerning distribution of Taaiyalana ruins 89-90 on the former occupancy of Kin-tiel 92 Haloua identified as one of the Seven Cities of Cibola 97 on Zui tradition concerning stone-close 192

Dais of kivas 121, 122, 123 Dance ceremony in kiva consecration 130 Dance rock, Tusayan, reference to snake dance of 65 Dbris, how indicated in plans of ruins 45 an indication of original height of walls 90 Decoration, house openings 145-146 Kiva roof timbers 119, 120 ladder crosspieces 159 roof beams 123, 124 wall of Mashongnavi house 146 wooden chair 213 Zui window sashes 196 Deer horns used as pegs in Zui 111 Defense, wall for, at Bat House 52 a motive for selection of dwelling site 56 architecture relied upon for 58 method of, of Payupki 59, 60 not a factor in selection of Mashongnavi site 67 features of, at Ojo Calient 69 wall for, at Pueblo Bonito 70 features of, at Tusayan and Zui compared 76 sites chosen for, inconvenient to sources of subsistence 77 use of Kelchipauan church for, by natives 82 the motive of occupation of Taaiyalana mesa 90 provision for, at Kin-tie 92, 93 provisions for, in Ketchipauan church 96 motive for, dying out in Zui 96-97 efficiency of, at Zui 97 not a motive in selection of site of Zui 97 gateways arranged for 180, 182 loopholes for 198 adaptation of architecture to 225 Doors to ground floor rooms of Zui 143 Doors of various lands described 183-194 Doorway, Walpi kiva, closed with cottonwood slab 64 Kin-tiel 93 position of, in Tusayan 103 stepped form in Tusayan 109 how sealed against intrusion 110 window and chimney in one 121 annular 193 Doorways, closed with masonry 183, 187, 188, 189 why made small 197 Drainage of roof, relations of certain roof openings to 203-204 Drains of roofs described 153-156 Drains. See roof drains.

Eagle cages of Zui 214 Eagle people, migration legend of the 28 Earth used in pueblo roof construction 150 Eaves, lack of, in Tusayan houses 102 Echo Cave fireplace described 168 Entrances, uniformity of direction of, in Zui kivas 116 Environment, adaptation, of architecture to 225, 226, 227, 228 Estevanico's death, at K'iakima 86 Estufa. See Kiva.

Families occupying Oraibi 105-108 Farming outlook, Matsaki used as 86 near Kin-tiel 93 Farming pueblos, Cibola 14 Moen-kopi 77 Nutria 94, 95 Pescado 95-96 Ojo Caliente 96 Zui 198 Fastenings of doors 186 Feathers, use of, in house-building ceremonies 101, 102 Feather wand or baho used in kiva-building ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130 Fences of corrals and gardens 215, 217 Fetiches, where placed during kiva ceremonial 122 Tusayan kivas 130, 131 Fire gens, Tebugkihu constructed by the 57 Fire-house or Tebugkihu, Tusayan 20, 57, 100, 142, 224 Fire people of Tusayan, migration of the 20 Fireplaces 102, 109, 121, 125, 163, 167-180 Floor, Mashongnavi house 109 stone flags, Tusayan kiva 121 sandstone slabs, Shupaulovi kiva 123 Floors in pueblo buildings, various kinds described 121, 135, 148-151 Folk-tale of the Zui, describing stone-close 193 Food sacrifices in Tusayan house building 101, 102 Fortress houses the highest type of Pueblo construction 77 Frames of trap-doors, method of making 206 Framing of windows, method of 196-198 Fuel, how stored in Tusayan 103 Fuel used in kivas 121 Fuel of kivas, where stored 124 Furniture of the Pueblos described 208-214

Gardens and corrals of the Pueblos 214-217 Gardens and garden walls 215-217 Garden walls, how constructed 146 Gateway at Awatubi 49 Gateway jambs at Kin-tiel, finish of 181 Gateways, probable existence in Kin-tiel of 93 Gateways and covered passages described 180-182 Gateways of corrals 214 Genesis myth of the Tusayan 16 Gentes of Tusayan, grouping of houses by 24 land apportionment by 29 list of traditionary 38 localization of 104-108 Girders supporting upper walls 144 Tusayan houses supported by piers 151 Glass used in modern Pueblo windows 193 Glazing of Pueblo windows 196, 197 Goat kiva of Walpi, height of 119 Gourd used as roof drain 154, 155 Grass, use of, in roof construction 150 Graves, probable existence of, in Kin-tiel 93 Gravestones at K'iakima 85, 86, 147 Greasewood, the ordinary kiva fuel 121 Grinding stones. See Metate; Milling. Ground plan, Mashongnavi room 108 Shupaulovi kiva 125 Ground plans of Zui and Tusayan compared 76 of mesa villages influenced by prevailing winds 182 Guyave or piki oven 173, 175 Gyarzobi or Paroquet kiva, roof timbers of 120 Gypsum used as whitewash 73, 74, 172

Hairdressing among the Tusayan 37 Halona, description of 88, 89 remains of the nucleus of Zui 97, 98 walls of the nucleus of modern Zui 138 stone-close at, described 193 "Halving" of timbers in kiva trap-frames 206 Hampassawan, description of 83-85 Hand-holds cut in faces of cliffs 191 Hand-holds in frames of trap-doors 192 Hano, Asa group occupy site of 30 description of 61, 62 direction of kivas of 115 kiva, ownership of 134 kivas, list of 136 rude transom over roof beam in 187 sealed openings in 199 Hano people, length of time spent in Tusayan by the 35 received by the Tusayan 36 trouble between the Walpi and 37 Hanomuh, the inhabitants of Hano 17 definition of 36 Hano traditions regarding settlement in Tusayan 35 Harvest time, how determined in Zui 148 Hatchways to pueblo houses 110, 120, 121, 124, 127 Hawikuh, description of 80, 81 Hawikuh church, durability of masonry of 138 Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition, excavations at Halona 193 High-house people, a Navajo clan 30 Hinged sashes not in use in Zui 196 Hinges of Pueblo doors 184 Hodge, F. Webb, on stone-close of Halona 193 Holmes, William H., on ruins of the San Juan 147 Homlobi, the early home of the Sun and Water peoples 29 legend of Water people concerning 31 Hopituh, the native name of the Tusayan 17 Hopituh marriage within phratries and gentes 24 Horn House, description of ruin of 50, 51 Horn people migration legend 18 early settlement in Tusayan of the 19 House-building rites of Tusayan 100-104 House clusters in Zui, arrangement of 98 Hungo Pavie, finish of roofs in 150

Interior arrangement of pueblos 108-111 Interior of Zui house described 110 Irrigation of gardens near Walpi 217

Jackson, W. H., on ruins of the San Juan 147 photographs of pueblo ruins by 147 describes fireplace of Echo Cave 168 Jar of large size used for storage 210 Jars used in chimney construction 180 Jeditoh group of ruins 52, 53 Jemez oven-opening described 165

Kakibi, an ancient pueblo 30 Kaiwika. See Laguna 30 Kpung. See Santa Clara 37 Katchina kiva of Oraibi 135 Katchina people depart from Oraibi for eastern Tusayan villages 26, 27 Katchinkihu, occurrence of, in ruined kiva near Sikyatki 117 described 121, 123 Shupaulovi kiva 126 Mashonguavi mungkiva 127 Ktite. See Cochit. Ketchipauan church built of stone 224 Ketchipauan, description of 81-83 Kiini. See High-house people 30 K'iakima, description of 85, 86 upright stone slabs at 147 Kikoli rooms occupied in winter 103, 104, 131 Kin-tiel, description of 91-94 compared with Nutria 94 compared with Pescado 96 plan of, prearranged 100 compared with Oraibi 114 occurrence of upright stone slab at 147-148 beams of ruins of 149 upper room of, paved with stone 151 fireplace in room of 163, 168 defensive gateway at 181 Kin-tiel, finish of gateway jambs at 181 circular doorway at, described 192, 193 openings at, of uniform height 194 site of 224 Kiskobi, description of pueblo of 21 Kishoni, or uncovered shade 217-218 "Kisi" construction 217-219 Kitdauwi—the house song of Tusayan 118-119 Kiva, study of construction of 14 remains of, at Payupki 60 Mashongnavi 66 of Moen-kopi 78 origin of the name 111 ancient form of 116, 117 native explanation of position of 118 duties of mungwi, or chief of the 133 ownership of 133-134 motive for building 134-135 significance of structural plan of 135 measurements of 136 hatchways of 201-202, 205-207 openings of, at Acoma 207 See Mungkiva. Kivas, excavated, at Awatubi 50 Hano 61 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63, 64, 65 Shupaulovi 72 Shumopavi 74 Kin-tiel and Cibola compared 93 Zui, where located during Spanish occupancy 99 in Tusayan 111-137 typical plans of 118-129 dimensions of 118, 136 of, measurements of 118, 136 annually repaired by women 129 uses of 130 nomenclature of 130, 223-223 Tusayan, list of 136 nonuse of chimneys in 178 Zui, stone window-frames of 197 Kwaituki, description of ruin of 56-57 Kwlakwai, Hano tradition related by 35 Kwetcap tutwi, the second pueblo of the snake people of Tusayan 18

Ladders, arrangement in Tusayan kiva 121 withdrawal of rungs to prevent use of 113 significance of position of, in kivas 135 described 156-162 second-story terrace of Tusayan reached principally by 182 openings for, in roofs 205 Laguna, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 Lalnkobki, a female society of Tusayan 134 Land apportionment by gentes in Tusayan 29 Language of the Asa and Hano of Tusayan 37 Languages of Tusayan, tradition regarding difference in 36 Las Animas ruins, trap-door frames in 206 Latches of doors 186-187 Latch strings used on Zui doors 183 Lathing or wattling of kiva walls 126 Ledges of masonry in kivas 121 Ledges or benches around rooms 213 Lenbaki, society of Tusayan 18 Light, method of introducing, in inner rooms 207 Lighting, method of, in crowded portions of Zui 99 Lintels of old windows embedded in masonry 200 Lizard people move from Walpi 31, 38 Lock and key of wood, how made 187 Loom appurtenances 212 Loom posts of kivas 128-129, 132 Loophole-like openings in pueblo buildings 127, 198

Mamzrntiki, an Oraibi society of women 134 Mandan ladder described and figured 158 Maricopa, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32 Marriage of the Hopituh within phratries and gentes 24 Mashongnavi, origin of name of 26 settlement of Paroquet and Katchina peoples in 27 settlementof the Water people at 32 description of ruins of 48 age of masonry at 66 description of 66-70 ground plan of room of 108 direction of kivas of 115 description of dais of kiva at 122 list of kivas at 136 wall decoration at 146 notched ladder of 157-158 pi-gummi ovens at 163-164 shrines of 167 chimney hoods of 170-171 second-story fireplace at 174 doorway with transom at 190 corrals of rude stonework at 214 See Old Mashongnavi. Masonry, ancient, at Nutria 94 Ojo Caliente carelessly constructed 96 exterior, of kivas 114 Masonry of Pueblo Bonito, skill shown in 195 Mat close for kiva hatchways 127, 128 Matsaki, description of 86 sun symbol at 148 Meal, votive, used in pueblo house-building 101 Mealing trough. See Milling. Metate used as roof-drain 154, 155 Metates, or grinding stones, how arranged in pueblo houses 109, 110, 210, 211 Migration, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 15 Migration of the Tusayan 17 Migration of Tusayan Water people 31, 32 Migration of the Horn people 18, 19 Migration of the Bear people of Tusayan 20 Migration of the Asanynmu of Tusayan 30 Milling troughs of Pueblo households 109, 210, 212 Mindeleff, Cosmos, acknowledgments to 14, 15 on traditional history of Tusayan 16-41 Mindeleff, Victor, paper on pueblo architecture 3-228 Mishiptonga, description of ruin of 52-53 Mission buildings of Shumopavi 27, 75-76 Mission house at Walpi, timbers of, used in Walpi kiva 119 Missions of Tusayan 22, 49 Moen-kopi surveyed and studied 14 description of ruins of 53-54 description of village of 77 Mole people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27 Montezuma Canyon ruins, use of large stone blocks in 147 Monument marking boundary of Oraibi and Shumopavi 28 Morgan, L. H., Mandan ladder described by 158 on trap-door frames in Las Animas ruins 205 Mormon and Pueblo building compared 148 Mormons, effect of the, upon development of Moen-kopi 77 establishment of woolen mill at Moen-kopi by the 78 fort built by, at Moen-kopi 184 lock and key contrivance of 187 Mortar of adobe mud 137 Mortars used in Pueblo households 212 Mortised door in Zui house 110, 186 Mummy cave, Arizona, ruin in 64 finish of roofs in ruins of 150 Mungkiva, Mashongnavi 127 of Shupaulovi 113, 122 Tusayan 134

Namb, Tewa pueblo 37 Navajo, Asa of Tusayan live among 30 huts of, closed with blankets 189 method of sheep-herding compared with Pueblo 214 Nelson, E. W., graves unearthed by 86 collection of stone-closes by 193 Niches, use of, in kivas 121, 122 Niches formed in old window openings 110, 200, 208-209 Nomenclature of Tusayan structural details 220-223 Nmi. See Namb. Notched logs used as ladders 157-158 Nutria, compared with Kin-tiel 91 description of 91-95 Nuvayauma, old Mashongnavi tradition related by 47-48 Nuvwatikyuobi kiva 120

Oak mound kiva, Tusayan, decadence of membership of 135 Ohke. See San Juan. Ojo Caliente, a modern village 54, 96-97 chinked walls of 142 Old Mashongnavi, tradition concerning occupation of 47-48 Openings, splayed, in Ketchipauan church 82 walls of Taaiyalana structures 90 Kin-tiel walls 92, 93 oblique Zui 98, 207-208 to kivas 113-114 in wall of Zui kiva 114 in lee walls 182 Openings of Pueblo houses banded with whitewash 145-146 Oraibi, retirement of Sikytki inhabitants to 24 departure of Ketchina and Paroquet peoples from 27 settlement by the Bears of 27 traditions regarding first settlement of 27 settlement of the Water people at 33 affray between the Walpi and 35 description of 76-77 families occupying 105-108 direction of kivas of 115-116 rare use of plastering on outer walls of 144 Oraibi, notched ladders described and figured 157-158 stone steps at, figured 161 corral walls at, laid without mortar 147 distribution of gentes of 104-105 kiva for women 134 list of kivas of 137 kiva, hatchway of 201 corrals at, large size of 214 Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary stone 28 Oraibi wash, ruins on the 54-56 Orientation of kivas 115-116 Ovens at Pescado 95 upon roofs 151 various kinds described 162-166 in Zui 164-165 Oven-shaped structures described and figured 167 Oven-surface imbedded with pottery scales 139

Paintings on kiva walls 131 Palt Kivabi, the pristine habitat of the Squash and Sun people of Tusayan 25, 29 Paneled doors in modern pueblos 184-186 Parallelogramic form of Tusayan buildings 102-118 Paroquet people, settlement in Shumopavi of the 37 Partitions in Ketchipauan church 82 Partitions of upper story supported by beams 144 Passageways, Shupaulovi 72 Shumopavi 74 rarity of, at Oraibi 76 description of 180-182 Paving Shupaulovi kiva 126 Paving stones of kiva floor, how finished 125 Payupki, tradition concerning pueblo of 40 migration legend 40 description of 59-60 finish of masonry of 143 fragments of passage wall at 181 Peaches planted by the Asa people 30 Pegs, deer horns used as, in Zui 111 Pegs for suspending kiva fuel 121 Pea Blanca formerly inhabited by the Hano 35 Peasco Blanco, occurrence of upright stone slab at 148 method of roof construction at 150 Pescado compared with Kin-tiel 91 description of 95-96 corral walls at, how constructed 147 outside steps at 160 ovens at, described and figured 165-166 fragment of stone close in steps of 193 stone inclosure in court of 214 Pestles or crushers used with Pueblo mortars 212 Petroglyph, or sun-symbol at Matsaki 86 Ketchipauan church 82 legend of the Tusayan concerning 32 Phratries, Tusayan 24, 38 Pictograph on Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary monument 28 Piers of masonry for supporting girders 151 Piers. See Buttresses. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 Piki or guyave oven 173-175 Piki stone, process of making 175 Pima, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32 opinion of the, as to ancient stone inclosures 216 Pinawa, description of 86, 88 Pine invariably used for kiva ladders 135 Pink clay used in house decorations 146 Pits for cooking 163 Plan of villages, traditional mention of 104 Plans and descriptions, Tusayan ruins 45-60 inhabited villages 61-79 Cibolan ruins 80 Zui villages 94-99 Plan of pueblo houses not usually prearranged 100-162 Planting time, how determined in Zui 148 Plaster, frequent renewal of, at Shumopavi 73 Plastering, renovation of rooms by frequent 89 on outer walls in Ojo Caliente 96 custom formerly observed in 102 on floor in Mashongnavi 109 kiva walls 115 Shupaulovi kiva, condition of 124-125 Shupaulovi kiva 126 on walls 140 on masonry 144 chimney hoods 169, 172 side hole of door for fastening 183-184 Platform in floor of Tusayan kiva 121 Platform at head of steps 161-162 Plaza. See Court. Plume boxes 210 Plume stick, baho, or feather wand, used in Kiva consecratory ceremonials 119-120, 129, 130 Plume-stick shrines at Mashongnavi 167 Pojoaque, a Tewa pueblo 37 Pokwdi. See Pojoaque 37 Polaka, Hano tradition given by 35 Poles for suspension of blankets, etc. 110, 189, 208, 214 Ponobi kiva of Oraibi, wall lathing of 126 Population, enlargement of pueblos necessitated by increase of 70 Porch posts 81, 82 Poswe, a former Tewa pueblo 37 Posts of porch, remains of, at Hawikuh and Ketchipauan 81, 82 Posts sunk in floor forming part of loom 212 Pots used in chimney construction 179-180 Pottery fragments, Horn House ruin 51 Kwaituki 57 ruin on Oraibi wash 55 used in mud-plastered walls 139 Pottery of Payupki, character of 60 Poultry house of Sichumovi 167 Prayer plume, or baho, used in kiva consecratory ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130 Props used for fastening wooden doors 183 Pueblo Bonito, additions to 70 the largest yet examined 92 finish of roof of 150 stairway described 160 symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195 skill shown in masonry of 195 Pueblo buildings, mode of additions to 70, 97, 98, 102, 148-149 Pueblo construction in Tusayan and Cibola, details of 137-223 Pueblo Grande. See Kin-tiel. Pueblo openings, carelessness in placing 196 Pueblo remains, area occupied by 13 Pueblo revolt of 1680 89 Pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola compared 80 Pueblos, inhabited 61-79, 94-99 Pyramidal form of pueblo house rows 61