The very merit of The Rising Tide of Color depends on its bias, and it is significant that the book closes with a quotation from Kipling's "The Heritage." To Dr. Stoddard the most disquieting feature of the recent situation was not the war but the peace. Says he, "The white world's inability to frame a constructive settlement, the perpetuation of intestine hatreds and the menace of fresh civil wars complicated by the specter of social revolution, evoke the dread thought that the late war may be merely the first stage in a cycle of ruin." As for the war itself, "As colored men realized the significance of it all, they looked into each other's eyes and there saw the light of undreamed-of hopes. The white world was tearing itself to pieces. White solidarity was riven and shattered. And—fear of white power and respect for white civilization together dropped away like garments outworn. Through the bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: 'The East will see the West to bed.'" At last comes the inevitable conclusion pleading for a better understanding between England and Germany and for everything else that would make for racial solidarity. The pitiful thing about this book is that it is so thoroughly representative of the thing for which it pleads. It is the very essence of jingoism; civilization does not exist in and of itself, it is "white"; and the conclusions are directly at variance with the ideals that have been supposed to guide England and America. Incidentally the work speaks of the Negro and negroid population of Africa as "estimated at about 120,000,000." This low estimate has proved a common pitfall for writers. If we remember that Africa is three and a half times as large as the United States, and that while there are no cities as large as New York and Chicago, there are many centers of very dense population; if we omit entirely from the consideration the Desert of Sahara and make due allowance for some heavily wooded tracts in which live no people at all; and if we then take some fairly well-known region like Nigeria or Sierra Leone as the basis of estimate, we shall arrive at some such figure as 450,000,000. In order to satisfy any other points that might possibly be made, let us reduce this by as much as a third, and we shall still have 300,000,000, which figure we feel justified in advancing as the lowest possible estimate for the population of Africa; and yet most books tell us that there are only 140,000,000 people on the whole continent.

Darkwater may be regarded as the reply to such a position as that taken by Dr. Stoddard. If the white world conceives it to be its destiny to exploit the darker races of mankind, then it simply remains for the darker races to gird their loins for the contest. "What of the darker world that watches? Most men belong to this world. With Negro and Negroid, East Indian, Chinese, and Japanese they form two-thirds of the population of the world. A belief in humanity is a belief in colored men. If the uplift of mankind must be done by men, then the destinies of this world will rest ultimately in the hands of darker nations. What, then, is this dark world thinking? It is thinking that as wild and awful as this shameful war was, it is nothing to compare with that fight for freedom which black and brown and yellow men must and will make unless their oppression and humiliation and insult at the hands of the White World cease. The Dark World is going to submit to its present treatment just as long as it must and not one moment longer."

Both of these books are strong, and both are materialistic; and materialism, it must be granted, is a very important factor in the world just now. Somewhat different in outlook, however, is the book that labors under an economic subject, Empire and Commerce in Africa. In general the inquiry is concerned with the question, What do we desire to attain, particularly economically, in Africa, and how far is it attainable through policy? The discussion is mainly confined to the three powers: England, France, and Germany; and special merit attaches to the chapter on Abyssinia, probably the best brief account of this country ever written. Mr. Woolf announces such fundamental principles as that the land in Africa should be reserved for the natives; that there should be systematic education of the natives with a view to training them to take part in, and eventually control, the government of the country; that there should be a gradual expatriation of all Europeans and their capitalistic enterprises; that all revenue raised in Africa should be applied to the development of the country and the education and health of the inhabitants; that alcohol should be absolutely prohibited; and that Africa should be completely neutralized, that is, in no case should any military operations between European states be allowed. The difficulties of the enforcement of such a program are of course apparent to the author; but with other such volumes as this to guide and mold opinion, the time may indeed come at no distant date when Africa will cease to exist solely for exploitation and no longer be the rebuke of Christendom.

These four books then express fairly well the different opinions and hopes with which Africa and the world problem that the continent raises have recently been regarded. It remains simply to mention a conception that after the close of the war found many adherents in the United States and elsewhere, and whose operation was on a scale that forced recognition. This was the idea of the Provisional Republic of Africa, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of the World, the Black Star Line of steamships, and the Negro Factories Corporation, all of which activities were centered in New York, had as their organ the Negro World, and as their president and leading spirit Marcus Garvey, who was originally from Jamaica. The central thought that appealed to great crowds of people and won their support was that of freedom for the race in every sense of the word. Such freedom, it was declared, transcended the mere demand for the enforcement of certain political and social rights and could finally be realised only under a vast super-government guiding the destinies of the race in Africa, the United States, the West Indies, and everywhere else in the world. This was to control its people "just as the Pope and the Catholic Church control its millions in every land." The related ideas and activities were sometimes termed grandiose and they awakened much opposition on the part of the old leaders, the clergy, while conservative business stood aloof. At the same time the conception is one that deserves to be considered on its merits.

It is quite possible that if promoted on a scale vast enough such a Negro super-government as that proposed could be realized. It is true that England and France seem to-day to have a firm grip on the continent of Africa, but the experience of Germany has shown that even the mailed fist may lose its strength overnight. With England beset with problems in Ireland and the West Indies, in India and Egypt, it is easy for the millions in equatorial Africa to be made to know that even this great power is not invincible and in time might rest with Nineveh and Tyre. There are things in Africa that will forever baffle all Europeans, and no foreign governor will ever know all that is at the back of the black man's mind. Even now, without the aid of modern science, information travels in a few hours throughout the length and breadth of the continent; and those that slept are beginning to be awake and restless. Let this restlessness increase, let intelligence also increase, let the natives be aided by their fever, and all the armies of Europe could be lost in Africa and this ancient mother still rise bloody but unbowed. The realization of the vision, however, would call for capital on a scale as vast as that of a modern war or an international industrial enterprise. At the very outset it would engage England in nothing less than a death-grapple, especially as regards the shipping on the West Coast. If ships can not go from Liverpool to Seccondee and Lagos, then England herself is doomed. The possible contest appalls the imagination. At the same time the exploiting that now goes on in the world can not go on forever.



CHAPTER XVII

THE NEGRO PROBLEM

It is probably clear from our study in the preceding pages that the history of the Negro people in the United States falls into well defined periods or epochs. First of all there was the colonial era, extending from the time of the first coming of Negroes to the English colonies to that of the Revolutionary War. This divides into two parts, with a line coming at the year 1705. Before this date the exact status of the Negro was more or less undefined; the system of servitude was only gradually passing into the sterner one of slavery; and especially in the middle colonies there was considerable intermixture of the races. By the year 1705, however, it had become generally established that the Negro was to be regarded not as a person but as a thing; and the next seventy years were a time of increasing numbers, but of no racial coherence or spiritual outlook, only a spasmodic insurrection here and there indicating the yearning for a better day. With the Revolution there came a change, and the second period extends from this war to the Civil War. This also divides into two parts, with a line at the year 1830. In the years immediately succeeding the Revolution there was put forth the first effective effort toward racial organization, this being represented by the work of such men as Richard Allen and Prince Hall; but, in spite of a new racial consciousness, the great mass of the Negro people remained in much the same situation as before, the increase in numbers incident to the invention of the cotton-gin only intensifying the ultimate problem. About the year 1830, however, the very hatred and ignominy that began to be visited upon the Negro indicated that at least he was no longer a thing but a person. Lynching began to grow apace, burlesque on the stage tended to depreciate and humiliate the race, and the South became definitely united in its defense of the system of slavery. On the other hand, the Abolitionists challenged the attitude that was becoming popular; the Negroes themselves began to be prosperous and to hold conventions; and Nat Turner's insurrection thrust baldly before the American people the great moral and economic problem with which they had to deal. With such divergent opinions, in spite of feeble attempts at compromise, there could be no peace until the issue of slavery at least was definitely settled. The third great period extends from the Civil War to the opening of the Great War in Europe. Like the others it also falls into two parts, the division coming at the year 1895. The thirty years from 1865 to 1895 may be regarded as an era in which the race, now emancipated, was mainly under the guidance of political ideals. Several men went to Congress and popular education began to be emphasized; but the difficulties of Reconstruction and the outrages of the KuKlux Klan were succeeded by an enveloping system of peonage, and by 1890-1895 the pendulum had swung fully backward and in the South disfranchisement had been arrived at as the concrete solution of the political phase of the problem. The twenty years from 1895 to 1915 formed a period of unrest and violence, but also of solid economic and social progress, the dominant influence being the work of Booker T. Washington. With the world war the Negro people came face to face with new and vast problems of economic adjustment and passed into an entirely different period of their racial history in America.

This is not all, however. The race is not to be regarded simply as existent unto itself. The most casual glance at any such account as we have given emphasizes the importance of the Negro in the general history of the United States. Other races have come, sometimes with great gifts or in great numbers, but it is upon this one that the country's history has turned as on a pivot. It is true that it has been despised and rejected, but more and more it seems destined to give new proof that the stone which the builders refused is become the head stone of the corner. In the colonial era it was the economic advantage of slavery over servitude that caused it to displace this institution as a system of labor. In the preliminary draft of the Declaration of Independence a noteworthy passage arraigned the king of England for his insistence upon the slave-trade, but this was later suppressed for reasons of policy. The war itself revealed clearly the fallacy of the position of the patriots, who fought for their rights as Englishmen but not for the fundamental rights of man; and their attitude received formal expression in the compromises that entered into the Constitution. The expansion of the Southwest depended on the labor of the Negro, whose history became inextricably bound up with that of the cotton-gin; and the question or the excuse of fugitives was the real key to the Seminole Wars. The long struggle culminating in the Civil War was simply to settle the status of the Negro in the Republic; and the legislation after the war determined for a generation the history not only of the South but very largely of the nation as well. The later disfranchising acts have had overwhelming importance, the unfair system of national representation controlling the election of 1916 and thus the attitude of America in the world war.

This is an astonishing phenomenon—this vast influence of a people oppressed, proscribed, and scorned. The Negro is so dominant in American history not only because he tests the real meaning of democracy, not only because he challenges the conscience of the nation, but also because he calls in question one's final attitude toward human nature itself. As we have seen, it is not necessarily the worker, not even the criminal, who makes the ultimate problem, but the simple Negro of whatever quality. If this man did not have to work at all, and if his race did not include a single criminal, in American opinion he would still raise a question. It is accordingly from the social standpoint that we must finally consider the problem. Before we can do this we need to study the race as an actual living factor in American life; and even before we do that it might be in order to observe the general importance of the Negro to-day in any discussion of the racial problems of the world.

1. World Aspect

Any consideration of the Negro Problem in its world aspect at the present time must necessarily be very largely concerned with Africa as the center of the Negro population. This in turn directs attention to the great colonizing powers of Europe, and especially to Great Britain as the chief of these; and the questions that result are of far-reaching importance for the whole fabric of modern civilization. No one can gainsay the tremendous contribution that England has made to the world; every one must respect a nation that produced Wycliffe and Shakespeare and Darwin, and that, standing for democratic principles, has so often stayed the tide of absolutism and anarchy; and it is not without desert that for three hundred years this country has held the moral leadership of mankind. It may now not unreasonably be asked, however, if it has not lost some of its old ideals, and if further insistence upon some of its policies would not constitute a menace to all that the heart of humanity holds dear.

As a preliminary to our discussion let us remark two men by way of contrast. A little more than seventy years ago a great traveler set out upon the first of three long journeys through central and southern Africa. He was a renowned explorer, and yet to him "the end of the geographical feat was only the beginning of the enterprise." Said Henry Drummond of him: "Wherever David Livingstone's footsteps are crossed in Africa the fragrance of his memory seems to remain." On one occasion a hunter was impaled on the horn of a rhinoceros, and a messenger ran eight miles for the physician. Although he himself had been wounded for life by a lion and his friends said that he should not ride at night through a wood infested with beasts, Livingstone insisted on his Christian duty to go, only to find that the man had died and to be obliged to retrace his footsteps. Again and again his party would have been destroyed if it had not been for his own unbounded tact and courage, and after his death at Chitambo's village Susi and Chuma journeyed for nine months and over eight hundred miles to take his body to the coast. "We work for a glorious future," said he, "which we are not destined to see—the golden age which has not been, but will yet be. We are only morning-stars shining in the dark, but the glorious morn will break, the good time coming yet. For this time we work; may God accept our imperfect service."

About the time that Livingstone was passing off the scene another strong man, one of England's "empire builders," began his famous career. Going first to South Africa as a young man in quest of health, Cecil Rhodes soon made a huge fortune out of Kimberley diamonds and Transvaal gold, and by 1890 had become the Prime Minister of Cape Colony. In the pursuit of his aims he was absolutely unscrupulous. He refused to recognize any rights of the Portuguese in Matabeleland and Mashonaland; he drove hard bargains with the Germans and the French; he defied the Boers; and to him the native Africans were simply so many tools for the heaping up of gold. Nobody ever said of him that he left a "fragrant memory" behind him; but thousands of bruised bodies and broken hearts bore witness to his policy. According to the ideals of modern England, however, he was a great man. What the Negro in the last analysis wonders is: Who was right, Livingstone or Rhodes? And which is the world to choose, Christ or Mammon?

There are two fundamental assumptions upon which all so-called Western civilization is based—that of racial and that of religious superiority. Sight has been lost of the fact that there is really no such thing as a superior race, that only individuals are superior one to another, and a popular English poet has sung of "the white man's burden" and of "lesser breeds without the law." These two assumptions have accounted for all of the misunderstanding that has arisen between the West and the East, for China and Japan, India and Egypt can not see by what divine right men from the West suppose that they have the only correct ancestry or by what conceit they presume to have the only true faith. Let them but be accepted, however, let a nation be led by them as guiding-stars, and England becomes justified in forcing her system upon India, she finds it necessary to send missionaries to Japan, and the lion's paw pounces upon the very islands of the sea.

The whole world, however, is now rising as never before against any semblance of selfishness on the part of great powers, and it is more than ever clear that before there can be any genuine progress toward the brotherhood of man, or toward comity among nations, one man will have to give some consideration to the other man's point of view. One people will have to respect another people's tradition. The Russo-Japanese War gave men a new vision. The whole world gazed upon a new power in the East—one that could be dealt with only upon equal terms. Meanwhile there was unrest in India, and in Africa there were insurrections of increasing bitterness and fierceness. Africa especially had been misrepresented. The people were all said to be savages and cannibals, almost hopelessly degraded. The traders and the politicians knew better. They knew that there were tribes and tribes in Africa, that many of the chiefs were upright and wise and proud of their tradition, and that the land could not be seized any too quickly. Hence they made haste to get into the game.

It is increasingly evident also that the real leadership of the world is a matter not of race, not even of professed religion, but of principle. Within the last hundred years, as science has flourished and colonization grown, we have been led astray by materialism. The worship of the dollar has become a fetish, and the man or the nation that had the money felt that it was ordained of God to rule the universe. Germany was led astray by this belief, but it is England, not Germany, that has most thoroughly mastered the Art of Colonization. Crown colonies are to be operated in the interest of the owners. Jingoism is king. It matters not that the people in India and Africa, in Hayti and the Philippines, object to our benevolence; we know what is good for them and therefore they should be satisfied.

In Jamaica to-day the poorer people can not get employment; and yet, rather than accept the supply at hand, the powers of privilege import "coolie" labor, a still cheaper supply. In Sierra Leone, where certainly there has been time to see the working of the principle, native young men crowd about the wharves and seize any chance to earn a penny, simply because there is no work at hand to do—nothing that would genuinely nourish independence and self-respect.

It is not strange that the worship of industrialism, with its attendant competition, finally brought about the most disastrous war in history and such a breakdown of all principles of morality as made the whole world stand aghast. Womanhood was no longer sacred; old ideas of ethics vanished; Christ himself was crucified again—everything holy and lovely was given to the grasping demon of Wealth.

Suddenly men realized that England had lost the moral leadership of the world. Lured by the ideals of Rhodes, the country that gave to mankind Magna Charta seemed now bent only on its own aggrandizement and preservation. Germany's colonies were seized, and anything that threatened the permanence of the dominant system, especially unrest on the part of the native African, was throttled. Briton and Boer began to feel an identity of interest, and especially was it made known that American Negroes were not wanted.

Just what the situation is to-day may be illustrated by the simple matter of foreign missions, the policy of missionary organizations in both England and America being dictated by the political policy of the empire. The appointing of Negroes by the great American denominations for service in Africa has practically ceased, for American Negroes are not to be admitted to any portion of the continent except Liberia, which, after all, is a very small part of the whole. For the time being the little republic seems to receive countenance from the great powers as a sort of safety-valve through which the aspiration of the Negro people might spend itself; but it is evident that the present understanding is purely artificial and can not last. Even the Roman Empire declined, and Germany lost her hold in Africa overnight. Of course it may be contended that the British Empire to-day is not decadent but stronger than ever. At the same time there can be no doubt that Englishman and Boer alike regard these teeming millions of prolific black people always with concern and sometimes with dismay. Natives of the Congo still bear the marks of mutilation, and men in South Africa chafe under unjust land acts and constant indignities in their daily life.

Here rises the question for our own country. To the United States at last has come that moral leadership—that obligation to do the right thing—that opportunity to exhibit the highest honor in all affairs foreign or domestic—that is the ultimate test of greatness. Is America to view this great problem in Africa sympathetically and find some place for the groping for freedom of millions of human beings, or is she to be simply a pawn in the game of English colonization? Is she to abide by the principles that guided her in 1776, or simply seize her share of the booty? The Negro either at home or abroad is only one of many moral problems with which she has to deal. At the close of the war extravagance reigned, crime was rampant, and against any one of three or four races there was insidious propaganda. To add to the difficulties, the government was still so dominated by politics and officialdom that it was almost always impossible to get things done at the time they needed to be done. At the same time every patriot knows that America is truly the hope of the world. Into her civilization and her glory have entered not one but many races. All go forth against a common enemy; all should share the duties and the privileges of citizenship. In such a country the law can know no difference of race or class or creed, provided all are devoted to the general welfare. Such is the obligation resting upon the United States—such the challenge of social, economic, and moral questions such as never before faced the children of men. That she be worthy of her opportunity all would pray; to the fulfilment of her destiny all should help. The eyes of the world are upon her; the scepter of the ages is in her hand.

2. The Negro in American Life

If now we come to the Negro in the United States, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that no other race in the American body politic, not even the Anglo-Saxon, has been studied more critically than this one, and treatment has varied all the way from the celebration of virtues to the bitterest hostility and malignity. It is clearly fundamentally necessary to pay some attention to racial characteristics and gifts. In recent years there has been much discussion from the standpoint of biology, and special emphasis has been placed on the emotional temperament of the race. The Negro, however, submits that in the United States he has not been chiefly responsible for such miscegenation as has taken place; but he is not content to rest simply upon a tu quoque. He calls attention to the fact that whereas it has been charged that lynchings find their excuse in rape, it has been shown again and again that this crime is the excuse for only one-fourth or one-fifth of the cases of violence. If for the moment we suppose that there is no question about guilt in a fourth or a fifth of the cases, the overwhelming fraction that remains indicates that there are other factors of the highest importance that have to be considered in any ultimate adjustment of the situation. In every case accordingly the Negro asks only for a fair trial in court—not too hurried; and he knows that in many instances a calm study of the facts will reveal nothing more than fright or hysteria on the part of a woman or even other circumstances not more incriminating.

Unfortunately the whole question of the Negro has been beclouded by misrepresentation as has no other social question before the American people, and the race asks simply first of all that the tissue of depreciation raised by prejudice be done away with in order that it may be judged and estimated for its quality. America can make no charges against any element of her population while she denies the fundamental right of citizenships—the protection of the individual person. Too often mistakes are made, and no man is so humble or so low that he should be deprived of his life without due process of law. The Negro undoubtedly has faults. At the same time, in order that his gifts may receive just consideration, the tradition of burlesque must for the time being be forgotten. All stories about razors, chickens, and watermelons must be relegated to the rear; and even the revered and beloved "black mammy" must receive an affectionate but a long farewell.

The fact is that the Negro has such a contagious brand of humor that many people never realize that this plays only on the surface. The real background of the race is one of tragedy. It is not in current jest but in the wail of the old melodies that the soul of this people is found. There is something elemental about the heart of the race, something that finds its origin in the forest and in the falling of the stars. There is something grim about it too, something that speaks of the lash, of the child torn from its mother's bosom, of the dead body swinging at night by the roadside. The race has suffered, and in its suffering lies its destiny and its contribution to America; and hereby hangs a tale.

If we study the real quality of the Negro we shall find that two things are observable. One is that any distinction so far won by a member of the race in America has been almost always in some one of the arts; and the other is that any influence so far exerted by the Negro on American civilization has been primarily in the field of aesthetics. The reason is not far to seek, and is to be found in the artistic striving even of untutored Negroes. The instinct for beauty insists upon an outlet, and if one can find no better picture he will paste a circus poster or a flaring advertisement on the wall. Very few homes have not at least a geranium on the windowsill or a rosebush in the garden. If we look at the matter conversely we shall find that those things which are most picturesque make to the Negro the readiest appeal. Red is his favorite color simply because it is the most pronounced of all colors. The principle holds in the sphere of religion. In some of our communities Negroes are known to "get happy" in church. It is, however, seldom a sermon on the rule of faith or the plan of salvation that awakens such ecstasy, but rather a vivid portrayal of the beauties of heaven, with the walls of jasper, the feast of milk and honey, and the angels with palms in their hands. The appeal is primarily sensuous, and it is hardly too much to say that the Negro is thrilled not so much by the moral as by the artistic and pictorial elements in religion. Every member of the race is an incipient poet, and all are enthralled by music and oratory.

Illustrations are abundant. We might refer to the oratory of Douglass, to the poetry of Dunbar, to the picturesque style of DuBois, to the mysticism of the paintings of Tanner, to the tragic sculpture of Meta Warrick Fuller, and to a long line of singers and musicians. Even Booker Washington, most practical of Americans, proves the point, the distinguishing qualities of his speeches being anecdote and vivid illustration. It is best, however, to consider members of the race who were entirely untaught in the schools. On one occasion Harriet Tubman, famous for her work in the Underground Railroad, was addressing an audience and describing a great battle in the Civil War. "And then," said she, "we saw the lightning, and that was the guns; and then we heard the thunder, and that was the big guns; and then we heard the rain falling, and that was drops of blood falling; and when we came to git in the craps, it was dead men that we reaped." Two decades after the war John Jasper, of Richmond, Virginia, astonished the most intelligent hearers by the power of his imagery. He preached not only that the "sun do move," but also of "dry bones in the valley," the glories of the New Jerusalem, and on many similar subjects that have been used by other preachers, sometimes with hardly less effect, throughout the South. In his own way Jasper was an artist. He was eminently imaginative; and it is with this imaginative—this artistic—quality that America has yet to reckon.

The importance of the influence has begun to be recognized, and on the principle that to him that hath shall be given, in increasing measure the Negro is being blamed for the ills of American life, a ready excuse being found in the perversion and debasement of Negro music. We have seen discussions whose reasoning, condensed, was somewhat as follows: The Negro element is daily becoming more potent in American society; American society is daily becoming more immoral; therefore at the door of the Negro may be laid the increase in divorce and all the other evils of society. The most serious charge brought against the Negro intellectually is that he has not yet developed the great creative or organizing mind that points the way of civilization. He most certainly has not, and in this he is not very unlike all the other people in America. The whole country is still in only the earlier years of its striving. While the United States has made great advance in applied science, she has as yet produced no Shakespeare or Beethoven. If America has not yet reached her height after three hundred years of striving, she ought not to be impatient with the Negro after only sixty years of opportunity. But all signs go to prove the assumption of limited intellectual ability fundamentally false. Already some of the younger men of the race have given the highest possible promise.

If all of this, however, is granted, and if the Negro's exemplification of the principle of self-help is also recognized, the question still remains: Just what is the race worth as a constructive factor in American civilization? Is it finally to be an agency for the upbuilding of the nation, or simply one of the forces that retard? What is its real promise in American life?

In reply to this it might be worth while to consider first of all the country's industrial life. The South, and very largely the whole country, depends upon Negro men and women as the stable labor supply in such occupations as farming, saw-milling, mining, cooking, and washing. All of this is hard work, and necessary work. In 1910, of 3,178,554 Negro men at work, 981,922 were listed as farm laborers and 798,509 as farmers. That is to say, 56 per cent of the whole number were engaged in raising farm products either on their own account or by way of assisting somebody else, and the great staples of course were the cotton and corn of the Southern states. If along with the farmers we take those engaged in the occupations employing the next greatest numbers of men—those of the building and hand trades, saw and planing mills, as well as those of railway firemen and porters, draymen, teamsters, and coal mine operatives—we shall find a total of 71.2 per cent engaged in such work as represents the very foundation of American industry. Of the women at work, 1,047,146, or 52 per cent, were either farm laborers or farmers, and 28 per cent more were either cooks or washerwomen. In other words, a total of exactly 80 per cent were engaged in some of the hardest and at the same time some of the most vital labor in our home and industrial life. The new emphasis on the Negro as an industrial factor in the course of the recent war is well known. When immigration ceased, upon his shoulders very largely fell the task of keeping the country and the army alive. Since the war closed he has been on the defensive in the North; but a country that wishes to consider all of the factors that enter into its gravest social problem could never forget his valiant service in 1918. Let any one ask, moreover, even the most prejudiced observer, if he would like to see every Negro in the country out of it, and he will then decide whether economically the Negro is a liability or an asset.

Again, consider the Negro soldier. In all our history there are no pages more heroic, more pathetic, than those detailing the exploits of black men. We remember the Negro, three thousand strong, fighting for the liberties of America when his own race was still held in bondage. We remember the deeds at Port Hudson, Fort Pillow, and Fort Wagner. We remember Santiago and San Juan Hill, not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge, but how a black regiment faced pestilence that the ranks of their white comrades might not be decimated. And then Carrizal. Once more, at an unexpected moment, the heart of the nation was thrilled by the troopers of the Tenth Cavalry. Once more, despite Brownsville, the tradition of Fort Wagner was preserved and passed on. And then came the greatest of all wars. Again was the Negro summoned to the colors—summoned out of all proportion to his numbers. Others might desert, but not he; others might be spies or strikers, but not he—not he in the time of peril. In peace or war, in victory or danger, he has always been loyal to the Stars and Stripes.

Not only, however, does the Negro give promise by reason of his economic worth; not only does he deserve the fullest rights of citizenship on the basis of his work as a soldier; he brings nothing less than a great spiritual contribution to civilization in America. His is a race of enthusiasm, imagination, and spiritual fervor; and after all the doubt and fear through which it has passed there still rests with it an abiding faith in God. Around us everywhere are commercialism, politics, graft—sordidness, selfishness, cynicism. We need hope and love, a new birth of idealism, a new faith in the unseen. Already the work of some members of the race has pointed the way to great things in the realm of conscious art; but above even art soars the great world of the spirit. This it is that America most sadly needs; this it is that her most fiercely persecuted children bring to her.

Obviously now if the Negro, if any race, is to make to America the contribution of which it is capable, it must be free; and this raises the whole question of relation to the rest of the body politic. One of the interesting phenomena of society in America is that the more foreign elements enter into the "melting pot" and advance in culture, the more do they cling to their racial identity. Incorporation into American life, instead of making the Greek or the Pole or the Irishman forget his native country, makes him all the more jealous of its traditions. The more a center of any one of these nationalities develops, the more wealthy and cultured its members become, the more do we find them proud of the source from which they sprang. The Irishman is now so much an American that he controls whole wards in our large cities, and sometimes the cities themselves. All the same he clings more tenaciously than ever to the celebration of March 17. When an isolated Greek came years ago, poor and friendless, nobody thought very much about him, and he effaced himself as much as possible, taking advantage, however, of any opportunity that offered for self-improvement or economic advance. When thousands came and the newcomers could take inspiration from those of their brothers who had preceded them and achieved success, nationality asserted itself. Larger groups now talked about Venizelos and a greater Greece; their chests expanded at the thought of Marathon and Plato; and companies paraded amid applause as they went to fight in the Balkans. In every case, with increasing intelligence and wealth, race pride asserted itself. At the same time no one would think of denying to the Greek or the Irishman or the Italian his full rights as an American citizen.

It is a paradox indeed, this thing of a race's holding its identity at the same time that it is supposed to lose this in the larger civilization. Apply the principle to the Negro. Very soon after the Civil War, when conditions were chaotic and ignorance was rampant, the ideals constantly held before the race were those of white people. Some leaders indeed measured success primarily by the extent to which they became merged in the white man's life. At the time this was very natural. A struggling people wished to show that it could be judged by the standards of the highest civilization within sight, and it did so. To-day the tide has changed. The race now numbers a few millionaires. In almost every city there are beautiful homes owned by Negroes. Some men have reached high attainment in scholarship, and the promise grows greater and greater in art and science. Accordingly the Negro now loves his own, cherishes his own, teaches his boys about black heroes, and honors and glorifies his own black women. Schools and churches and all sorts of cooeperative enterprises testify to the new racial self-respect, while a genuine Negro drama has begun to flourish. A whole people has been reborn; a whole race has found its soul.

3. Face to Face

Even when all that has been said is granted, it is still sometimes maintained that the Negro is the one race that can not and will not be permitted to enter into the full promise of American life. Other elements, it is said, even if difficult to assimilate, may gradually be brought into the body politic, but the Negro is the one element that may be tolerated but not assimilated, utilized but not welcomed to the fullness of the country's glory.

However, the Negro has no reason to be discouraged. If one will but remember that after all slavery was but an incident and recall the status of the Negro even in the free states ten years before the Civil War, he will be able to see a steady line of progress forward. After the great moral and economic awakening that gave the race its freedom, the pendulum swung backward, and finally it reached its farthest point of proscription, of lawlessness, and inhumanity. No obscuring of the vision for the time being should blind us to the reading of the great movement of history.

To-day in the whole question of the Negro problem there are some matters of pressing and general importance. One that is constantly thrust forward is that of the Negro criminal. On this the answer is clear. If a man—Negro or otherwise—is a criminal, he is an enemy of society, and society demands that he be placed where he will do the least harm. If execution is necessary, this should take place in private; and in no case should the criminal be so handled as to corrupt the morals or arouse the morbid sensibilities of the populace. At the same time simple patriotism would demand that by uplifting home surroundings, good schools, and wholesome recreation everything possible be done for Negro children as for other children of the Republic, so that just as few of them as possible may graduate into the criminal class.

Another matter, closely akin to this, is that of the astonishing lust for torture that more and more is actuating the American people. When in 1835 McIntosh was burned in St. Louis for the murder of an officer, the American people stood aghast, and Abraham Lincoln, just coming into local prominence, spoke as if the very foundations of the young republic had been shaken. After the Civil War, however, horrible lynchings became frequent; and within the last decade we have seen a Negro boy stabbed in numberless places while on his way to the stake, we have seen the eyes of a Negro man burned out with hot irons and pieces of his flesh cut off, and a Negro woman—whose only offense was a word of protest against the lynching of her husband—while in the state of advanced pregnancy hanged head downwards, her clothing burned from her body, and herself so disemboweled that her unborn babe fell to the ground. We submit that any citizens who commit such deeds as these are deserving of the most serious concern of their country; and when they bring their little children to behold their acts—when baby fingers handle mutilated flesh and baby eyes behold such pictures as we have suggested—a crime has been committed against the very name of childhood. Most frequently it will be found that the men who do these things have had only the most meager educational advantages, and that generally—but not always—they live in remote communities, away from centers of enlightenment, so that their whole course of life is such as to cultivate provincialism. With not the slightest touch of irony whatever we suggest that these men need a crusade of education in books and in the fundamental obligations of citizenship. At present their ignorance, their prejudice, and their lack of moral sense constitute a national menace.

It is full time to pause. We have already gone too far. The Negro problem is only an index to the ills of society in America. In our haste to get rich or to meet new conditions we are in danger of losing all of our old standards of conduct, of training, and of morality. Our courts need to summon a new respect for themselves. The average citizen knows only this about them, that he wants to keep away from them. So far we have not been assured of justice. The poor man has not stood an equal chance with the rich, nor the black with the white. Money has been freely used, even for the changing of laws if need be; and the sentencing of a man of means generally means only that he will have a new trial. The murders in any American city average each year fifteen or twenty times as many as in an English or French city of the same size. Our churches need a new baptism; they have lost the faith. The same principle applies in our home-life, in education, in literature. The family altar is almost extinct; learning is more easy than sound; and in literature as in other forms of art any passing fad is able to gain followers and pose as worthy achievement. All along the line we need more uprightness—more strength. Even when a man has committed a crime, he must receive justice in court. Within recent years we have heard too much about "speedy trials," which are often nothing more than legalized lynchings. If it has been decreed that a man is to wait for a trial one week or one year, the mob has nothing to do with the matter, and, if need be, all the soldiery of the United States must be called forth to prevent the storming of a jail. Fortunately the last few years have shown us several sheriffs who had this conception of their duty.

In the last analysis this may mean that more responsibility and more force will have to be lodged in the Federal Government. Within recent years the dignity of the United States has been seriously impaired. The time seems now to have come when the Government must make a new assertion of its integrity and its authority. No power in the country can be stronger than that of the United States of America.

For the time being, then, this is what we need—a stern adherence to law. If men will not be good, they must at least be made to behave. No one will pretend, however, that an adjustment on such a basis is finally satisfactory. Above the law of the state—above all law of man—is the law of God. It was given at Sinai thousands of years ago. It received new meaning at Calvary. To it we must all yet come. The way may be hard, and in the strife of the present the time may seem far distant; but some day the Messiah will reign and man to man the world over shall brothers be "for a' that."



SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Unless an adequate volume is to be devoted to the work, any bibliography of the history of the Negro Problem in the United States must be selective. No comprehensive work is in existence. Importance attaches to Select List of References on the Negro Question, compiled under the direction of A.P.C. Griffin, Library of Congress, Washington, 1903; A Select Bibliography of the Negro American, edited by W.E.B. DuBois, Atlanta, 1905, and The Negro Problem: a Bibliography, edited by Vera Sieg, Free Library Commission, Madison, Wis., 1908; but all such lists have to be supplemented for more recent years. Compilations on the Abolition Movement, the early education of the Negro, and the literary and artistic production of the race are to be found respectively in Hart's Slavery and Abolition, Woodson's The Education of the Negro prior to 1861, and Brawley's The Negro in Literature and Art, and the Journal of Negro History is constantly suggestive of good material.

The bibliography that follows is confined to the main question. First of all are given general references, and then follows a list of individual authors and books. Finally, there are special lists on topics on which the study in the present work is most intensive. In a few instances books that are superficial in method or prejudiced in tone have been mentioned as it has seemed necessary to try to consider all shades of opinion even if the expression was not always adequate. On the other hand, not every source mentioned in the footnotes is included, for sometimes these references are merely incidental; and especially does this apply in the case of lectures or magazine articles, some of which were later included in books. Nor is there any reference to works of fiction. These are frequently important, and books of unusual interest are sometimes considered in the body of the work; but in such a study as the present imaginative literature can be hardly more than a secondary and a debatable source of information.



SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. General References

(Mainly in Collections, Sets, or Series)

Statutes at Large, being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia from the first session of the Legislature, in the year 1619, by William Waller Hening. Richmond, 1819-20.

Laws of the State of North Carolina, compiled by Henry Potter, J.L. Taylor, and Bart. Yancey. Raleigh, 1821.

The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, edited by Thomas Cooper. Columbia, 1837.

The Pro-Slavery Argument (as maintained by the most distinguished writers of the Southern states). Charleston, 1852.

Files of such publications as Niles's Weekly Register, the Genius of Universal Emancipation, the Liberator, and DeBow's Commercial Review, in the period before the Civil War; and of the Crisis, the Journal of Negro History, the Negro Year-Book, the Virginia Magazine of History, the Review of Reviews, the Literary Digest, the Independent, the Outlook, as well as representative newspapers North and South and weekly Negro newspapers in later years.

Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science (some numbers important for the present work noted below).

Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University (some numbers important for the present work noted below).

Atlanta University Studies of Negro Problems (for unusually important numbers note DuBois, editor, below, also Bigham).

Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy (especially note Cromwell in special list No. 1 below and Grimke in No. 3).

Census Reports of the United States; also Publications of the Bureau of Education.

Annual Reports of the General Education Board, the John F. Slater Fund, the Jeanes Fund; reports and pamphlets issued by American Missionary Association, American Baptist Home Mission Society, Freedmen's Aid Society, etc.; catalogues of representative educational institutions; and a volume "From Servitude to Service" (the Old South lectures on representative educational institutions for the Negro), Boston, 1905.

Pamphlets and reports of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the National Urban League, the Southern Sociological Congress, the University Commission on Southern Race Questions, Hampton Conference reports, 1897-1907, and Proceedings of the National Negro Business League, annual since 1900.

The American Nation: A History from Original Sources by Associated Scholars, edited by Albert Bushnell Hart. 27 vols. Harper & Bros., New York, 1907. (Volumes important for the present work specially noted below.)

The Chronicles of America. A Series of Historical Narratives edited by Allen Johnson. 50 vols. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1918—. (Volumes important for the present work specially noted below.)

The South in the Building of the Nation. 12 vols. The Southern Publication Society. Richmond, Va., 1909.

Studies in Southern History and Politics. Columbia University Press, New York, 1914.

New International and Americana Encyclopedias (especially on such topics as Africa, the Negro, and Negro Education).

II. INDIVIDUAL WORKS

(Note pamphlets at end of list; also special lists under III below.)

Adams, Alice Dana: The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America (1808-1831), Radcliffe College Monograph No. 14. Boston, 1908 (now handled by Harvard University Press).

Adams, Henry: History of the United States from 1801 to 1817. 9 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1889-90.

Alexander, William T.: History of the Colored Race in America. Palmetto Publishing Co., New Orleans, 1887.

Armistead, Wilson: A Tribute for the Negro, being a Vindication of the Moral, Intellectual, and Religious Capabilities of the Colored Portion of Mankind, with particular reference to the African race, illustrated by numerous biographical sketches, facts, anecdotes, etc., and many superior portraits and engravings. Manchester, 1848.

Baker, Ray Stannard: Following the Color Line. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1908.

Ballagh, James Curtis: A History of Slavery in Virginia. Johns Hopkins Studies, extra volume 24. Baltimore, 1902.

White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia. Johns Hopkins Studies, Thirteenth Series, Nos. 6 and 7. Baltimore, 1895.

Bassett, John Spencer: Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. Sixth Series, No. 6. Baltimore, 1898.

Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina. Johns Hopkins Studies, Fourteenth Series, Nos. 4 and 5. Baltimore, 1896.

Slavery in the State of North Carolina. Johns Hopkins Studies, XIV: 179; XVII: 323.

Bigham, John Alvin (editor): Select Discussions of Race Problems, No. 20, of Atlanta University Publications. Atlanta, 1916.

Birney, William: James G. Birney and His Times. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1890.

Blake, W.O.: The History of Slavery and the Slave-Trade. Columbus, O., 1861.

Blyden, Edward W.: Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race. London, 1887.

Bogart, Ernest Ludlow: The Economic History of the United States. Longmans, Green & Co., New York, 1918 edition.

Bourne, Edward Gaylord: Spain in America, 1450-1580. Vol. 3 of American Nation Series.

Brackett, Jeffrey Richardson: The Negro in Maryland: A Study of the Institution of Slavery. Johns Hopkins Studies, extra volume 6. Baltimore, 1889.

Bradford, Sarah H.: Harriet, the Moses of Her People. New York, 1886.

Brawley, Benjamin: A Short History of the American Negro. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1913, revised 1919.

History of Morehouse College. Atlanta, 1917.

The Negro in Literature and Art. Duffield & Co., New York, 1918.

Your Negro Neighbor (in Our National Problems series). The Macmillan Co., New York, 1918.

Africa and the War. Duffield & Co., New York, 1918.

Women of Achievement (written for the Fireside Schools under the auspices of the Woman's American Baptist Home Mission Society). Chicago and New York, 1919.

Brawley, Edward M.: The Negro Baptist Pulpit. American Baptist Publication Society, Philadelphia, 1890.

Bruce, Philip Alexander: Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. 2 vols. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1896.

Cable, George Washington: The Negro Question. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1890.

Calhoun, William Patrick: The Caucasian and the Negro in the United States. R.L. Bryan Co., Columbia, S. C, 1902.

Chamberlain, D.H.: Present Phases of Our So-Called Negro Problem (open letter to the Rt. Hon. James Bryce of England), reprinted from News and Courier, Charleston, of August 1, 1904.

Cheyney, Edward Potts: European Background of American History. Vol. I of American Nation Series.

Child, Lydia Maria: An Appeal in Favor of That Class of Americans Called Africans. Boston, 1833.

The Oasis (edited). Boston, 1834.

Clayton, V.V.: White and Black under the Old Regime. Milwaukee, 1899.

Clowes, W. Laird: Black America: A Study of the Ex-Slave and His Late Master. Cassell & Co., London, 1891.

Coffin, Joshua: An Account of Some of the Principal Slave Insurrections, and others, which have occurred, or been attempted, in the United States and elsewhere, during the last two centuries, with various remarks. American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, 1860.

Collins, Winfield H.: The Domestic Slave Trade of the Southern States. Broadway Publishing Co., New York, 1904.

Coman, Katherine: The Industrial History of the United States. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1918 edition.

The Negro as a Peasant Farmer. American Statistical Association Publications, 1904:39.

Commons, John R.: Races and Immigrants in America. The Macmillan Co., 1907.

Coolidge, Archibald Cary: The United States as a World Power. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1918.

Cooper, Anna Julia: A Voice from the South, by a black woman of the South. Xenia, O., 1892.

Corey, Charles H.: A History of the Richmond Theological Seminary. Richmond, 1895.

Cornish, Samuel E., and Wright, T.S.: The Colonization Scheme Considered in Its Rejection by the Colored People. Newark, 1840.

Cromwell, John W.: The Negro in American History. The American Negro Academy, Washington, 1914.

Culp, Daniel W. (editor): Twentieth Century Negro Literature. Nichols & Co., Toronto, 1902.

Cutler, James E.: Lynch Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States. Longmans, Green & Co., New York, 1905.

Daniels, John: In Freedom's Birthplace: A Study of the Boston Negroes. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston and New York, 1914.

Dewey, Davis Rich: National Problems, 1885-1897. Vol. 24 in American Nation Series.

Dill, Augustus Granville. See DuBois, editor Atlanta University Publications.

Dodd, William E.: The Cotton Kingdom. Vol. 27 of Chronicles of America.

Expansion and Conflict. Vol. 3 of Riverside History of the United States. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1915.

Dow, Lorenzo ("Cosmopolite, a Listener"): A Cry from the Wilderness! A Voice from the East, A Reply from the West—Trouble in the North, Exemplifying in the South. Intended as a timely and solemn warning to the People of the United States. Printed for the Purchaser and the Public. United States, 1830.

DuBois, W.E. Burghardt: Suppression of the African Slave-Trade. Longmans, Green & Co., New York, 1896 (now handled by Harvard University Press).

DuBois, W.E. Burghardt: The Philadelphia Negro. University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1899.

The Souls of Black Folk. A.C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1903. The Negro in the South (Booker T. Washington, co-author).

George W. Jacobs & Co., Philadelphia, 1907.

John Brown (in American Crisis Biographies). George W. Jacobs & Co., Philadelphia, 1909.

The Negro (in Home University Library Series). Henry Holt & Co., New York, 1915.

Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil. Harcourt, Brace & Co., New York, 1920.

(Editor Atlanta University Publications).

The Negro Church, No. 8.

The Health and Physique of the Negro American, No. II.

Economic Co-operation among Negro Americans, No. 12.

The Negro American Family, No. 13.

Efforts for Social Betterment among Negro Americans, No. 14. The College-Bred Negro American, No. 15. (A.G. Dill, co-editor.)

The Negro American Artisan, No. 17. (A.G. Dill, co-editor.)

Morals and Manners among Negro Americans, No. 18. (A.G. Dill, co-editor.)

Dunbar, Alice Ruth Moore: Masterpieces of Negro Eloquence. The Bookery Publishing Co., New York, 1914.

Dunbar, Paul Laurence: Complete Poems. Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1913.

Dunning, William Archibald: Reconstruction, Political and Economic. Vol. 22 of American Nation Series.

Earnest, Joseph B., Jr.: The Religious Development of the Negro in Virginia (Ph.D. thesis, Virginia). Charlottesville, 1914.

Eckenrode, Hamilton James: The Political History of Virginia during the Reconstruction. Johns Hopkins Studies. Twenty-second Series, Nos. 6, 7, and 8. Baltimore, 1904.

Ellis, George W.: Negro Culture in West Africa. The Neale Publishing Co., New York, 1914.

Ellwood, Charles A.: Sociology and Modern Social Problems. American Book Co., New York, 1910.

Elwang, William W.: The Negroes of Columbia, Mo. (A.M. thesis, Missouri), 1904.

Epstein, Abraham: The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh (in publications of School of Economics of the University of Pittsburgh). 1918.

Evans, Maurice S.: Black and White in the Southern States: A Study of the Race Problem in the United States from a South African Point of View. Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1915.

Ferris, William Henry: The African Abroad. 2 vols. New Haven, 1913.

Fleming, Walter L.: Documentary History of Reconstruction. 2 vols. Arthur H. Clark Co., Cleveland, O., 1906.

The Sequel of Appomattox. Vol. 32 of Chronicles of America.

Fletcher, Frank H.: Negro Exodus. Report of agent appointed by the St. Louis Commission to visit Kansas for the purpose of obtaining information in regard to colored emigration. No imprint.

Furman, Richard: Exposition of the Views of the Baptists Relative to the Colored Population in the United States, in a communication to the Governor of South Carolina. Second edition, Charleston, 1833. (Letter bears original date December 24, 1822; Furman was president of State Baptist Convention.)

Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Garrison, Francis Jackson: William Lloyd Garrison; Story of His Life Told by His Children. 4 vols. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1894.

Garrison, William Lloyd: Thoughts on African Colonization: or An Impartial Exhibition of the Doctrines, Principles, and Purposes of the American Colonization Society, together with the Resolutions, Addresses, and Remonstrances of the Free People of Color. Boston, 1832.

Gayarre, Charles E.A.: History of Louisiana. 4 vols. New Orleans, 1885 edition.

Grady, Henry W.: The New South and Other Addresses, with biography, etc., by Edna H.L. Turpin. Maynard, Merrill & Co., New York, 1904.

Graham, Stephen: The Soul of John Brown. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1920.

Hallowell, Richard P.: Why the Negro was Enfranchised—Negro Suffrage Justified. Boston, 1903. (Reprint of two letters in the Boston Herald, March 11 and 26, 1903.)

Hammond, Lily Hardy: In Black and White: An Interpretation of Southern Life. Fleming H. Revell Co., New York, 1914.

Harris, Norman Dwight: Intervention and Colonization in Africa. Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1914.

Hart, Albert Bushnell: National Ideals Historically Traced. Vol. 26 in American Nation Series.

Slavery and Abolition. Vol. 16 in American Nation Series.

The Southern South. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1910.

Hartshorn, W.N., and Penniman, George W.: An Era of Progress and Promise, 1863-1910. The Priscilla Publishing Co., Boston, 1910.

Haworth, Paul Leland: America in Ferment. Bobbs-Merrill Co., Indianapolis, 1915.

Haynes, George E.: The Negro at Work in New York City Vol 49, No. 3, of Columbia Studies, 1912.

Helper, Hinton Rowan: The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It. New York, 1857.

Hickok, Charles T.: The Negro in Ohio, 1802-1870. (Western Reserve thesis.) Cleveland, 1896.

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth: Army Life in a Black Regiment Boston, 1870. (Latest edition, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1900.)

Hoffman, Frederick L.: Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. American Economics Association Publications, XI, Nos. 1-3, 1896.

Hodge, Frederick W. (editor): Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543 (in Original Narratives of Early American History), esp. The Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1907.

Holland, Edwin C.: A Refutation of the Calumnies circulated against the Southern and Western States, respecting the institution and existence of slavery among them; to which is added a minute and particular account of the actual condition and state of their Negro Population, together with Historical Notices of all the Insurrections that have taken place since the settlement of the country. By a South Carolinian. Charleston, 1822.

Horsemanden, Daniel (Judge): A Journal of the Proceedings in the Detection of the Conspiracy Formed by Some White People, in conjunction with Negro and Other Slaves, for Burning the City of New York in America, and Murdering the Inhabitants. New York, 1744.

Hosmer, James K.: The History of the Louisiana Purchase. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1902.

Hurd, John C.: The Law of Freedom and Bondage. 2 vols. Boston, 1858-1862.

Jay, William: Inquiry into the Character and Tendency of the American Colonization and Anti-Slavery Societies. New York, 1835.

Jefferson, Thomas: Writings, issued under the auspices of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association. 20 vols. Washington, 1903.

Jervey, Theodore D.: Robert Y. Hayne and His Times. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1909.

Johnson, Allen: Union and Democracy. Vol. 2 of Riverside History of the United States. Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1915.

Johnson, James W.: Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (published anonymously). Sherman, French & Co., Boston, 1912.

Fifty Years and Other Poems. The Cornhill Co., Boston, 1917.

Hayti. Four articles reprinted from the Nation, New York, 1920.

Johnston, Sir Harry Hamilton: The Negro in the New World. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1910.

Kelsey, Carl: The Negro Farmer (Ph.D. thesis, Pennsylvania). Jennings & Pye, Chicago, 1903.

Kemble, Frances A.: Journal of Residence on a Georgia Plantation, 1838-1839. Harper & Bros., 1863.

Kerlin, Robert T. (editor): The Voice of the Negro, 1919. E.P. Dutton & Co., New York, 1920.

Kimball, John C.: Connecticut's Canterbury Tale; Its Heroine Prudence Crandall, and Its Moral for To-Day. Hartford, Conn. (1886).

Krehbiel, Henry E.: Afro-American Folk-Songs. G. Schirmer, New York and London, 1914.

Lauber, Almon Wheeler: Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the United States. Vol. 54, No. 3, of Columbia University Studies, 1913.

Livermore, George: An Historical Research Respecting the Opinions of the Founders of the Republic on Negroes as Slaves, as Citizens, and as Soldiers. Boston, 1863.

Locke, Mary Stoughton: Anti-Slavery in America from the Introduction of African Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave-Trade, 1619-1808. Radcliffe College Monograph No. 11. Boston, 1901 (now handled by Harvard University Press).

Lonn, Ella: Reconstruction in Louisiana. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1919.

Lugard, Lady (Flora L. Shaw): A Tropical Dependency. James Nisbet & Co., Ltd., London, 1906.

Lynch, John R.: The Facts of Reconstruction: The Neale Publishing Co., New York, 1913.

McConnell, John Preston: Negroes and Their Treatment in Virginia from 1865 to 1867 (Ph.D. thesis, Virginia, 1905). Printed by B.D. Smith & Bros., Pulaski, Va., 1910.

MacCorkle, William A.: Some Southern Questions. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1908.

McCormac, E.I.: White Servitude in Maryland. Johns Hopkins Studies, XXII, 119.

McDougall, Marion Gleason: Fugitive Slaves, 1619-1865. Fay House (Radcliffe College) Monograph, No. 3. Boston, 1891 (now handled by Harvard University Press).

McLaughlin, Andrew Cunningham: The Confederation and the Constitution, 1783-1789. Vol. 10 in American Nation Series.

McMaster, John Bach: A History of the People of the United States, from the Revolution to the Civil War. 8 vols. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1883-1913.

Macy, Jesse: The Anti-Slavery Crusade. Vol. 28 in Chronicles of America.

Marsh, J.B.T.: The Story of the Jubilee Singers, with their songs. Boston, 1880.

Miller, Kelly: Race Adjustment. The Neale Publishing Co., New York and Washington, 1908.

Out of the House of Bondage. The Neale Publishing Co., New York, 1914.

Appeal to Conscience (in Our National Problems Series). The Macmillan Co., New York, 1913.

Moore, G.H.: Historical Notes on the Employment of Negroes in the American Army of the Revolution. New York, 1862.

Morgan, Thomas J.: Reminiscences of Service with Colored Troops in the Army of the Cumberland, 1863-65. Providence, 1885.

Moton, Robert Russa: Finding a Way Out: An Autobiography. Doubleday, Page & Co., Garden City, N.Y., 1920.

Murphy, Edgar Gardner: The Basis of Ascendency. Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1909.

Murray, Freeman H.M.: Emancipation and the Freed in American Sculpture. Published by the author, 1733 Seventh St., N.W., Washington, 1916.

Odum, Howard W.: Social and Mental Traits of the Negro. Columbia University Studies, Vol. 37, No. 3. New York, 1910.

Olmsted, Frederick Law: The Cotton Kingdom. 2 vols. New York, 1861.

A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States. New York, 1856.

Page, Thomas Nelson: The Old South. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1892.

The Negro: the Southerner's Problem. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1904.

Palmer, B.M. (with W.T. Leacock): The Rights of the South Defended in the Pulpits. Mobile, 1860.

Penniman, George W. See Hartshorn, W.N.

Phillips, Ulrich B.: American Negro Slavery. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1918.

Plantation and Frontier. Vols. I and II of Documentary History of American Industrial Society. Arthur H. Clark Co., Cleveland, 1910.

Pike, G.D.: The Jubilee Singers and Their Campaign for $20,000. Boston, 1873.

Pike, J.S.: The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro Government. New York, 1874.

Pipkin, James Jefferson: The Negro in Revelation, in History, and in Citizenship. N.D. Thompson Publishing Co., St. Louis, 1902.

Platt, O.H.: Negro Governors. Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, Vol. 6. New Haven, 1900.

Reese, David M.: A Brief Review of the First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society. New York, 1834.

Rhodes, James Ford: History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 (1850-1877 and 1877-1896). 8 vols. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1893-1919.

Roman, Charles Victor: American Civilization and the Negro. F.A. Davis Co., Philadelphia, 1916.

Russell, John H.: The Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865. Johns Hopkins Studies, Series XXXI, No. 3. Baltimore, 1913.

Sandburg, Carl: The Chicago Race Riots, July, 1919. Harcourt, Brace & Howe, New York, 1919.

Schurz, Carl: Speeches, Correspondence, and Political Papers, selected and edited by Frederic Bancroft. 6 vols. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London, 1913.

Scott, Emmett J.: Negro Migration during the War (in Preliminary Economic Studies of the War—Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: Division of Economics and History). Oxford University Press, American Branch. New York, 1920.

Official History of the American Negro in the World War. Washington, 1919.

Seligman, Herbert J.: The Negro Faces America. Harper Bros., New York, 1920.

Shaler, Nathaniel Southgate: The Neighbor: the Natural History of Human Contacts. Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1904.

Siebert, Wilbur H.: The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1898.

Sinclair, William A.: The Aftermath of Slavery. Small, Maynard & Co., Boston, 1905.

Smith, Justin H.: The War with Mexico. 2 vols. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1919.

Smith, Theodore Clarke: Parties and Slavery. Vol. 18 of American Nation Series.

Smith, T.W.: The Slave in Canada. Vol. 10 in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society. Halifax, N.S., 1889.

Stephenson, Gilbert Thomas: Race Distinctions in American Law. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1910.

Steward, T.G.: The Haitian Revolution, 1791-1804. Thomas Y. Crowell Co., New York, 1914.

Stoddard, Lothrop: The Rising Tide of Color against White World-Supremacy, with an Introduction by Madison Grant. Charles Scribner's Sons. New York, 1920.

Stone, Alfred H.: Studies in the American Race Problem. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1908.

Storey, Moorfield: The Negro Question. An Address delivered before the Wisconsin Bar Association. Boston, 1918. Problems of To-Day. Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, 1920.

Thompson, Holland: The New South. Vol. 42 in Chronicles of America.

Tillinghast, Joseph Alexander: The Negro in Africa and America. Publications of American Economics Association, Series 3 Vol 3, No. 2. New York, 1902.

Toombs, Robert: Speech on The Crisis, delivered before the Georgia Legislature, Dec. 7, 1860. Washington, 1860.

Tucker, St. George: A Dissertation on Slavery, with a Proposal for the Gradual Abolition of it in the State of Virginia. Philadelphia, 1796.

Turner, Frederick Jackson: The Rise of the New West. Vol. 14 in American Nation Series.

Turner, Edward Raymond: The Negro in Pennsylvania, 1639-1861 (Justin Winsor Prize of American Historical Association, 1910). Washington, 1911.

Washington, Booker T.: The Future of the American Negro. Small, Maynard & Co., Boston, 1899.

The Story of My Life and Work. Nichols & Co., Naperville, Ill., 1900.

Up from Slavery: An Autobiography. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1901.

Character Building. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1902.

Working with the Hands. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1904.

Putting the Most into Life. Crowell & Co., New York, 1906.

Frederick Douglass (in American Crisis Biographies). George W. Jacobs & Co., Philadelphia, 1906.

The Negro in the South (with W.E.B. DuBois). George W. Jacobs & Co., Philadelphia, 1907.

The Negro in Business. Hertel, Jenkins & Co., Chicago, 1907.

The Story of the Negro. 2 vols. Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1909.

My Larger Education. Doubleday, Page & Co., Garden City, N.Y., 1911.

The Man Farthest Down (with Robert Emory Park). Doubleday, Page & Co., Garden City, N.Y., 1912.

Weale, B.L. Putnam: The Conflict of Color. The Macmillan Co., New York, 1910.

Weatherford, W.D.: Present Forces in Negro Progress. Association Press, New York, 1912.

Weld, Theodore Dwight: American Slavery as It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. Published by the American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, 1839.

Wiener, Leo: Africa and the Discovery of America, Vol. I. Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, 1920.

Williams, George Washington: History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. 2 vols. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1883.

Wise, John S.: The End of an Era. Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1899. Woodson, Carter G.: The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1915.

A Century of Negro Migration. Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, 1918.

Woolf, Leonard: Empire and Commerce in Africa: A Study in Economic Imperialism. London, 1920. The Macmillan Co., New York.

Wright, Richard R.: Negro Companions of the Spanish Explorers. (Reprinted from the American Anthropologist, Vol. 4, April-June, 1902.)

Wright, Richard R., Jr.: The Negro in Pennsylvania: A Study in Economic History. (Ph.D. thesis, Pennsylvania.) A.M.E. Book Concern, Philadelphia.

Wright, T.S. See Cornish, Samuel E.

Zabriskie, Luther K.: The Virgin Islands of the United States of America. G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1918.

* * * * *

An Address to the People of the United States, adopted at a Conference of Colored Citizens, held at Columbia, S.C., July 20 and 21, 1876. Republican Printing Co., Columbia, S.C., 1876.

Paper (letter published in a Washington paper) submitted in connection with the Debate in the United States House of Representatives, July 15th and 18th, 1776, on the Massacre of Six Colored Citizens at Hamburg, S.C., July 4, 1876.

Proceedings of the National Conference of Colored Men of the United States, held in the State Capitol at Nashville, Tenn., May 6, 7, 8, and 9, 1879. Washington, D.C., 1879.

Story of the Riot. Persecution of Negroes by roughs and policemen in the City of New York, August, 1900. Statement and Proofs written and compiled by Frank Moss and issued by the Citizens' Protective League. New York, 1900.

The Voice of the Carpet Bagger. Reconstruction Review No. 1, published by the Anti-Lynching Bureau. Chicago, 1901.

III. Special Lists

1. On Chapter II, Section 3; Chapter III, Section 5; Chapter VIII and Chapter XI, the general topic being the social progress of the Negro before 1860. Titles are mainly in the order of appearance of works.

Mather, Cotton: Rules for the Society of Negroes, 1693. Reprinted by George H. Moore, Lenox Library, New York, 1888.

The Negro Christianized. An Essay to excite and assist that good work, the instruction of Negro-servants in Christianity. Boston, 1706.

Allen, Richard. The Life, Experience and Gospel Labors of the Rt. Rev. Richard Allen, written by himself. Philadelphia, 1793.

Hall, Prince. A Charge delivered to the African Lodge, June 24, 1797, at Menotomy, by the Right Worshipful Prince Hall. (Boston) 1797.

To the Free Africans and Other Free People of Color in the United States. (Broadside) Philadelphia, 1797.

Walker, David: Appeal, in four articles, together with a Preamble to the Colored Citizens of the World. Boston, 1829.

Garrison, William Lloyd: An Address delivered before the Free People of Color in Philadelphia, New York, and other cities, during the month of June, 1831. Boston, 1831.

Thoughts on African Colonization (see list above).

Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People of Color, held by adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the sixth to the eleventh of June, inclusive, 1831. Philadelphia, 1831.

College for Colored Youth. An Account of the New Haven City Meeting and Resolutions with Recommendations of the College, and Strictures upon the Doings of New Haven. New York, 1831.

On the Condition of the Free People of Color in the United States. New York, 1839. (The Anti-Slavery Examiner, No. 13.)

Condition of the People of Color in the State of Ohio, with interesting anecdotes. Boston, 1839.

Armistead, Wilson: Memoir of Paul Cuffe. London, 1840.

Wilson, Joseph: Sketches of the Higher Classes of Colored Society in Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1841.

National Convention of Colored Men and Their Friends. Troy, N.Y., 1847.

Garnet, Henry Highland: The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the Colored Race. Troy, 1848.

Delany, Martin R.: The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States, Politically Considered. Philadelphia, 1852.

Cincinnati Convention of Colored Freedmen of Ohio. Proceedings, Jan. 14-19, 1852. Cincinnati, 1852.

Proceedings of the Colored National Convention, held in Rochester, July 6, 7, and 8, 1853. Rochester, 1853.

Cleveland National Emigration Convention of Colored People. Proceedings, Aug. 22-24, 1854. Pittsburg, 1854.

Nell, William C.: The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, with sketches of several Distinguished Colored Persons: to which is added a brief survey of the Condition and Prospects of Colored Americans, with an Introduction by Harriet Beecher Stowe. Boston, 1855.

Stevens, Charles E.: Anthony Burns, a History. Boston, 1856.

Catto, William T.: A Semi-Centenary Discourse, delivered in the First African Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, with a History of the church from its first organization, including a brief notice of Rev. John Gloucester, its first pastor. Philadelphia, 1857.

Bacon, Benjamin C.: Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1856. Second edition, with statistics of crime, Philadelphia, 1857.

Condition of the Free Colored People of the United States, by James Freeman Clarke, in Christian Examiner, March, 1859, 246-265. Reprinted as pamphlet by American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, 1859.

Brown, William Wells: Clotel, or The President's Daughter (a narrative of slave life in the United States). London, 1853.

The Escape; or A Leap for Freedom, a Drama in five acts. Boston, 1858.

The Black Man, His Antecedents, His Genius, and His Achievements. New York, 1863.

The Rising Son; or The Antecedents and Advancement of the Colored Race. Boston, 1874.

To Thomas J. Gantt, Esq. (Broadside), Charleston, 1861.

Douglass, William: Annals of St. Thomas's First African Church. Philadelphia, 1862.

Proceedings of the National Convention of Colored Men, held in the city of Syracuse, N.Y., October 4, 5, 6, and 7, 1864, with the Bill of Wrongs and Rights and the Address to the American People. Boston, 1864.

The Budget, containing the Annual Reports of the General Officers of the African M.E. Church of the United States of America, edited by Benjamin W. Arnett. Xenia, O., 1881. Same for later years.

Simms, James M.: The First Colored Baptist Church in North America. Printed by J.B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, 1888.

Upton, William H.: Negro Masonry, being a Critical Examination of objections to the legitimacy of the Masonry existing among the Negroes of America. Cambridge, 1899; second edition, 1902.

Brooks, Charles H.: The Official History and Manual of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows in America. Philadelphia, 1902.

Cromwell, John W.: The Early Convention Movement. Occasional Paper No. 9 of American Negro Academy, Washington, D.C., 1904.

Brooks, Walter H.: The Silver Bluff Church, Washington, 1910.

Crawford, George W.: Prince Hall and His Followers. New Haven, 1915.

Wright, Richard R., Jr. (Editor-in-Chief): Centennial Encyclopaedia of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. A.M.E. Book Concern, Philadelphia, 1916.

Also note narratives or autobiographies of Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, Samuel Ringgold Ward, Solomon Northrup, Lunsford Lane, etc.; the poems of Phillis Wheatley (first edition, London, 1773), and George M. Horton; Williams's History for study of some more prominent characters; Woodson's bibliography for the special subject of education; and periodical literature, especially the articles remarked in Chapter XI in connection with the free people of color in Louisiana.

2. On Chapter V (Indian and Negro)

A standard work on the Second Seminole War is The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War, by John T. Sprague, D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1848; but also important as touching upon the topics of the chapter are The Exiles of Florida, by Joshua R. Giddings, Columbus, Ohio, 1858, and a speech by Giddings in the House of Representatives February 9, 1841. Note also House Document No. 128 of the 1st session of the 20th Congress, and Document 327 of the 2nd session of the 25th Congress. The Aboriginal Races of North America, by Samuel G. Drake, fifteenth edition, New York, 1880, is interesting and suggestive though formless; and McMaster in different chapters gives careful brief accounts of the general course of the Indian wars.

3. On Chapter VII (Insurrections)

(For insurrections before that of Denmark Vesey note especially Coffin, Holland, and Horsemanden above. On Gabriel's Insurrection see article by Higginson (Atlantic, X. 337), afterwards included in Travellers and Outlaws.)

Denmark Vesey

1. An Official Report of the Trials of Sundry Negroes, charged with an attempt to raise an Insurrection in the State of South Carolina. By Lionel H. Kennedy and Thomas Parker (members of the Charleston Bar and the Presiding Magistrates of the Court). Charleston, 1822.

2. An Account of the Late Intended Insurrection among a Portion of the Black of this City. Published by the Authority of the Corporation of Charleston. Charleston, 1822 (reprinted Boston, 1822, and again in Boston and Charleston).

The above accounts, now exceedingly rare, are the real sources of all later study of Vesey's insurrection. The two accounts are sometimes identical; thus the list of those executed or banished is the same. The first has a good introduction. The second was written by James Hamilton, Intendant of Charleston.

3. Letter of Governor William Bennett, dated August 10, 1822. (This was evidently a circular letter to the press. References are to Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation, II, 42, Ninth month, 1822, and there are reviews in the following issues, pages 81, 131, and 142. Higginson notes letter as also in Columbian Sentinel, August 31, 1822; Connecticut Courant, September 3, 1822; and Worcester Spy, September 18, 1822.)

Three secondary accounts in later years are important:

1. Article on Denmark Vesey by Higginson (Atlantic, VII. 728) included in Travellers and Outlaws: Episodes in American History. Lee and Shepard, Boston, 1889.

2. Right on the Scaffold, or the Martyrs of 1822, by Archibald H. Grimke. No. 7 of the Papers of the American Negro Academy, Washington.

3. Book I, Chapter XII, "Denmark Vesey's Insurrection," in Robert Y. Hayne and His Times, by Theodore D. Jervey, The Macmillan Co., New York, 1909.

Various pamphlets were written immediately after the insurrection not so much to give detailed accounts as to discuss the general problem of the Negro and the reaction of the white citizens of Charleston to the event. Of these we may note the following:

1. Holland, Edwin C.: A Refutation of the Calumnies Circulated against the Southern and Western States. (See main list above.)

2. Achates (General Thomas Pinckney): Reflections Occasioned by the Late Disturbances in Charleston. Charleston, 1822.

3. Rev. Dr. Richard Furman's Exposition of the Views of the Baptists Relative to the Colored Population in the United States. (See main list above.)

4. Practical Considerations Founded on the Scriptures Relative to the Slave Population of South Carolina. By a South Carolinian. Charleston, 1823.

Nat Turner

1. The Confessions of Nat Turner, Leader of the Late Insurrection in Southampton, Va., as fully and voluntarily made to Thos. C. Gray, in the prison where he was confined—and acknowledged by him to be such, when read before the court at Southampton, convened at Jerusalem November 5, 1831, for his trial. (This is the main source. Thousands of copies of the pamphlet are said to have been circulated, but it is now exceedingly rare. Neither the Congressional Library nor the Boston Public has a copy, and Cromwell notes that there is not even one in the State Library in Richmond. The copy used by the author is in the library of Harvard University.)

2. Horrid Massacre. Authentic and Impartial Narrative of the Tragical Scene which was witnessed in Southampton County (Virginia) on Monday the 22nd of August last. New York, 1831. (This gives a table of victims and has the advantage of nearness to the event. This very nearness, however, has given credence to much hearsay and accounted for several instances of inaccuracy.)

To the above may be added the periodicals of the day, such as the Richmond Enquirer and the Liberator; note Genius of Universal Emancipation, September, 1831. Secondary accounts or studies would include the following:

1. Nat Turner's Insurrection, exhaustive article by Higginson (Atlantic, VIII. 173) later included in Travellers and Outlaws.

2. Drewry, William Sidney: Slave Insurrections in Virginia (1830-1865). A Dissertation presented to the Board of University Studies of the Johns Hopkins University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The Neale Company, Washington, 1900. (Unfortunately marred by a partisan tone.)

3. The Aftermath of Nat Turner's Insurrection, by John W. Cromwell, in Journal of Negro History, April, 1920.

Amistad and Creole Cases

1. Argument of John Quincy Adams before the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of the United States, Apellants, vs. Cinque, and others, Africans, captured in the Schooner Amistad, by Lieut. Gedney, delivered on the 24th of February and 1st of March, 1841. New York, 1841.

2. Africans Taken in the Amistad. Document No. 185 of the 1st session of the 26th Congress, containing the correspondence in relation to the captured Africans. (Reprinted by Anti-Slavery Depository, New York, 1840.)

3. Senate Document 51 of the 2nd session of the 27th Congress.

4. On Chapter IX (Liberia)

Much has been written about Liberia, but the books and pamphlets have been very uneven in quality. Original sources include the reports of the American Colonization Society to 1825; The African Repository, a compendium issued sometimes monthly, sometimes quarterly, by the American Colonization Society from 1825 to 1892, and succeeded by the periodical known as Liberia; the reports of the different state organizations; J. Ashmun's History of the American Colony in Liberia from December, 1821 to 1823, compiled from the authentic records of the colony, Washington, 1826; Ralph Randolph Gurley's Life of Jehudi Ashmun, Washington, 1835, second edition, New York, 1839; Gurley's report on Liberia (a United States state paper), Washington, 1850; and the Memorial of the Semi-Centennial Anniversary of the American Colonization Society, celebrated at Washington, January 15, 1867, with documents concerning Liberia, Washington, 1867; to all of which might be added Journal of Daniel Coker, a descendant of Africa, from the time of leaving New York, in the ship Elisabeth, Capt. Sebor, on a voyage for Sherbro, in Africa, Baltimore, 1820. J.H.B. Latrobe, a president of the American Colonization Society, is prominent in the Memorial volume of 1867, and after this date are credited to him Liberia: its Origin, Rise, Progress, and Results, an address delivered before the American Colonization Society, January 20, 1880, Washington, 1880, and Maryland in Liberia, Baltimore, 1885. An early and interesting compilation is G.S. Stockwell's The Republic of Liberia: Its Geography, Climate, Soil, and Productions, with a history of its early settlement, New York, 1868; a good handbook is Frederick Starr's Liberia, Chicago, 1913; mention might also be made of T. McCants Stewart's Liberia, New York, 1886; and George W. Ellis's Negro Culture in West Africa, Neale Publishing Co., New York, 1914, is outstanding in its special field. Two Johns Hopkins theses have been written: John H.T. McPherson's History of Liberia (Studies, IX, No. 10), 1891, and E.L. Fox's The American Colonization Society 1817-1840 (Studies, XXXVII, 9-226), 1919; the first of these is brief and clearcut and especially valuable for its study of the Maryland colony. Magazine articles of unusual importance are George W. Ellis's Dynamic Factors in the Liberian Situation and Emmett J. Scott's Is Liberia Worth Saving? both in Journal of Race Development, January, 1911. Of English or continental works outstanding is the monumental but not altogether unimpeachable Liberia, by Sir Harry H. Johnston, with an appendix on the Flora of Liberia by Dr. Otto Stapf, 2 vols., Hutchinson & Co., London, 1906; while with a strong English bias and incomplete and unsatisfactory as a general treatise is R.C.F. Maughan's The Republic of Liberia, London (1920?), Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. Mention must also be made of the following publications by residents of Liberia: The Negro Republic on West Africa, by Abayomi Wilfrid Karnga, Monrovia, 1909; New National Fourth Reader, edited by Julius C. Stevens, Monrovia, 1903; Liberia and Her Educational Problems, by Walter F. Walker, an address delivered before the Chicago Historical Society, October 23, 1916; and Catalogue of Liberia College for 1916, and Historical Register, printed at the Riverdale Press, Brookline, Mass., 1919; while Edward Wilmot Blyden's Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race is representative of the best of the more philosophical dissertations.