The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced to resort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns were unfitted to withstand attack. This seems to have been the case with the Tusayan; but that the Zui have adhered to their valley pueblo through great difficulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of the architecture itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting.

MOEN-KOPI.

About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a few families from Oraibi during the farming season, known as Moen-kopi. (Pl. XLIII). The present village is comparatively recent, but, as is the case with many others, it has been built over the remains of an older settlement. It is said to have been founded within the memory of some of the Mormon pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, named after an old Oraibi chief, recently deceased.

The site would probably have attracted a much larger number of settlers, had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the province, as in many respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. A large area of fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious springs in the side of a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The village occupies a low, rounded knoll at the junction of this branch with the main wash, which on the opposite or southern side is quite precipitous. The gradual encroachments of the Mormons for the last twenty years have had some effect in keeping the Tusayan from more fully utilizing the advantages of this site (Pl. XLII).

Moen-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There are also two detached single rooms in the village—one of them built for a kiva, though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and the other a small room with its principal door facing an adjoining row. The arrangement is about the same that prevails in the other villages, the rows having distinct back walls of rude masonry.

Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, though it is occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Some adobe work is incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and still unroofed room was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation about a foot high. There is but little adobe masonry, however, in Tusayan. Its use in this case is probably due to Mormon influence.



Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of the Mormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the product of the Navajo wool trade at this point and to establish here a completely appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series of reservoirs built in a small valley several miles away, and was conducted to a point on the Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row of houses, where the ditch terminated in a solidly constructed box of masonry. From this in turn the water was delivered through a large pipe to a turbine wheel, which furnished the motive power for the works. The ditch and masonry are shown on the ground plan of the village (Pl. XLIII). This mill was a large stone building, and no expense was spared in fitting it up with the most complete machinery. At the time of our visit the whole establishment had been abandoned for some years and was rapidly going to decay. The frames had been torn from the windows, and both the floor of the building and the ground in its vicinity were strewn with fragments of expensive machinery, broken cog-wheels, shafts, etc. This building is shown in Pl. XLV, and may serve as an illustration of the contrast between Tusayan masonry and modern stonemason's work carried out with the same material. The comparison, however, is not entirely fair, as applied to the pueblo builders in general, as the Tusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many old examples are seen in which the finish of the walls compares very favorably with the American mason's work, though the result is attained in a wholly different manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with numberless small tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a remarkably smooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in the mosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is more than ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built hastily and used for temporary occupation as a farming center. In the winter the place is usually abandoned, the few families occupying it during the farming months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivities and ceremonials.



CHAPTER III.

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF CIBOLA.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.

Though the surroundings of the Cibolan pueblos and ruins exhibit the ordinary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not the monotonous and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas and valleys of Tusayan. The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar and pion, as in Tusayan, form a conspicuous feature of the landscape, but the cliffs are often diversified in color, being in cases composed of alternating bands of light gray and dark red sandstone, which impart a considerable variety of tints to the landscape. The contrast is heightened by the proximity of the Zui Mountains, an extensive timber-bearing range that approaches within 12 miles of Zui, narrowing down the extent of the surrounding arid region.

Cibola has also been more generously treated by nature in the matter of water supply, as the province contains a perennial stream which has its sources near the village of Nutria, and, flowing past the pueblo of Zui, disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the river empties into the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan pueblos are built on the foothills of mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded by broad fields, while the Tusayan villages are perched upon mesa promontories that overlook the valley lands used for cultivation.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.

HAWIKUH.

The village of Hawikuh, situated about 15 miles to the south of Zui, consisted of irregular groups of densely clustered cells, occupying the point of a spur projecting from a low rounded hill. The houses are in such a ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and these are much obscured by dbris. This dbris covers the entire area extending down the east slope of the hill to the site of the church. The large amount of dbris and the comparative thinness of such walls as are found suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered, and carried to the height of several stories. Much of the space between the village on the hill and the site of the Spanish church on the plain at its foot is covered with masonry dbris, part of which has slid down from above (Pl. XLVI).



The arrangement suggests a large principal court of irregular form. The surrounding clusters are very irregularly disposed, the directions of the prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in different groups. There is a suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alleyways leading to the principal one.

The church, built on the plain below at a distance of about 200 feet from the main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groups of rooms and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat in character from those within the village. These groups are scattered and open, and the small amount of debris leads to the conclusion that this portion of the village was not more than a single story in height. (Pl. XLVII.)

The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige of constructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts in a building near the church. The governor of Zui stated that these posts were part of a projecting porch similar to those seen in connection with modern houses. (See Pls. LXXI, LXXV.) Suggestions of this feature are met with at other points on the plain, but they all occur within the newer portion of the village around the church. Some of the larger inclosures in this portion of the village were very lightly constructed, and cover large areas. They were probably used as corrals. Inclosures for this purpose occur at other pueblos traditionally ascribed to the same age.

The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without the introduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been molded with an unusual degree of care. The massive angles of the northwest, or altar end of the structure, have survived the stonework of the adjoining village and stand to-day 13 feet high. (Pl. XLVIII.)

KETCHIPAUAN.

The small village of Ketchipauan appears to have been arranged about two courts of unequal dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, how much of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of later construction. (Pl. XLIX.)

All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure or corral, whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonry from the surrounding houses, leaving the central space clear. This wall on the northeast side of the large inclosure apparently follows the jogs and angles of the original houses. This may have been the outer line of rooms, as traces of buildings occur for some distance within it. On the opposite side the wall is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slight projection. Here some traces of dwellings occur outside of the wall in places to a depth of three rooms. The same thing occurs also at the north corner. The continuation of these lines suggests a rectangular court of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by groups of compartments averaging three rooms deep. (Pl. L.)

Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in the village, but they apparently do not conform to the original courts.

At the present time dwelling rooms are traceable over a portion of the area south and west of the church. As shown on the plan, upright posts occasionally occur. These appear to have been incorporated into the original walls, but the latter are so ruined that this can not be stated positively, as such posts have sometimes been incorporated in modern corral walls. In places they suggest the balcony-like feature seen in modern houses, as in Hawikuh, but in the east portion of the pueblo they are irregularly scattered about the rooms. A considerable area on the west side of the ruin is covered with loosely scattered stones, affording no suggestions of a ground plan. They do not seem sufficient in amount to be the remains of dwelling rooms.

The Spanish church in this pueblo was built of stone, but the walls were much more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is well preserved, most of the walls standing 8 or 10 feet high, and in places 14 feet. This church was apparently built by Indian labor, as the walls everywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic of the native work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construction has survived the dwelling houses.

The ground plan of the church shows that the openings were splayed in the thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45. In the doorway, in the east end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on the inside, a rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north side, this arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the south side are indications of a similar opening, but at the present time the wall is so broken out that no well defined jamb can be traced, and it is impossible to determine whether the splayed opening was used or not. The stones of the masonry are laid with extreme care at the angles and in the faces of these splays, producing a highly finished effect.

The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggests that the floor of the church had been raised somewhat above the ground, and that there may have been a cellar-like space under it. No beams are now found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the "altar" end of the church. At the present time there are low partitions dividing the inclosed area into six rooms or cells. The Indians state that these were built at a late date to convert the church into a defense against the hostile Apache from the south. These partitions apparently formed no part of the original design, yet it is difficult to see how they could have served as a defense, unless they were intended to be roofed over and thus converted into completely inclosed rooms. A stone of somewhat larger size than usual has been built into the south wall of the church. Upon its surface some native artist has engraved a rudely drawn mask.

[numbering gap]

About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the low mesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir of large size which furnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. The ordinary supply was probably derived from the valley below, where water is found at no great distance from the pueblo. Springs may also have formerly existed near the village, but this reservoir, located where the drainage of a large area discharges, must have materially increased the water supply. The basin or depression is about 110 feet in diameter and its present depth in the center is about 4 feet; but it has undoubtedly been filled in by sediment since its abandonment. More than half of its circumference was originally walled in, but at the present time the old masonry is indicated only by an interrupted row of large foundation stones and fallen masonry. Some large stones, apparently undisturbed portions of the mesa edge, have been incorporated into the inclosing masonry. The Indians stated that originally the bottom of this basin was lined with stones, but these statements could not be verified. Without excavation on the upper side, the basin faded imperceptibly into the rising ground of the surrounding drainage. Other examples of these basin reservoirs are met with in this region.

CHALOWE.

About 15 north of west from Hawikuh, and distant 1 miles from it, begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two low elevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from the group of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. The southernmost of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feet in diameter. Another cluster, measuring about 30 feet by 20, lies immediately north of it, with an intervening depression of a foot or so. About 475 feet northwest occurs a group of three rooms situated on a slight rise, A little east of north and a half a mile distant from the latter is a small hill, upon which is located a cluster of about the same form and dimensions as the one first described. Several more vaguely defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but they are all of small dimensions.

This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to the traditional accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by the general name of Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the time of the first arrival of the Spaniards. The general character and arrangement however, are so different from the prevailing type in this region that it seems hardly probable that it belonged to the same people and the same age as the other ruins.

No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the small amount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only one story high. Yet the dbris of masonry may have been largely covered up by drifting sand. Now it is hardly possible to trace the rooms, and over most of the area only scattered stones mark the positions of the groups of dwellings.

HAMPASSAWAN.

Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have been one of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing now remains but two detached rooms, both showing vestiges of an upper story. With this exception, the destruction of the village is complete and only a low rise in the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed position, the fallen walls have been completely covered with drifting sand and earth, no vestige of the buildings showing through the dense growth of sagebrush that now covers it.





The two surviving rooms referred to appear to have been used from time to time, as outlooks over corn fields close by, and as a defense against the Navajo. Their final abandonment, and that of the cultivation of the adjoining fields, is said to have been due to the killing of a Zui there, by the Navajo, within very recent times. These rooms have been several times repaired, the one on the west particularly. In the latter an additional wall has been built upon the northern side, as shown on the plan, Fig. 15. The old roof seems to have survived until recently, for, although at the present time the room is covered with a roof of rudely split cedar beams, the remains of the old, carefully built roof lie scattered about in the corners of the room, under the dirt and dbris. The openings are very small and seem to have been modified since the original construction, but it is difficult to distinguish between the older original structure and the more recent additions.

K'IAKIMA.

On the south side of the isolated mesa of Taaiyalana and occupying a high rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K'iakima (Pl. LII). A long gulch on the west side of the spur contains, for 300 or 400 yards, a small stream which is fed from springs near the ruined village.

The entire surface of the hill is covered with scattered dbris of fallen walls, which must at one time have formed a village of considerable size. Over most of this area the walls can not be traced; the few rooms which can be distinctly outlined, occurring in a group on the highest part of the hill. Standing walls are here seen, but they are apparently recent, one room showing traces of a chimney (Pl. LIV). Some of the more distinct inclosures, built from fallen masonry of the old village, seem to have been intended for corrals. This is the case also with the remains found on the cliffs to the north of the village, whose position is shown on the plan (Pl. LIII). Here nearly all the scattered stones of the original one-story buildings, have been utilized for these large inclosures. It is quite possible that these smaller structures on the ledge of the mesa were built and occupied at a much later date than the principal village. Pl. LIII illustrates a portion of the base of Taaiyalana where these inclosures appear.

A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeast corner of the village of large upright slabs of stone. The largest of these is about 3 feet wide and stands 5 feet out of the ground. One of the slabs is of such symmetrical form that it suggests skillful artificial treatment, but the stone was used just as it came from a seam in the cliff above. From the same seam many slabs of nearly equal size and symmetrical form have fallen out and now lie scattered about on the talus below. Some are remarkable for their perfectly rectangular form, while all are distinguished by a notable uniformity in thickness. Close by, and apparently forming part of the same group, are a number of stones imbedded in the ground with their upper edges exposed and placed at right angles to the faces of the vertical monuments. The taller slabs are said by the Indians to have been erected as a defense against the attacks of the Apache upon this pueblo, but only a portion of the group could, from their position, have been of any use for this purpose. The stones probably mark graves. Although thorough excavation of the hard soil could not be undertaken, digging to the depth of 18 inches revealed the same character of pottery fragments, ashes, etc., found in many of the pueblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found identical remains in graves in the Rio San Francisco region which he excavated in collecting pottery. Comparatively little is known, however, of the burial practices of this region, so it would be difficult to decide whether this was an ordinary method of burial or not.

This pueblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zui tradition, as the scene of the death of Estevanico, the negro who accompanied the first Spanish expedition to Cibola.

MATSAKI.

Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Taaiyalana, near its northwestern extremity. This pueblo is in about the same state of preservation as K'iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most of the area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction, suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the plan rooms partially bounded by standing walls are found. These appear to owe their preservation to their occupation as outlooks over fields in the vicinity long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of the two rooms shows only a few feet of rather rude masonry. The walls of the other room, in one corner, stand the height of a full story above the surrounding dbris, a low room under it having been partially filled up with fallen masonry and earth. The well preserved inner corner of the exposed room shows lumps of clay adhering here and there to the walls, the remnants of an interior corner chimney. No trace of the supports for a chimney hood, such as occur in the modern fireplaces, could be found. The form outlined against the wall by these slight remains indicates a rather rudely constructed feature which was added at a late date to the room and formed no part of its original construction. It was probably built while the room was used as a farming outlook. As shown on the ground plan (Pl. LV), a small cluster of houses once stood at some little distance to the southwest of the main pueblo and was connected with the latter by a series of rooms. The intervening space may have been a court. At the northern edge of the village a primitive shrine has been erected in recent times and is still in use. It is rudely constructed by simply piling up stones to a height of 2 or 3 feet, in a rudely rectangular arrangement, with an opening on the east. This shrine, facing east, contains an upright slab of thin sandstone on which a rude sun-symbol has been engraved. The governor of Zui, in explaining the purpose of this shrine, compared its use to that of our own astronomical observatories, which he had seen.



PINAWA.

The ruins of the small pueblo of Pinawa occupy a slight rise on the south side of the Zui River, a short distance west of Zui. The road from Zui to Ojo Caliente traverses the ruin. Over most of the area rooms can not be traced. One complete room, however, has been preserved and appears to be still occupied during the cultivation of the neighboring "milpas." It is roofed over and in good condition, though the general character of the masonry resembles the older work. On the plan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stones of the original masonry have been collected and built into a number of large inclosures, which have in turn been partly destroyed. The positions of the entrances to these inclosures can be traced by the absence of stones on the surface. The general outline of the corral-like inclosures appears to have followed comparatively well preserved portions of the original wall, as was the case at Ketchipauan. (Pl. LVI.)



On the southwest side of the pueblo, portions of the outer wall are distinctly traceable, some of the stones being still in position. This portion of the outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves, resembling portions of Nutria and Pescado, but intersecting in an unusual manner.

The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the standing room above described. The remnants of the fallen masonry are so few and so promiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity of remains can not be fully traced.

HALONA.

An ancient pueblo called Halona is said to have belonged to the Cibolan group, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. It occupied a portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zui stands. A part of this pueblo was built on the opposite side of the river, where the remains of walls were encountered at a slight depth below the surface of the ground in excavating for the foundations of Mr. Cushing's house. At that time only scattered remains of masonry were met with, and they furnished but little indication of details of plan or arrangement. Later—during the summer of 1888—Mr. Cushing made extensive additions to his house on the south side of the river, and in excavating for the foundations laid bare a number of small rooms. Excavation was continued until December of that year, when a large part of the ancient village had been exposed. Pl. LVII, from a photograph, illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the southwest corner of Zui. The view was taken in the morning during a light fall of snow which, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in the excavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of the rooms.

It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion of Halona that has served as a nucleus for modern Zui from such data as can be procured. At several points of the present village, however, vestiges of the old pueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access could be obtained to all the innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them would show traces of ancient methods of construction sufficient, at least, to admit of a restoration of the general form of the ancient pueblo. At the time the village was surveyed such examination was not practicable. The portion of the old pueblo serving as a nucleus for later construction would probably be found under houses Nos. 1 and 4, forming practically one mass of rooms. Strangers and outsiders are not admitted to these innermost rooms. Outcrops in the small cluster No. 2 indicate by their position a continuous wall of the old pueblo, probably the external one. Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably incorporated into the west side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of cluster No. 2 (see Pl. LXXVI) may be seen a buttress-like projection whose construction of small tabular stones strongly contrasts with the character of the surrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment of the ancient pueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purpose whatever in its present position.



The above suggestions are confirmed by another feature in the same house-cluster. On continuing the line of this buttress through the governor's house we find a projecting fragment of second story wall, the character and finish of which is clearly shown in Pl. LVIII. Its general similarity to ancient masonry and contrast with the present careless methods of construction are very noticeable. The height of this fragment above the ground suggests that the original pueblo was in a very good state of preservation when it was first utilized as a nucleus for later additions. That portion under house No. 1 is probably equally well preserved. The frequent renovation of rooms by the application of a mud coating renders the task of determining the ancient portions of the cluster by the character of the masonry a very difficult one. Ceilings would probably longest retain the original appearance of the ancient rooms as they are not subjected to such renovation.

Mr. Cushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblo was curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulated the lines of the present outer rooms, and is reflected in them, as the usual practice of these builders was to put one partition directly over another in adding to the height of a building. This would suggest a nearly rectangular form, perhaps with jogs and offsets, for the old builders could not incorporate a curved outer wall into a mass of rectangular cells, such as that seen in the present pueblo. On the other hand, the outer wall of the original pueblo may have been outside of rooms now occupied, for the village had been abandoned for some time before the colony returned to the site.

TAAIYALANA.

On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of Cibola, supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising of the pueblos in 1680, the inhabitants of all the Cibolan villages sought refuge on the summit of Taaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles southeast from Zui, and there built a number of pueblo clusters.

This mesa, otherwise known as "Thunder Mountain," rises to the height of 1,000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There are two foot trails leading to the summit, each of which in places traverses abrupt slopes of sandstone where holes have been pecked into the rock to furnish foot and hand holds. From the northeast side the summit of the mesa can be reached by a rough and tortuous burro trail. All the rest of the mesa rim is too precipitous to be scaled. Its appearance as seen from Zui is shown in Pl. LIX.

On the southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about a point where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, are found the village remains. The Zuis stated that the houses were distributed in six groups or clusters, each taking the place of one of the abandoned towns. Mr. Frank H. Cushing [4] was also under the impression that these houses had been built as six distinct clusters of one village, and he has found that at the time of the Pueblo rebellion, but six of the Cibolan villages were occupied. An examination of the plan, however, will at once show that no such definite scheme of arrangement governed the builders. There are but three, or at most four groups that could be defined as distinct clusters, and even in the case of these the disposition is so irregular and their boundaries so ill defined, through the great number of outlying small groups scattered about, that they can hardly be considered distinct. There are really thirty-eight separate buildings (Pl. LX) ranging in size from one of two rooms, near the southern extremity to one of one hundred and three rooms, situated at the southwestern corner of the whole group and close to the western edge of the mesa where the foot trails reach the summit. There is also great diversity in the arrangement of rooms. In some cases the clusters are quite compact, and in others the rooms are distributed in narrow rows. In the large cluster at the northwestern extremity the houses are arranged around a court; with this exception the clusters of rooms are scattered about in an irregular manner, regardless of any defensive arrangement of the buildings. The builders evidently placed the greatest reliance on their impregnable site, and freely adopted such arrangement as convenience dictated.

[Footnote 4: See Millstone for April, 1884, Indianapolis, Indiana.]

The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls being often less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to have been used; some of the thickest and best preserved walls have apparently been laid nearly dry (Pl. LXI). The few openings still preserved also show evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of the area the debris of the fallen walls is very clearly marked, and is but little encumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd effect of newness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. The small amount of debris suggests that the majority of these buildings never were more than one story high, though in four of the broadest clusters (see plan, Pl. LX) a height of two, and possibly three, stories may have been attained. All the ruins are thickly covered by a very luxurious growth of braided cactus, but little of which is found elsewhere in the neighborhood. The extreme southeastern cluster, consisting of four large rooms, differs greatly in character from the rest of the ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are defined only by a few stones on the surface of the ground and partly embedded in the soil. There is no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These outlined inclosures appear never to have been walled to any considerable height. Within one of the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few ceremonial plume sticks have been set on end within recent times.



The motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; the cause that led to the selection of the particular site was facility for procuring a water supply. The trail on the west side passes a spring half way down the mesa. There was another spring close to the foot trail on the south side; this, however, was lower, being almost at the foot of the talus.

In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and stored the drainage of the mesa summit near the southern gap or recess. At this point are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built of heavy masonry. Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicate unusually massive construction. Another reservoir occurs farther along the mesa rim to the southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given. As may be seen from the plan (Pl. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap are quite close together. These receptacles have been much filled up with sediment. Pl. LXII gives a view of the principal or westernmost reservoir as seen from the northeast. On the left are the large stones once incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This masonry appears to have originally extended around three-fourths of the circumference of the reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the upper portion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage and had no definite limit.

The Zui claim to have here practiced a curious method of water storage. They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the villagers would turn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which were finally collected into these basins, the gradually melting snow furnishing a considerable quantity of water. The desert environment has taught these people to avail themselves of every expedient that could increase their supply of water.

It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Taaiyalana ruins the mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumental sights, and hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans and relative positions of the houses. It was all that could be done at the time, and will sufficiently illustrate the general relation of the buildings to the surrounding topography.

KIN-TIEL.

All the ruins above described bear close traditional and historic relationship to Zui. This is not the case with the splendidly preserved ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historic connection is compensated for by its architectural interest. Differing radically in its general plan from the ruins already examined, it still suggests that some resemblance to the more ancient portions of Nutria and Pescado, as will be seen by comparing the ground plans (Pls. LXVII and LXIX). Its state of preservation is such that it throws light on details which have not survived the general destruction in the other pueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion and comparison of these architectural groups by constructional details in Chapter IV.

This pueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is given on some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small arm of the Pueblo Colorado wash, 22 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, and about the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post-office). Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or Cibola, but Mr. Cushing has collected traditional references among the Zui as to the occupation of this pueblo by related peoples at a time not far removed from the first Spanish visit to this region.

The plan (Pl. LXIII) shows a marked contrast to the irregularity seen in the ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by a continuous and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the full height of the highest stories (Pl. LXIV). This symmetrical form is all the more remarkable in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with the exception of Pueblo Bonito of the Chaco group, it is the largest ancient pueblo examined by this Bureau. This village seems to belong to the same type as the Chaco examples, representing the highest development attained in building a large defensive pueblo practically as a single house. All the terraces faced upon one or more inclosed courts, through which access was gained to the rooms. The openings in this outer wall, especially near the ground, were few in number and very small in size, as shown in Pl. CIV. The pueblo was built in two wings of nearly equal size on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash, traversing its center from east to west. This wash doubtless at one time furnished peculiar facilities for storage of water within or near the village, and this must have been one of the inducements for the selection of the site. At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water was to be found about the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction for gathering or storing water be traced. Such vestiges would not be likely to remain, as they must have been washed away by the violent summer torrents or buried under the accumulating sands. Two seasons subsequent to our work at this point it was learned that an American, digging in some rooms on the arroyo margin, discovered the remains of a well or reservoir, which he cleared of sand and debris and found to be in good condition, furnishing so steady a water supply that the discoverer settled on the spot. This was not seen by the writer. There is a small spring, perhaps a mile from the pueblo in a northeasterly direction, but this source would have been wholly insufficient for the needs of so large a village. It may have furnished a much more abundant supply, however, when it was in constant use, for at the time of our visit it seemed to be choked up. About a mile and a half west quite a lagoon forms from the collected drainage of several broad valleys, and contains water for a long time after the cessation of the rains. About 6 miles to the north, in a depression of a broad valley, an extensive lake is situated, and its supply seems to be constant throughout the year, except, perhaps, during an unusually dry season. These various bodies of water were undoubtedly utilized in the horticulture of the occupants of Kin-tiel; in fact, near the borders of the larger lake referred to is a small house of two rooms; much similar in workmanship to the main pueblo, evidently designed as an outlook over fields. This building is illustrated in Pl. LXVI.



The arrangement of the inner houses differs in the two halves of the ruin. It will be seen that in the north half the general arrangement is roughly parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a small group near the east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the other hand, the inner rows are nearly at right angles to the outer room clusters. An examination of the contours of the site will reveal the cause of this difference in the different configuration of the slopes in the two cases. In the south half the rows of rooms have been built on two long projecting ridges, and the diverging small cluster in the north half owes its direction to a similar cause. The line of outer wall being once fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have been but little restriction in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform to the irregularities of the site. (Pl. LXIII.)

Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblo could be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitable for general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, just south of the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continued across the arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and the other one was near the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The third opening was a doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. It seems probable that other gateways once existed, especially in the south half. From its larger size and more compact arrangement this south half would seem to have greatly needed such facilities, but the preserved walls show no trace of them.

The ground plan furnishes indications, mostly in the north half, of several large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of square rooms are so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to the greater amount of dbris that collects at the corners, that it could not be definitely determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of the circular form so common in the ancient pueblos. While only circular kivas have been found associated with ancient pueblos of this type, the kivas of all the Cibola ruins above described are said by the Zuis to have been rectangular. The question can be decided for this pueblo only by excavation on a larger scale than the party was prepared to undertake. Slight excavation at a point where a round room was indicated on the surface, revealed portions of straight walls only.

The large size of the refuse heap on the south side of the village indicates that the site had been occupied for many generations. Notwithstanding this long period of occupation, no important structure of the village seems to have extended beyond the plan. On the north side, outside the main wall, are seen several rectangles faintly outlined by stones, but these do not appear to have been rooms. They resemble similar inclosures seen in connection with ruined pueblos farther south, which proved on excavation to contain graves.

The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on the plan (Pl. LXIII). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and whatever results were secured were reached at no great distance from the surface. One of these excavations, illustrated in Pl. C, will be described at greater length in Chapter IV.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF INHABITED VILLAGES.

NUTRIA.

Nutria is the smallest of the three farming pueblos of Zui, and is located about 23 miles by trail northeast from Zui at the head of Nutria valley. The water supply at this point is abundant, and furnishes a running stream largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity. Most of the village is compactly arranged, as may be seen from the plan (Pl. LXVII and Fig. 17), but a few small clusters, of late construction, containing two or three rooms each, are situated toward the east at quite a distance from the principal group. It is now occupied solely as a farming pueblo during the planting and harvesting season.

The outline of this small pueblo differs greatly from those of most of the Cibolan villages. The village (Pl. LXVIII), particularly in its northernmost cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII), and has apparently been built on the remains of an older village of somewhat corresponding form, as indicated by its curved outer wall. Fragments of carefully constructed masonry of the ancient type, contrasting noticeably with the surrounding modern construction, afford additional evidence of this. The ancient village must have been provided originally with ceremonial rooms or kivas, but no traces of such rooms are now to be found.





At the close of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonials begins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of these farming villages close up their houses and move back to the main pueblo leaving them untenanted until the succeeding spring.

The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable in the farming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeeding plans (Pls. LXIX and LXXIII). The families that farm in their vicinity seem to occupy scarcely more than half of the available rooms.

PESCADO.

This village, also a Zui farming pueblo, is situated in a large valley about 12 miles northeast from Zui. Although it is much larger than Nutria it is wholly comprised within the compact group illustrated. The tendency to build small detached houses noticed at Nutria and at Ojo Caliente has not manifested itself here. The prevalence of abandoned and roofless houses is also noticeable.



The outlines of the original court inclosing pueblo (Pl. LXX) are very clearly marked, as the farming Zuis in their use of this site have scarcely gone outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. The plan, Pl. LXIX and Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in the large inclosed court; this row, with the inclosures and corrals that surround it, probably formed no part of the original plan. The full curved outline is broken only at the west end of the village by small additions to the outer wall, and the north and east walls also closely follow the boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at two points along the north wall fragments of carefully executed masonry, probably forming part of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still preserved (Pl. LXXII). This outer wall was probably once continuous to the full height of the pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings by the Zui farmers resemble more closely the modern arrangement. Small rooms have been added to the outside of the cluster and in some cases the terraces are reached by external stone steps, in contrast with the defensive arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form. A number of dome-shaped ovens have been built outside the walls.

The principle of pueblo plan embodied in Kin-tiel, before referred to, is traceable in this village with particular clearness, distinguishing it from most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with in this village.

OJO CALIENTE.

The farming village of Ojo Caliente is located near the dry wash of the Zui River, and is about 15 miles distant from Zui, in a southerly direction. It is about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauan, two of the seven cities of Cibola above described. Though situated in fertile and well watered country and close to the remains of the ancient villages, it bears indications of having been built in comparatively recent times. There are no such evidences of connection with an older village as were found at Nutria and Pescado. The irregular and small clusters that form this village are widely scattered over a rather rough and broken site, as shown on the plan (Pl. LXXIII). Here again a large portion of the village is untenanted. The large cluster toward the eastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses situated on the low, level ground, compose the present inhabited village. The houses occupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (Pl. LXXIV) are in an advanced stage of decay, and have been for a long time abandoned.

This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been much exposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the effects of this has already been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauan church. On account of such danger, the Zui were likely to have built the first house-clusters here on the highest points of the rocky promontory, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of such sites. Later, as the farmers gained confidence or as times became safer, they built houses down on the flat now occupied; but this apparently was not done all at once. The distribution of the houses over sites of varying degrees of inaccessibility, suggests a succession of approaches to the occupation of the open and unprotected valley.

Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, as in the other farming pueblos, there is much less adobe plastering and smoothing of outer walls than in the home pueblo.





At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughout the year was proposed by several families, who wished to resort to the parent village only at stated ceremonials and important festivals. The comparative security of recent times is thus tending to the disintegration of the huge central pueblo. This result must be inevitable, as the dying out of the defensive motive brings about a realization of the great inconvenience of the present centralized system.

ZUI.

The pueblo of Zui is built upon a small knoll on the north bank of the Zui River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa of Taaiyalana. It is the successor of all the original "Seven Cities of Cibola" of the Spaniards, and is the largest of the modern pueblos. As before stated, the remains of Halona, one of the "seven cities," as identified by Mr. Cushing, have served as a nucleus for the construction of the modern pueblo, and have been incorporated into the most densely clustered portions, represented on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) by numbers 1 and 4.

Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distance from the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries for the stone used in building. The Halona site was of this type, the nearest supply of stone being 3 miles distant. At this point (Halona) the Zui River is perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of water at all seasons of the year. It disappears, however, a few miles west in a broad, sandy wash, to appear again 20 miles below the village, probably through the accession of small streams from springs farther down. The so-called river furnishes the sole water supply at Zui, with the exception of a single well or reservoir on the north side of the village.

Zui has been built at a point having no special advantages for defense; convenience to large areas of tillable soil has apparently led to the selection of the site. This has subjected it in part to the same influences that had at an earlier date produced the carefully walled fortress pueblos of the valleys, where the defensive efficiency was due to well planned and constructed buildings. The result is that Zui, while not comparable in symmetry to many of the ancient examples, displays a remarkably compact arrangement of dwellings in the portions of the pueblos first occupied, designated on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) as houses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral expansion this portion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height.

Pl. LXXVIII gives a general view of these higher terraces of the village from the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the ground is attained on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however, owing to the irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above the ground on the north side. The summit of the knoll upon which the older portion of Zui has been built is so uneven, and the houses themselves vary so much in dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails in the height of terraces. A three-terrace portion of a cluster may have but two terraces immediately alongside, and throughout the more closely built portions of the village the exposed height of terraces varies from 1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. Pl. LXXIX illustrates this feature.

The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the original expectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have been joined to the clusters wherever the demand for more space was most urgent, without following any definite plan in their arrangement. In such of the ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passed through a similar experience, the crowding of additional cells seems to have been made to conform to some extent to a predetermined plan. At Kin-tiel we have seen how such additions to the number of habitable rooms could readily be made within the open court without affecting the symmetry and defensive efficiency of the pueblo; but here the nucleus of the large clusters was small and compact, so that enlargement has taken place only by the addition of rooms on the outside, both on the ground and on upper terraces.

The highest point of Zui, now showing five terraces, is said to have had a height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the present century, but at the time of the survey of the village no traces were seen of such additional stories. The top of the present fifth terrace, however, is more than 50 feet long, and affords sufficient space for the addition of a sixth and seventh story.

The court or plaza in which the church (Pl. LXXX) stands is so much larger than such inclosures usually are when incorporated in a pueblo plan that it seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village. It probably resulted from locating the church prior to the construction of the eastern rows of the village. Certain features in the houses themselves indicate the later date of these rows.



The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl. LXXXII), characteristic of the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small pueblo of Halona, about which clustered the many irregular houses that constitute modern Zui. Occasional traces of such an arrangement are still met with in portions of Zui, although nearly all of the ancient pueblo has been covered with rooms of later date. In the arrangement of Zui houses a noticeable difference in the manner of clustering is found in different parts of the pueblo. That portion designated as house No. 1 on the plan, built over the remains of the original small pueblo, is unquestionably the oldest portion of the village. The clustering seems to have gone on around this center to an extraordinary and exceptional extent before any houses were built in other portions. House No. 4 is a portion of the same structure, for although a street or passageway intervenes it is covered with two or three terraces, indicating that such connection was established at an early date. The rows on the lower ground to the east (Pl. LXXXI), where the rooms are not so densely clustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive that influenced the construction of the central pile. These portions, arranged approximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos of known recent date. That they were built subsequently to the main clusters is also indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings and roof holes, where there is very little necessity for such contrivances. This feature was originally devised to meet the exceptional conditions of lighting imposed by dense crowding of the living rooms. It will be referred to again in examining the details of openings, and its wide departure from the arrangement found to prevail generally in pueblo constructions will there be noted. The habit of making such provisions for lighting inner rooms became fixed and was applied generally to many clusters much smaller in size than those of other pueblos where this feature was not developed and where the necessity for it was not felt. These less crowded rooms of more recent construction form the eastern portion of the pueblo, and also include the governor's house on the south side.

The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of the various orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occupancy, crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of Zui under house No. 1. But the kivas, in all likelihood, occupied a more marginal position before such foreign influence was brought to bear on them, as do some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the general practice in other modern pueblos.



CHAPTER IV.

ARCHITECTURE OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA COMPARED BY CONSTRUCTIONAL DETAILS.

INTRODUCTION.

In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form and distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola have been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the architectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary to examine closely the constructional details of their present houses, endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rather meager vestiges of similar features that have survived the destruction of the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departed from early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of such deviation. For convenience of comparison the various details of housebuilding for the two groups will be treated together.

The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of the traditionary data already given, for information concerning the rites connected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following pages, and also for the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature of architectural details appended hereto. Material of this class pertaining to the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be procured.

HOUSE BUILDING.

RITES AND METHODS.

The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite meager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their proper connection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitely assigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings.



So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an entire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous houses. Most of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearly defined general plan governing the location of rooms added to the original cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite plan occur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) is evidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definite form to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, does the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In both these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems to have been regarded as of more importance than the specific locations of individual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Throughout that part of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems now to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete house. It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to be described.

A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what the dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces, placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woods and cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length corresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered and roughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by his friends, usually of his own gens. These assistants receive no compensation except their food, but that of itself entails considerable expense on the builder, and causes him to build his house with as few helpers as possible.

The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village chief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a short cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive meal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposed house and its occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a term meaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Msauwu, the Sun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers are placed at the four corners of the house and a large stone is laid over each of them. The builder then decides where the door is to be located, and marks the place by setting some food on each side of it; he then passes around the site from right to left, sprinkling piki crumbs and other particles of food, mixed with native tobacco, along the lines to be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offering he sings to the Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: "Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai." The meaning of these words the people have now forgotten.

Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason and the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished; but according to my own observation this is not the universal practice in modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated in Pl. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, as well as finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her female relatives. There was but one man present at this house-building, whose grudgingly performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams and lintels into place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavier work. The ground about this house was strewn with quantities of broken stone for masonry, which seemed to be all prepared and brought to the spot before building began; but often the various divisions of the work are carried on by both men and women simultaneously. While the men were dressing the stones, the women brought earth and water and mixed a mud plaster. Then the walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar very sparingly.

The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls being from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimes varying from 15 to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall.

Pine, pion, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available trees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams for the roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has been stripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of the beams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet. Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not more than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or small willows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this series is crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over this framework a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered with earth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of the women. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick coating of mud for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster to the walls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a small space on the wall unplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina came and finished it, and although the space remained bare it was considered to be covered with an invisible plaster.

The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four feathers similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece of willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof beams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina, celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. The builder also makes an offering to Msauwu (called "feeding the house") by placing fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not to hasten the departure of any of the family to the under world.

A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman builds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavity about a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hood is constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor.

As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stone coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher than the roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away. Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in the copings, as will be described later.

All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this single-roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also consider it the nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, as when the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves, another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a second story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony is observed in building the ground story in front, but there is no ceremony for the second and additional stories.



Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in which he was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as being four stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, his sisters and their families occupying the rear portion. The fourth story consisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. This old house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the walls have been carried away. There is no prescribed position for communicating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed in the lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds.



Formerly on the approach of cold weather, and to some extent the custom still exists, people withdrew from the upper stories to the kikoli rooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in the consumption of fuel also prompted this expedient; but these ground-floor rooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways, and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with a ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even their roofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many household articles, and in the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, the terraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and the peculiar long strips into which pumpkins and squashes have been cut to facilitate their desiccation for winter use. Among other things the household supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of this terrace, but more commonly the natives have so many other uses for this space that the sticks of fuel are piled up on a rude projecting skeleton of poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set into the ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall, as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across a re-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack, without any support from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the available space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam or stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many long poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty as additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplace on the inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on the terraces, usually at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is still a general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled up and roofed, and is called tupubi. Tuma is the name of the flat baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking at the kisi in the field is called tupubi.

Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no opening in the outer wall.

The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all of them; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general resort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, no one claiming distinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling, but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In this connection it may also be noted that the eldest sister's house is regarded as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces and nephews.

Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especially constructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These are usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions not larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place of the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok describing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the dwelling houses are also devoted to this use.

The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the houses and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of architectural terms, comprising those especially applied to the various constructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the "kisis," or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found near the end of this paper.

The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement of contiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the traditions, that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to form an appropriate place for the public dances and processions of masked dancers. No definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to these traditional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in the evolution of this defensive type of architecture they must have partaken somewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on the Rio Chaco and elsewhere.

LOCALIZATION OF GENTES.

In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless some effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries, in definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the present day, however, there is but little trace of such localization. In the case of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has with great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the various gentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton plan (Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the diagram in connection with the appended list of the families occupying Oraibi will at once show that, however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes in the traditional village, the greatest confusion prevails at the present time. The families numerically most important, such as the Reed, Coyote, Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house clusters.



Families occupying Oraibi.

[See house plan—house numbers in blue.]

1. Kokop................winwuh...................Burrowing owl. 2. Pikyas...............nyumuh...................Young corn plant. 3. Bakab................winwuh...................Reed (Phragmites communis). 4. Tuwa.................winwuh...................Sand. 5. Tdap.................nyumuh...................Jack rabbit. 6. Honan................winwuh...................Badger. 7. Isn..................winwuh...................Coyote. 8. See 3.........................................Reed. 9. Kukuto...............winwuh...................Lizard. 10. Honan................nyumuh...................Bear. 11. Honau.........................................Bear. 12. See 3.........................................Reed. 13. See 7.........................................Coyote. 14. Tcuin.........................................Rattlesnake. 15. Awat..........................................Bow. 16. Kokuan........................................Spider. 17. See 9.........................................Lizard. 18. See 3.........................................Reed. 19. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 20. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 21. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 22. See 9.........................................Lizard. 23. See 9.........................................Lizard. 23. See 9........................................Lizard. 24. See 2.........................................Young corn. 25. Gyazro...............nyumuh...................Paroquet. 26. See 2.........................................Young corn. 27. Kwah.................nyumuh...................Eagle. 28. See 7.........................................Coyote. 29. See 27........................................Eagle. 30. See 9.........................................Lizard. 31. See 9.........................................Lizard. 32. See 7.........................................Coyote. 33. See 7.........................................Coyote. 34. See 2.........................................Young corn. 35. See 6.........................................Badger. 36. See 16........................................Spider. 37. Batun................winwuh...................Squash. 38. See 15........................................Bow. 39. See 15........................................Bow. 40. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 41. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 42. See 6.........................................Badger. 43. Tdawuh...............winwuh...................Sun. 44. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 45. See 25........................................Paroquet. 46. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 47. See 1.........................................Burrowing-owl. 48. See 3.........................................Reed. 49. See 3.........................................Reed. 50. See 3.........................................Reed. 51. See 3.........................................Reed. 52. See 27........................................Eagle. 53. See 25........................................Paroquet. 54. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 55. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 56. See 9.........................................Lizard. 57. Pobol................winwuh...................Moth. 58. See 6.........................................Badger. 59. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 60. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 61. See 7.........................................Coyote. 62. See 7.........................................Coyote. 63. Atoko................winwuh...................Crane. 64. See 3.........................................Reed. 65. See 9.........................................Lizard. 66. Keli.................nyumuh...................Hawk. 67. See 7.........................................Coyote. 68. See 43........................................Sun. 69. Kwan.................nyumuh...................Mescal cake. 70. See 27........................................Eagle. 71. See 27........................................Eagle. 72. See 2.........................................Corn. 73. See 6.........................................Badger. 74. See 7.........................................Coyote. 75. See 7.........................................Coyote. 76. See 27........................................Eagle. 77. See 3.........................................Reed. 78. See 3.........................................Reed. 79. See 3.........................................Reed. 80. See 9.........................................Lizard. 81. See 43........................................Sun. 82. See 25........................................Paroquet. 83. See 9.........................................Lizard. 84. See 9.........................................Lizard. 85. See 43........................................Sun. 86. See 3.........................................Reed. 87. See 3.........................................Reed. 88. See 7.........................................Coyote. 89. See 3.........................................Reed. 90. Vacant. 91. See 2.........................................Corn. 92. See 25........................................Paroquet. 93. See 25........................................Paroquet. 94. See 10........................................Bear. 95. See 19........................................Bear. 96. See 4.........................................Sand. 97. See 4.........................................Sand. 98. See 4.........................................Sand. 99. See 3.........................................Reed. 100. See 2........................................Corn. 101. See 2........................................Corn. 102. See 7........................................Coyote. 103. See 7........................................Coyote. 104. See 3........................................Reed. 105. See 3........................................Reed. 106. See 3........................................Reed. 107. See 5........................................Rabbit. 108. See 7........................................Coyote. 109. See 5........................................Rabbit. 110. See 5........................................Rabbit. 111. See 3........................................Reed. 112. See 5........................................Rabbit. 113. Vacant. 114. Vacant. 115. See 3........................................Reed. 116. See 6........................................Badger. 117. See 43.......................................Sun. 118. See 7........................................Coyote. 119. See 43.......................................Sun. 120. See 5........................................Rabbit. 121. See 43.......................................Sun. 122. See 3........................................Reed. 123. See 4........................................Sand. 124. See 4........................................Sand. 125. See 3........................................Reed. 126. See 3........................................Reed. 127. See 43.......................................Sun. 128. See 2........................................Corn. 129. See 9........................................Lizard. 130. See 4........................................Sand. 131. See 4........................................Sand. 132. See 7........................................Coyote. 133. See 9........................................Lizard. 134. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 135. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 136. See 6........................................Badger. 137. See 6........................................Badger. 138. Vacant. 139. See 10.......................................Bear. 140. See 3........................................Reed. 141. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 142. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 143. See 43.......................................Sun. 144. See 5........................................Rabbit. 145. See 15.......................................Bow. 146. Vacant. 147. See 6........................................Badger. 148. Katcin..............nyumuh...................Katcina. 149. See 7........................................Coyote. 150. See 6........................................Badger. 151. See 6........................................Badger. 152. See 6........................................Badger. 153. See 6........................................Badger.

Counting No. 23, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant.



Reed families..... 25 Paroquet families... 10 Eagle families.... 6 Coyote families... 17 Owl families........ 9 Bear families..... 5 Lizard families... 14 Corn families....... 9 Bow families...... 4 Badger families... 13 Sun families........ 9 Spider families... 2 Rabbit families... 11 Sand families....... 8

Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each.

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola. Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements of rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the architectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the various portions of the present Zui by distinct groups of people.

INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.

On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data here given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scale models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for the treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls and roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded, little remains to be described about a pueblo house; for such of its interior details as do not connect with the external features are of the simplest character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos no exhaustive study of the interior of the houses was practicable, but the illustrations present typical dwelling rooms from both Tusayan and Zui. As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zui.





The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story room of Mashongnavi. This room measures 13 by 12 feet, and is considerably below the average size of the rooms in these villages. A projecting buttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end of the room into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for storage in the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet high from the floor; and a small inclosed triangular bin, built directly on the floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The whole construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which has afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band that encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position of a baseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that is wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an indispensable feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common to find a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire available width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its depth behind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneeling women who grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided by buttress or pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner. They are always so arranged that those who operate them face the middle of the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clay of the same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, in fact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with special care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimes carefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone. It is often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient size for this purpose, but the irregularities of outline of the large flat stones are very skillfully interfitted, furnishing, when finished, a smoothly paved floor easily swept and kept clean.

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace and chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimney hood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire chimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved form of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, or water jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the water jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringing in water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zui water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, in which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose.

The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set back or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common in Tusayan. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84.

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no interior communication with any other room. In this respect it is exceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster.

Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding example. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it is divided midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttress supports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor beams to span the whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimney are similar to those described, as is also the single compartment for mealing stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is quite large, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to its back wall and not parallel with it.

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight pole suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in both Tusayan and Zui. The pole is used for the suspension of the household stock of blankets and other garments. The windows of this house are small, and two of them, in the right-hand division of the room, have been roughly sealed up with masonry.

Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zui interior. In this instance the example happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will be noticed that this apartment has many features in common with that at Tusayan last described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended is here incorporated into the original construction of the house, its two ends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire floor is paved with slabs of much more regular form than any used at Tusayan. The Zui have access to building stone which is of a much better grade than is available in Tusayan.



This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along the sides, a feature much more common at Zui than at Tusayan. Usually such benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projection is interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the left it terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones, in order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates are arranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additional detached section placed at right angles to the main series. The sill of the doorway by which this room communicates with an adjoining one is raised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided with a rudely mortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small hole through which the occupant can prop the door on the inside of the communicating room. The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole with mud effectually closes the house against intrusion. The unusual height of this door sill from the floor has necessitated the construction of a small step, which is built of masonry and covered with a single slab of stone. All the doors of Zui are more or less raised above the ground or floor, though seldom to the extent shown in the present example. This room has no external door and can be directly entered only by means of the hatchway and ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room was probably bounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and windows, though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows have become niches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds and ends of a Zui household. The chimney of this house will be noticed as differing materially, both in form and in its position in the room, from the Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type of chimney used in Zui at the present time, although many examples of the curved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of the room. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly always built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for the support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not practiced at Zui to any extent. Deer horns have been built into the wall of the room to answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various household articles are suspended.