]

[Footnote 1: From an old cut]

%191. The Post Office.%—Washington sees a great wagon or a white trolley car marked United States Mail, and on inquiry is told that the money now spent by the government each year for the support of the post offices would have more than paid the national debt when he was President. He hears with amazement that there are now 75,000 post offices, and recalls that in 1790 there were but seventy-five. He picks up from the sidewalk a piece of paper with a little pink something on the corner. He is told that the portrait on it is his own, that it is a postage stamp, that it costs two cents, and will carry a letter to San Francisco, a city he never heard of, and, if the person to whom it is addressed cannot be found, will bring the letter back to the sender, a distance of over 5000 miles. In his day a letter was a single sheet of paper, no matter how large or small, and the postage on it was determined not by weight, but by distance, and might be anything from six to twenty-five cents.

At that time postage must always be prepaid, and as the post office must support itself, letters were not sent from the country towns till enough postage had been deposited at the post office to pay the expense of sending them. Newspapers and books could not be sent by mail.

%192. The Franchise.%—Taking the country through, the condition of the people was by no means so happy as ours. They had government of the people, but it was not by the people nor for the people. Everywhere the right to vote and to hold office was greatly restricted. The voter must have an estate worth a certain sum, or a specified number of acres, or an annual income of so many dollars. But the right to vote did not carry with it the right to hold office. More property was required for office holding than for voting, and there were besides certain religious restrictions. In New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, the governor, the members of the legislature, and the chief officers of state must be Protestants. In Massachusetts and Maryland they must be Christians. All these restrictions were long since swept away.

%193. Cruel Punishments.%—The humane spirit of our times was largely wanting. The debtor was cast into prison. The pauper might be sold to the highest bidder. The criminal was dragged out into open day and flogged or branded. From ten to nineteen crimes were punishable with death. No such thing as a lunatic asylum, or a deaf and dumb asylum, or a penitentiary existed. The prisons were dreadful places. Men came out of them worse than they went in.

%194. The Condition of the Laborer; of the well to do.%—Men worked harder and for less money then than now. A regular working day was from sunrise to sunset, with an hour for breakfast and an hour for dinner. Sometimes the laborer was fed and lodged by the employer, in which case he was paid four dollars a month in winter and six in summer. Two shillings (30 cents) a day for unskilled labor was thought high wages.



Even the houses of the well to do were much less comfortable places than are such abodes in our day. There were no furnaces, no gas, no bathrooms, no plumbing. Wood was the universal fuel. Coal from Virginia and Rhode Island was little used. All cooking was done in "Dutch ovens," or in "out ovens," or in the enormous fireplaces to be found in every household. Wood fuel made sooty chimneys, and sooty chimneys took fire. In every city, therefore, were men known as "sweeps," whose business it was to clean chimneys.



]

[Footnote 1: The bread, or meat, to be baked was put into the pot, and hot coals were heaped all around the sides and on the lid, which had a rim to keep the coals on it.]



Washington was a farmer, yet he never in his life beheld a tomato, nor a cauliflower, nor an eggplant, nor a horserake, nor a drill, nor a reaper and binder, nor a threshing machine, nor a barbed wire fence.

]

[Footnote 1: This shows a fine specimen of the old-fashioned fireplace. Notice the andirons, the bellows, the lamp, the spinning wheel, the old Dutch clock, and the kettles hanging on the crane over the logs.]



His land was plowed with a wooden plow partly shod with iron. His seed was sown by hand; his hay was cut with scythes; his grain was reaped with sickles, and threshed on the barn floor with flails in the hands of his slaves.

%195. Negro Slavery.%—No living person under thirty years of age has ever seen a negro slave in our country. When Washington was President there were 700,000 slaves. When the Revolution opened, slavery was permitted by law in every colony. But the feeling against it in the North had always been strong, and when the war ended, the people began the work of abolition. In Massachusetts and New Hampshire the constitutions of the states declared that "all men are born free and equal," and that "all men are born equally free," and this was understood to abolish slavery. In Pennsylvania, slavery was abolished in 1780. In Rhode Island and Connecticut gradual abolition laws were passed which provided that all children born of slave parents after a certain day should be free at a certain age, and that their children should never be slaves. The Ordinance of 1787 had prohibited slavery in the Northwest Territory. But in 1790 New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and all the states south of these were slave states. (See map on the next page.)

Though slaves were men and women and children, they had no civil rights whatever. They could be bought and sold, leased, seized for a debt, bequeathed by will, given away. If they made anything, or found anything, or earned anything, it belonged not to them, but to their owners. They were property just as oxen or horses were in the North. It was unlawful to teach them to read or write. They were not allowed to give evidence against a white man, nor to travel in bands of more than seven unless a white man was with them, nor to quit the plantation without leave.

If a planter provided coarse food, coarse clothes, and a rude shelter for his slaves, if he did not work them more than fifteen hours out of twenty-four in summer, nor more than fourteen in winter, and if he gave them every Sunday to themselves, he did quite as much for their comfort as the law required he should.



If the slave committed any offense, if he stole anything, or refused to work, or ran away, it was lawful to load him with irons, to confine him for any length of time in a cell, and to beat him and whip him till the blood ran in streams from the wounds, and he grew too weak to stand. Old advertisements are still extant in which runaway blacks are described by the scars left upon their bodies by the lash. When such lashings were not prescribed by the court, they were commonly given under the eye of the overseer, or inflicted by the owner himself.

%196. Six Days from Boston to New York.%—Our country was small when Washington was President. The people lived on the seaboard. The towns and cities were not actually very far apart; but the means of travel were so poor, the time consumed in going even fifty miles was so great, that the country was practically immense in extent. Now we step into a beautifully fitted car, heated by steam, lighted by electricity, richly carpeted, and provided with most comfortable seats and beds, and are whirled across the continent from Philadelphia to San Francisco in less time than it took Washington to go from New York to Boston.

]

[Footnote 1: In many parts of the country where there was no water power, as Cape Cod, Long Island, Nantucket, etc., flour was ground at windmills. The windmill shown in the picture was built in 1787, and is still in use.]

If you had lived in 1791 and started, say, from Boston, to go to Philadelphia to see the President and the great city where independence had been declared, you would very likely have begun by making your will, and bidding good-by to your friends. You would then have gone down to the office of the proprietor of the stagecoach, and secured a seat to New York. As the coach left but twice a week, you would have waited till the day came and would then have presented yourself, at three o'clock in the morning, at the tavern whence the coach started.

The stagecoach was little better than a huge covered box mounted on springs. It had neither glass windows, nor door, nor steps, nor closed sides. The roof was upheld by ten posts which rose from the body of the vehicle, and the body was commonly breast high. From the top were hung curtains of leather, to be rolled up when the day was fine, and let down and buttoned when it was rainy and cold. Within were four seats. Without was the baggage. Fourteen pounds of luggage were allowed to be carried free by each passenger. But if your portmanteau or your brass-nail-studded hair trunk weighed more, you would have paid for it at the rate per mile that you paid for yourself. Under no circumstances, however, would you be permitted to take on the journey more than 150 pounds. When the baggage had all been weighed and strapped on the coach, when the horses had been attached, and the waybill, containing the names of the passengers, made out, the passengers would clamber to their seats through the front of the stage and sit down with their faces toward the driver's seat.

One pair of horses usually dragged the coach eighteen miles, when a fresh pair would be attached, and if all went well, you would be put down about ten at night at some wayside inn or tavern after a journey of forty miles. Cramped and weary, you would eat a frugal supper and hurry off to bed with a notice from the landlord to be ready to start at three the next morning. Then, no matter if it rained or snowed, you would be forced to make ready by the dim light of a horn lantern, unknown now, for another ride of eighteen hours.

If no mishaps occurred, if the coach was not upset by the ruts, if storm or flood did not delay you at Springfield, where the road met the Connecticut, or at Stratford, where it met the Housatonic, each of which had to be crossed on clumsy flatboats, the stage would roll into New York at the end of the sixth day.

%197. Two Days from New York to Philadelphia.%—And here a serious delay was almost certain to occur, for even in the best of weather it was no easy matter to cross the Hudson to New Jersey. When the wind was high and the water rough, or the river full of ice, the boldest did not dare to risk a crossing. Once over the river, you would again go on by coach, and at the end of two more days would reach Philadelphia. In our time one can travel in eight hours the entire distance between Boston and Philadelphia, a distance which Washington could not have traversed in less than eight days.

]

[Footnote 1: From a print of 1798.]

%198. The Roads and the Inns.%—The newspapers and the travelers of those days complained bitterly of the roads and the inns. On the best roads the ruts were deep, the descents precipitous, and the passengers were often forced to get out and help the driver pull the wheels out of the mud. Breakdowns and upsets were of everyday occurrence. Yet bad as the roads were, the travel was so considerable that very often the inns and taverns even in the large cities could not lodge all who applied unless they slept five or six in a room.

%199. A Steamboat on the Delaware.%—Rude as this means of travel seems to us, the men of 1790 were quite satisfied with it, and absolutely refused to make use of a better one. Had you been in Philadelphia during the summer of 1790 and taken up a copy of The Pennsylvania Packet, you could not have failed to notice this advertisement of the first successful steamboat in the world:

%The Steam-Boat

Is now ready to take Passengers, and is intended to set off from Arch Street Ferry in Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, for Burlington, Bristol, Bordentown and Trenton, to return on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays—Price for Passengers, 2/6 to Burlington and Bristol, 3/9 to Bordentown, 5/. to Trenton. June 14. tu.th ftf.%

This boat was the invention of John Fitch, and from June to September ran up and down the Delaware; but so few people went on it that he could not pay expenses, and the boat was withdrawn.

%200. To the Great West.%—From Philadelphia went out one of the great highways to what was then the far West, but to what we now know as the valley of the Ohio. The traveler who to-day makes the journey from Philadelphia to Pittsburg is whisked on a railroad car through an endless succession of cities and villages and rich farms, and by great factories and mills and iron works, which in the days of Washington had no existence. He makes the journey easily between sunrise and sunset. In 1790 he could not have made it in twelve days.

%201. Towns beyond the Alleghany Mountains.%—Though the country between the Alleghany Mountains and the Mississippi had been closed to settlement from 1763 to 1776 by the King's proclamation, it was by no means without population in 1790. At Detroit and Kaskaskia and Vincennes were old French settlements, made long before France was driven out of Louisiana. But there were others of later date. The hardy frontiersman of 1763 cared no more for the King's proclamation than he did for the bark of the wolf at his cabin door. The ink with which the document was written had not dried before emigrants from Maryland and Virginia and Pennsylvania were hurrying into the valley of the Monongahela.

In 1769 William Bean crossed the mountains from North Carolina, and, building a cabin on the banks of Watauga Creek, began the settlement of Tennessee. James Robertson and a host of others followed in 1770, and soon the valleys of the Clinch and the Holston were dotted with cabins. In 1769 Daniel Boone, one of the grandest figures in frontier history, began his exploits in what is now Kentucky, and before 1777 Boonesboro, Harrodsburg, and Lexington were founded.

]

[Footnote 1: Now in the National Museum, Washington.]

%202. State of Franklin.%—Before the Revolution closed, emigrants under James Robertson and John Donelson planted Nashville and half a dozen other settlements on the Cumberland, in middle Tennessee. After the Revolution ended, so many settlers were in eastern Tennessee that they tried to make a new state. North Carolina, following the example of her Northern sisters, ceded to Congress her claim to what is now Tennessee in 1784. But the people on the Watauga no sooner heard, of it than under the lead of John Sevier they organized the state of Franklin, whereupon North Carolina repealed the act of cession and absorbed the new state by making the Franklin officials her officials for the district of Tennessee. In 1789 she again ceded the district, and in May of that year Tennessee became part of the public domain.

%203. Squatters in Ohio.%—The cession to Congress of the land north of the Ohio led to an emigration from Virginia and Kentucky to what is now the state of Ohio. As this territory was to be sold to pay the national debt, Congress was forced to order the squatters away, and when they refused to go, sent troops to burn their cabins, destroy their crops, and drive them across the Ohio. The lawful settlement of the territory began after the Ohio and Scioto companies bought their lands in 1787, and John C. Symmes purchased his in 1788.

%204. Pittsburg in 1790.%—At Pittsburg, then the greatest town in the United States west of the Alleghany Mountains, were some 200 houses, mostly of logs, and 2000 people, a newspaper, and a few rude manufactories. The life of the town was its river trade. Pittsburg was the place where emigrants "fitted out" for the West. A settler intending to go down the Ohio valley with his family and his goods would lay in a stock of powder and ball, buy flour and ham enough to last him for a month, and secure two rude structures which passed under the name of boats.



%205. A Trip down the Ohio in 1790.%—In the long keel boat he would put his wife, his children, and such travelers as had been waiting at Pittsburg for a chance to go down the river. In the flatboat would be his cattle or his stores. Two dangers beset the voyager on the Ohio. His boat might become entangled in the branches of the trees that overhung the river, or be fired into by the Indians who lurked in the woods. The cabin of the keel boat, therefore, was low, that it might glide under the trees, and the roof and sides were made as nearly bullet-proof as possible. The whole craft was steered by a huge oar mounted on a pivot at the stern.[1]

[Footnote 1: See the boats in the pictures on next page.]



%206. Towns along the Ohio.%—As the emigrant in such an ark floated down the river, he would come first to Wheeling, a town of fifty log cabins, and then to Marietta, a town planted in Ohio in 1788 by settlers sent by the Ohio Company. Below Marietta were Belpre and Gallipolis, a settlement made by Frenchmen brought there by the Scioto Company. Yet farther down, on the Kentucky side, were Limestone (now Maysville) and Newport, opposite which some settlers were founding the city of Cincinnati. Once past Cincinnati, all was unbroken wilderness till one reached Louisville in Kentucky, beyond which few emigrants had yet ventured to go.



%207. Cotton Planting.%—The South, in 1790, was on the eve of a great industrial revolution. The products of the states south of Virginia had been tar, pitch, resin, lumber, rice, and indigo. But in the years following the peace the indigo plants had been destroyed year after year by an insect. As the plant was not a native of our country, but was brought from the West Indies, it became necessary either to import more seed plants, or to raise some other staple. Many chose the latter course, and about 1787 began to grow cotton.



%208. Whitney and the Cotton Gin.%—The experiment succeeded, but a serious difficulty arose. The cotton plant has pods which when ripe split open and show a white woolly substance attached to seeds. Before the cotton could be used, these seeds must be picked out, and as the labor of cleaning was very great, only a small quantity could be sent to market. It happened, however, that a young man from Massachusetts, named Eli Whitney, was then living in Georgia, and he, seeing the need of a machine to clean cotton, invented the cotton gin.[1] Till then, a negro slave could not clean two pounds of cotton in a day. With the gin the same slave in the same time could remove the seeds from a hundred pounds. This solved the difficulty, and gave to the United States another staple even greater in value than tobacco. In 1792 one hundred and ninety-two thousand pounds of cotton were exported to Europe; in 1795, after the gin was invented, six million pounds were sent out of the country. In 1894 no less than 4275 million pounds were raised and either consumed or exported. Of all the marvelous inventions of our countrymen, this produced the very greatest consequences. It made cotton planting profitable; it brought immense wealth to the people of the South every year; it covered New England with cotton mills; and by making slave labor profitable it did more than anything else to fasten slavery on the United States for seventy years, and finally to bring on the Civil War, the most terrible struggle of modern times.

[Footnote 1: The word "gin" is a contraction of "engine."]



SUMMARY

1. When Washington was inaugurated, the United States consisted of eleven states, with a population of about 3,380,000.

2. These people lived not far from the Atlantic coast. Few cities existed; not one had 50,000 inhabitants. Even the largest was without many conveniences which we consider necessaries.

3. Travel was slow and difficult, and though a steamboat had been invented and used, it was too far ahead of the times to succeed.

4. West of the Alleghany Mountains a few settlements had been made between 1763 and 1783. But it was after 1783, when streams of emigrants poured over the mountains, that settlement really began.

6. In the South cotton was just beginning to be cultivated; there all labor was done by slaves. In the North slavery was dying out, and in five of the states had been abolished.

State of the Country in 1790

- On the Seaboard. The population. {Number. {Distribution. {Movement west. The cities {Size. {Absence of many conveniences known to us. {Newspapers and magazines. Communication between states. {Bad roads. Slow travel. {The post offices. {The stagecoaches. The inns. {The early steamboat.

- In the Ohio Valley. {Population. Squatters. {Pittsburg in 1790. {A trip down the Ohio. {Towns in the valley.

- In the South. {Slavery. {Cotton planting. {Whitney and the cotton gin.



CHAPTER XV

THE RISE OF PARTIES

%209. Organizing the New Government.%—he President having been inaugurated, and the new government fairly established, it became the duty of Congress to enact such laws as were needed immediately. The first act passed by Congress in 1789 was therefore a tariff act laying duties on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States. Customhouses were then established and customs districts marked out, and ports of entry and ports of delivery designated; provision was made for the support of lighthouses and beacons; the Ordinance of 1787 for the government of the territories was slightly changed and reenacted; the departments of State, War, and Treasury were established; and a call was made on the Secretary of the Treasury to report a plan for payment of the old Continental debt.

%210. The United States Courts.%—The Constitution declares that the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. Acting under this power, Congress made provision for a Supreme Court, consisting of a Chief Justice and five Associate Justices, and marked out the United States into circuits and districts. The circuits were three in number. In the first were the Eastern States; in the second, the Middle States; and in the third, the Southern States. To each were assigned two Justices of the Supreme Court, whose business it was to go to some city in each state in the circuit, and there, with the district judge of that state, hold a circuit court. The district courts were thirteen in number, one being established in each state.[1] Washington appointed John Jay the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

[Footnote 1: For later changes, see Andrews's Manual of the Constitution, p. 183.]

%211. The Secretaries.%—During the management of affairs by the Continental Congress three great executive departments had gradually grown up and been placed in charge of three men, called the "Superintendent of Finance," the "Secretary of the United States for the Department of Foreign Affairs," and the "Secretary of War." These the Constitution recognized in the expression "principal officer in each of the executive departments." Congress by law now continued the departments and placed them in charge of a Secretary of the Treasury, a Secretary of State, and a Secretary of War. Washington filled the offices promptly, making Alexander Hamilton Secretary of the Treasury, Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State, and General Henry Knox Secretary of War.

%212. The "Cabinet."%—It has long been the custom for the President to gather his secretaries about him on certain days in each week for the purpose of discussing public measures. To these gatherings has been given the name "Cabinet meetings," while the secretaries have come to be called "Cabinet officers." The Constitution, however, never intended to give the President a body of advisers. Indeed, a proposition to provide him with a council was voted down in the constitutional convention. But Washington at once began to consult the Chief Justice, the Vice President, his three secretaries, and the Attorney-general on matters of importance. At first he asked their opinions individually and in writing, but toward the end of his first term he convened a general meeting of the heads of departments, and by so doing set a custom out of which, in time, the "Cabinet" has grown.

%213. The Origin of the National Debt.%—As soon as Hamilton was made Secretary of the Treasury, it became his duty, in accordance with an order from Congress, to prepare a plan for the payment of the debts contracted by the Continental Congress. When that body was unexpectedly called on, in May, 1775, to conduct the war, it had nothing with which to pay expenses, and was forced to use all sorts of means to raise money.



%214. Paper Money.%—The first resort was the issue, during 1775 and 1776, of six batches of Continental "bills of credit," amounting in all to $36,000,000. These "bills" were rudely engraved bits of paper, stating on their face that "This bill entitles the bearer to receive —— Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in gold or silver." They were issued in sums of various denominations, from one sixth of a dollar up, and were to be redeemed by the states. The amount assigned each state for redemption was in proportion to the supposed number of its inhabitants.

%215. Loan-office Certificates.%—In 1776 Congress tried another means. It opened a loan office in each state and called on patriotic people to come forward and loan it money, receiving in return pieces of paper called "loan-office certificates." Interest was to be paid on these; but after a while Congress, having no money with which to pay interest, was forced to resort to another form of paper, called "interest indents."

%216. The Congress Lottery.%—The loan office having failed to bring in as much money as was needed, Congress, toward the close of 1776, was driven to seek some other way, and resorted to a lottery. A certain number of tickets were sold, after which a drawing took place, and all who drew prizes were given certificates payable at the end of five years.

%217. More Bills of Credit.%—But the sale of tickets went off so slowly that Congress had to go back to the issue of bills of credit. In 1777, therefore, the printing press was again put to work, and issues were made in rapid succession, till more than $200,000,000 in Continental paper were in circulation.

%218. The "New Tenor".%—Then the Continental bills ceased to circulate, and in March, 1780, Congress called in the old money and offered to exchange it for a new issue, giving one dollar of the new paper money, or "new tenor," for forty dollars of the old. But the attempt to restore credit by such means was a failure, and by the end of the year 1781 all paper money ceased to circulate.

%219. Certificates.%—Long before this time officials had been forced to pay debts contracted in the name of Congress with other kinds of paper, called certificates, and known as treasury, commissary, quartermaster, marine, and hospital certificates, according to the department issuing them. To these must be added the "final settlements," or certificates given to the soldiers at the end of the war in payment of their services.

%220. Foreign Debt.%—Besides the debt thus contracted at home, Congress had borrowed a great sum in Europe.

%221. The National Debt in 1790.%—Thus the debt contracted by the Continental Congress consisted of two parts. 1. The foreign debt, due to France, Holland, and Spain, and amounting, Hamilton found, to $11,700,000. 2. The domestic or home debt, of $42,000,000. But the states had also fallen into debt because of their exertions in the war. Just how great the state debts were could not be determined, but they were estimated to be $21,500,000.

%222. Assumption and Funding.%—For the redemption of this debt Hamilton prepared two measures,—the funding, or, as we should say, the bonding, of the foreign and Continental debt, and the assuming and funding of the state debts. This was done, and Congress ordered stock bearing interest to be issued in exchange for the old debts, and so established our national debt, which in 1790 amounted to $75,000,000.

%223. The National Capital.%—Funding the state debts was strongly opposed by many congressmen, and was not carried till a bargain was made by which it was agreed that if enough members from Virginia and Pennsylvania would support the measure to secure its passage through the House of Representatives, the national government should be removed from New York to Philadelphia for ten years, and after that to a city to be built on the Potomac. This was faithfully carried out, and in the summer of 1790 the government offices were removed to Philadelphia, where they remained till the summer of 1800, when they were removed to Washington in the District of Columbia.

%224. The Bank of the United States.%—The troublesome questions of funding and assumption thus disposed of, Congress called on Hamilton for a report on the further support of public credit, and when it met in the session of 1790-91, received a plan for a great National Bank, with a capital of $10,000,000. The United States was to raise $2,000,000; the rest was to be subscribed for by the people. The bank was to keep the public revenues, was to aid the government in making payments all over the country. To do this, power was given to the parent bank (which must be at Philadelphia) to establish branches in the chief cities and towns, and to issue bank bills which should be received all over the United States for public lands, taxes, duties, postage, and in payment of any debt due the government. Great opposition was made; but the charter was granted for twenty years, and in 1791 the Bank of the United States began business.

The effect of these two measures, funding the debt and establishing a bank, was immediate. Confidence and credit were restored. Money that the people had long been hiding away was brought out and invested in all sorts of new enterprises, such as banks, canal companies, manufacturing companies, and turnpike companies.



%225. "Federalists" and "Republicans."%—When the Constitution was before the people for acceptance or rejection in 1788, they were divided into two bodies. Those who wanted a strong and vigorous federal government, who wanted Congress to have plenty of power to regulate trade, pay the debts of the country, and raise revenue, supported the Constitution just as it was and were called "Federalists."

Others, who wanted the old Articles of Confederation preserved and amended so as to give Congress a revenue and only a little more power, opposed the Constitution and wanted it altered. To please these "Anti-Federalists," as they were a large part of the people, Congress, in 1789, drew up twelve amendments to the Constitution and sent them to the states.

With the ratification of ten of these amendments, opposition to the Constitution ceased. But as soon as Congress began to pass laws, difference of opinion as to the expediency of them, and even as to the right of Congress to pass them, divided the people again into two parties, and sent a good many Federalists into the Anti-Federalist party.

A very large number of men, for instance, opposed the funding of the Continental Congress debt at its face value, because the people never had taken a bill at the value expressed on its face, but at a very much less value; some opposed the assumption of the state debts, because Congress, they said, had power to pay the debt of the United States, but not state debts; others opposed the National Bank because the Constitution did not give Congress express power in so many words to charter a bank. Others complained that the interest on the national debt and the great salary of the President ($25,000 a year) and the pay of Congressmen ($6 a day) and the hundreds of tax collectors made taxes too heavy. They complained again that men in office showed an undemocratic fondness for aristocratic customs. The President, they said, was too exclusive, and owned too fine a coach. The Justices of the Supreme Court must have black silk gowns, with red, white, and blue scarfs. The Senate for some years to come held its daily session in secret; not even a newspaper reporter was allowed to be present.

As early as 1792 there were thus a very great number of men in all parts of the country who were much opposed to the measures of Congress and the President, and who accused the Federalists of wishing to set up a monarchy. A great national debt, they said, a funding system, a national bank, and heavy internal taxes are all monarchical institutions, and if you have the institutions, it will not be long before you have the monarchy. They began therefore in 1792 to organize for election purposes, and as they were opposed to a monarchy, they called themselves "Republicans." [1] Their great leaders were Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Randolph, and Albert Gallatin.

[Footnote 1: This party was the forerunner of the present Democratic party.]

%226. The Whisky Rebellion, 1794.%—One of the taxes to which the Republicans objected, that on whisky, led to the first rebellion against the government of the United States. In those days, 1791, the farmers living in the region around Pittsburg could not send grain or flour down the Ohio and the Mississippi, because Spain had shut the Mississippi to navigation by Americans. They could not send their flour over the mountains to Philadelphia or Baltimore, because it cost more to haul it there than it would sell for. Instead, therefore, of making flour, they grew rye and made whisky on their own farms. This found a ready sale. Now, when the United States collectors attempted to collect the whisky tax, the farmers of western Pennsylvania drove them away. An appeal was then made to the courts; but when the marshal came to make arrests he, too, was driven away. Under the Articles of Confederation this would have been submitted to. But the Constitution and the acts of Congress were now "the supreme law of the land," and Washington in his oath of office had sworn to see them executed. To accomplish this, he used the power given him by an act of Congress, and called out 12,900 militia from the neighboring states and marched them to Pittsburg. Then the people yielded. Two of the leaders were tried and convicted of treason; but Washington pardoned them.

The insurrection or rebellion was a small affair. But the principles at stake were great. It was now shown that the Constitution and the laws must be obeyed; that it was treason to resist them by force, and that if necessary the people would, at the call of the President, turn out and put down rebellion by force of arms.[1]

[Footnote 1: Read McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Vol. II., pp. 189-204; Findley's History of the Insurrection in Pennsylvania.]

SUMMARY

1. As soon as Washington was inaugurated, Congress proceeded to organize the new government.

2. The Supreme Court and circuit and district courts were established.

3. The departments of State, War, and Treasury were formed.

4. Twelve amendments to the Constitution were proposed.

5. Three financial measures were adopted: A. A tariff act was passed. B. The debts of the states were assumed, and, with that of the Continental Congress, funded. C. A national bank was chartered.

6. The price of funding was the ultimate location of the national capital on the Potomac.

7. The first census was taken in 1790.

8. The result of the financial measures of Congress was the rise of the Republican party (the forerunner of the present Democratic party).

THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES /——————————————————————————————————

Funding the Continental Debt. / / Money borrowed in Shall it be Foreign debt. France, Holland, funded at Yes + and Spain. / face value? / / Bills of credit. Loan-office certificates. Shall it be Lottery funded at Yes + Domestic debt. certificates. face value / Interest indents. or market New tenor. value? / Yes + Certificates of officials. Final settlements. / Assumption of / Yes -+-+ [1] state debts. No + / Establishment / Yes -+ of a national bank. No + Internal revenue / Too heavy - taxes. / / President too exclusive. Aristocratic Secret sessions Administration customs. of the Senate. +-+-+ [2] not democratic. Gowns of the justices. / Monarchial / Great debt. institutions. National bank. Heavy taxes. /

/ Leaders. [1] - Federalists Washington. / Adams. Hamilton.

/ Leaders. Jefferson. [2] - Republicans Madison. Monroe. Randolph. / Gallatin.



CHAPTER XVI

THE STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY

%227. Trouble with Great Britain and France.%—From the congressional election in 1792 we may date the beginning of organized political parties in the United States. They sprang from differences of opinion as to domestic matters. But on a sudden in 1793 Federalists and Republicans became divided on questions of foreign affairs.

Ever since 1789 France had been in a state of revolution, and at last (in 1792) the people established the French Republic, cut off the heads of the King and Queen (in 1793), and declared war on England and sent a minister, Genet, to the United States. At that time we had no treaty with Great Britain except the treaty of peace. With France, however, we had two treaties,—one of alliance, and one of amity and commerce. The treaty of alliance bound us to guarantee to France "the possessions of the crown of France in America," by which were meant the French West Indian Islands. When Washington heard that war had been declared by France, and that a French minister was on his way to America, he became alarmed lest this minister should call on him to make good the guarantee by sending a fleet to the Indies. On consulting his secretaries, they advised him that the guarantee applied only when France was attacked, and not when she was the attacking party. The President thereupon issued a proclamation of neutrality; that is, declared that the United States would not side with either party in the war, but would treat both alike.

%228. Sympathy for France; the French Craze.%—Then began a long struggle for neutrality. The Republicans were very angry at Washington and denounced him violently. France, they said, had been our old friend; Great Britain had been our old enemy. We had a treaty with France; we had none with Great Britain. To treat her on the same footing with France was therefore a piece of base ingratitude to France. A wave of sympathy for France swept over the country. The French dress, customs, manners, came into use. Republicans ceased to address each other as Mr. Smith, Mr. Jones, Sir, or "Your Honor," and used Citizen Smith and Citizen Jones. The French tricolor with the red liberty cap was hung up in taverns and coffeehouses, which were the clubhouses of that day. Every French victory was made the occasion of a "civic feast," while the anniversaries of the fall of the Bastile and of the founding of the Republic were kept in every great city.[1]

[Footnote 1: Read McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Vol. II., pp. 89-96; Harpers Magazine, April, 1897.]

%229. England seizes our Ships; the Rule of 1756%.—To preserve neutrality in the face of such a public sentiment was hard enough; but Great Britain made it more difficult yet. When war was declared, France opened the ports of her West Indian Islands and invited neutral nations to trade with them. This she did because she knew that the British navy could drive her merchantmen from the sea, and that all trade between herself and her colonies must be carried on in the ships of neutral nations.

Now the merchants of the United States had never been allowed to trade with the French Indies to an unlimited extent. The moment, therefore, they were allowed to do so, they gladly began to trade, and during the summer of 1793 hundreds of ships went to the islands. There were at that time four questions of dispute between us and Great Britain:

1. Great Britain held that she might seize any kind of food going to a French port in our ships. We held that only military stores might be so seized.

2. Great Britain held that when a port had been declared to be blockaded, a ship bound to that port might be seized even on the high seas. We held that no port was blockaded unless there was a fleet actually stationed at it to prevent ships from entering or leaving it.

3. Great Britain held that our ships might be captured if they had French goods on board. We held that "free ships made free goods," and that our ships were not subject to capture, no matter whose goods they had on board.

4. Great Britain in 1756 had adopted a rule that no neutral should have in time of war a trade she did not have in time of peace.

The United States was now enjoying a trade in time of war she did not have in time of peace, and Great Britain began to enforce her rule. British ships were ordered to stop American vessels going to or coming from the French West Indies, and if they contained provisions, to seize them. This was done, and in the autumn of 1793 great numbers of American ships were captured.

%230. Our Sailors impressed.%—All this was bad enough and excited the people against our old enemy, who made matters a thousand times worse by a course of action to which we could not possibly submit. She claimed the right to stop any of our ships on the sea, send an officer on board, force the captain to muster the crew on the deck, and then search for British subjects. If one was found, he was seized and carried away. If none were found, and the British ships wanted men, native-born Americans were taken off under the pretext that one could not tell an American from an English sailor. Our fathers could stand a great deal, but this was too much, and a cry for war went up from all parts of the country.

But Washington did not want war, and took two measures to prevent it. He persuaded Congress to lay an embargo for thirty days, that is, forbid all ships to leave our ports, and induced the Senate to let him send John Jay, the Chief Justice, to London to make a treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain.

%231. Jay's Treaty, 1794.%—In this mission Jay succeeded; and though the treaty was far from what Washington wanted, it was the best that could be had, and he approved it.[1] At this the Republicans grew furious. They burned copies of the treaty at mass meetings and hung Jay in effigy. Yet the treaty had some good features. By it the King agreed to withdraw his troops from Oswego and Detroit and Mackinaw, which really belonged to us but were still occupied by the English. By it our merchants were allowed for the first time to trade with the British West Indies, and some compensation was made for the damage done by the capture of ships in the West Indies.

[Footnote 1: The Senate ratified this treaty in the summer of 1795.]

%232. Treaty with Spain.%—About the same time (October, 1795) we made our first treaty with Spain, and induced her to accept the thirty-first degree of latitude as the south boundary of our country, and to consent to open the Mississippi to trade. As Spain owned both banks at the mouth of the river, she claimed that American ships had no right to go in or out without her consent, and so prevented the people of Kentucky and Tennessee from trading in foreign markets. She now agreed that they might float their produce to New Orleans and pay a small duty, and then ship it wherever they pleased.

%233. The Election of Adams and Jefferson, 1796%.—Washington had been reelected President in 1792, but he was now tired of office, and in September, 1796, issued his "Farewell Address," in which he declined to be the candidate for a third presidential term. In those days there were no national conventions to nominate candidates, yet it was well understood that John Adams, the Vice President, was the candidate of the Federalists, and Thomas Jefferson, of the Republicans. When the votes were counted in Congress, it was found that Adams had 71 electoral votes, and Jefferson 68; so they became President and Vice President.



%234. Trouble with France.%—Adams was inaugurated on March 4, 1797, and three days later heard that C. C. Pinckney, our minister to the French Republic, had been driven from France. Pinckney had been sent to France by Washington in 1796, but the French Directory (as the five men who then governed France were called) had taken great offense at Jay's treaty: first because it was favorable to Great Britain, and in the second place because it put an end for the present to all hope of war between her and the United States. The Directory, therefore, refused to receive Pinckney until the French grievances were redressed.

The President was very angry at the insult, and summoned Congress to meet and take such action as, said he, "shall convince France and the whole world that we are not a degraded people humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority." But the Republicans declared so vigorously that if a special mission were sent to France all would be made right, that Adams yielded, and sent John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry to join Pinckney as envoys extraordinary. On reaching Paris, three men acting as agents for the Directory met them, and declared that before they could be received as ministers they must do three things:

1. Apologize for Adams's denunciation of the conduct of France. 2. Pay each Director $50,000. 3. Pay tribute to France.

When the President reported this demand to Congress, the names of the three French agents were suppressed, and instead they were called Mr. X, Mr. Y, Mr. Z. This gave the mission the nickname "X, Y, Z mission."

%235. "Millions for Defense, not a Cent for Tribute."%—As the newspapers published these dispatches, a roar of indignation, in which the Federalists and Republicans alike joined, went up from the whole country. "Millions for defense, not a cent for tribute," became the watchword of the hour. Opposition in Congress ceased, and preparations were at once made for war. The French treaties were suspended. The Navy Department was created, and a Secretary of the Navy appointed. Frigates were ordered to be built, money was voted for arms, a provisional army was formed, and Washington was again made commander in chief, with the rank of lieutenant general. The young men associated for defense, the people in the seaports built frigates or sloops of war, and gave their services to erect forts and earthworks. Every French flag was now pulled down from the coffeehouses, and the black cockade of our own Revolutionary days was once more worn as the badge of patriotism. Then was written, by Joseph Hopkinson of Philadelphia,[1] and sung for the first time, our national song Hail, Columbia!

[Footnote 1: The music to which we sing Hail, Columbia! was called The President's March, and was played for the first time when the people of Trenton were welcoming Washington on his way to be inaugurated President in 1789. For an account of the trouble with France read McMaster's History of the People of the United States, Vol. II, pp. 207-416, 427-476.]

%236. The Alien and Sedition Acts.%—Carried away by the excitement of the hour, the Federalists now passed two most unwise laws. Many of the active leaders and very many of the members of the Republican party were men born abroad and naturalized in this country. Generally they were Irishmen or Frenchmen, and as such had good reason to hate England, and therefore hated the Federalists, who they believed were too friendly to her. To prevent such becoming voters, and so taking an active part in politics, the Federalists passed a new naturalization law, which forbade any foreigner to become an American citizen until he had lived fourteen years in our country. Lest this should not be enough to keep them quiet, a second law was passed by which the President had power for two years to send any alien (any of these men who for fourteen years could not become citizens) out of the country whenever he thought it proper. This law Adams never used.

For five years past the Republican newspapers had been abusing Washington, Adams, the acts of Congress, the members of Congress, and the whole foreign policy of the Federalists. The Federalist newspapers, of course, had retaliated and had been just as abusive of the Republicans. But as the Federalists now had the power, they determined to punish the Republicans for their abuse, and passed the Sedition Act. This provided that any man who acted seditiously (that is, interfered with the execution of a law of Congress) or spoke or wrote seditiously (that is, abused the President, or Congress, or any member of the Federal government) should be tried, and if found guilty, be fined and imprisoned. This law was used, and used vigorously, and Republican editors all over the country were fined and sometimes imprisoned.[1]

[Footnote 1: The Alien and Sedition acts are in Preston's Documents, pp. 277-282.]

%237. Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions.%—The passage of these Alien and Sedition laws greatly excited the Republicans, and led Jefferson to use his influence to have them condemned by the states. For this purpose he wrote a set of resolutions and sent them to a friend in Kentucky who was to try to have the legislature adopt them.[2] Jefferson next asked Madison to write a like set of resolutions for the Virginia legislature to adopt. Madison became so interested that he gave up his seat in Congress and entered the Virginia legislature, and in December, 1798, induced it to adopt what have since been known as the Virginia Resolutions of 1798.

[Footnote 2: Kentucky had been admitted to the Union in 1792 (see p. 213).]

Meantime the legislature of Kentucky, November, 1798, had adopted the resolutions of Jefferson.[3]

[Footnote 3: E. D. Warfield's Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. The Resolutions are printed in Preston's Documents, pp. 283-298; Jefferson's Works, Vol. IX., p. 494.]

Both sets declare 1. That the Constitution of the United States is a compact or contract. 2. That to this contract each state is a party; that is, the united states are equal partners in a great political firm. So far they agree; but at this point they differ. The Kentucky Resolutions assert that when any question arises as to the right of Congress to pass any law, each state may decide this question for itself and apply any remedy it likes. The Virginia Resolutions declare that the states may judge and apply the remedy.

Both declared that the Alien and Sedition laws were wholly unconstitutional. Seven states answered by declaring that the laws were constitutional, whereupon Kentucky in 1799 framed another set of resolutions in which she said that when a state thought a law to be illegal she had the right to nullify it; that is, forbid her citizens to obey it. This doctrine of nullification, as we shall see, afterwards became of very serious importance.[1]

[Footnote 1: The answers of the states are printed in Elliot's Debates, Vol. IV., pp. 532-539.]

%238. The Naval War with France.%—Meantime war opened with France. The Navy Department was created in April, 1798, and before the year ended, a gallant little navy of thirty-four frigates, corvettes, and gun sloops of war had been collected and sent with a host of privateers to scour the sea around the French West Indies, destroy French commerce, and capture French ships of war.[1] One of our frigates, the Constellation, Captain Thomas Truxton in command, captured the French frigate Insurgente, after a gallant fight. On another occasion, Truxton, in the Constellation, fought the Vengeance and would have taken her, but the Frenchman, finding he was getting much the worst of it, spread his sails and fled. Yet another of our frigates, the Boston, took the Berceau, whose flag is now in the Naval Institute Building at Annapolis. In six months the little American twelve-gun schooner Enterprise took eight French privateers, and recaptured and set free four American merchantmen. These and a hundred other actions just as gallant made good the patriotic words of John Adams, "that we are not a degraded people humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority." So impressed was France with this fact that the war had scarcely begun when the Directory meekly sent word that if another set of ministers came they would be received. They ought to have been told that they must send a mission to us. But Adams in this respect was weak, and in 1800, the Chief Justice, Oliver Ellsworth, William R. Davie, and William Vans Murray were sent to Paris. The Directory had then fallen from power, Napoleon was ruling France as First Consul, and with him in September, 1800, a convention was concluded.

[Footnote 2: For an account of this war, read Maclay's History of the United States Navy, Vol. I., pp. 155-213.]

%239. The Stamp Tax; the Direct Tax and Fries's Rebellion, 1798.%—The heavy cost of the preparations for war made new taxes necessary. Two of these, a stamp tax very similar to the famous one of 1765, and a direct tax, greatly excited the people. The direct tax was the first of its kind in our history, and was laid on lands, houses, and negro slaves. In certain counties of eastern Pennsylvania, where the population was chiefly German, the purpose of the tax was not understood, and the people refused to make returns of the value of their farms and houses. When the assessors came to measure the houses and count the windows as a means of determining the value of the property, the people drove them off. For this some of the leaders were arrested. But the people under John Fries rose and rescued the prisoners. At this stage President Adams called out the militia, and marched it against the rebels. They yielded. But Fries was tried for treason, was sentenced to be hanged, and was then pardoned. Thus a second time was it proved that the people of the United States were determined to support the Constitution and the laws and put down rebellion.

%240. Washington the National Capital.%—In accordance with the bargain made in 1790, Washington selected a site for the Federal city on both banks of the Potomac. This great square tract of land was ten miles long on each side, and was given to the government partly by Maryland and partly by Virginia.[1] It was called the District of Columbia, and in it were marked out the streets of Washington city.

[Footnote 1: In 1846 so much of the District as had belonged to Virginia was given back to her.]

Though all possible haste was made, the President's house was still unfinished, the Capitol but partly built, and the streets nothing but roads cut through the woods, when, in the summer of 1800, the secretaries, the clerks, the books and papers of the government left Philadelphia for Washington. With the opening of the new century, and the occupation of the new Capitol, came a new President, and a new party in control of the government.



%241. The Election of Thomas Jefferson.%—The year 1800 was a presidential year, and though no formal nomination was made, a caucus of Republican leaders selected as candidates Thomas Jefferson for President, and Aaron Burr for Vice President. A caucus or meeting of Federalist leaders selected John Adams and C. C. Pinckney as their candidates. When the returns were all in, it appeared that Jefferson had received seventy-three votes, Burr seventy-three votes, Adams sixty-five votes, Pinckney sixty-four votes. The Constitution provided that the man who received the highest number of electoral votes, if the choice of the majority of the electors, should be President. But as Jefferson and Burr had each seventy-three, neither had the highest, and neither was President. The duty of electing a President then devolved on the House of Representatives, which after a long and bitter struggle elected Jefferson President; Burr then became Vice President. To prevent such a contest ever arising again, the twelfth amendment was added to the Constitution. This provides for a separate ballot for Vice President. March 4, 1801, Jefferson, escorted by the militia of Georgetown and Alexandria, walked from his lodgings to the Senate chamber and took the oath of office.{1} He and his party had been placed in power in order to make certain reforms, and this, when Congress met in the winter of 1801, they began to do.

[Footnote 1: For a fine description of Jefferson's personality, read Henry Adams's History of the United States, Vol. I., pp. 185-191. As to the story of Jefferson riding alone to the Capitol and tying his horse to the fence, see Adams's History, Vol. I, pp. 196-199; McMaster's History, Vol. II., pp. 533-534.]

%242. The Annual Message.%—While Washington and Adams were presidents, it was their custom when Congress met each year to go in state to the House of Representatives, and in the presence of the House and Senate read a speech. The two branches of Congress would then separate and appoint committees to answer the President's speech, and when the answers were ready, each would march through the streets to the President's house, where the Vice President or the Speaker would read the answer to the President. When Congress met in 1801, Jefferson dropped this custom and sent a written message to both houses—a practice which every President since that time has followed.

%243. Republican Reforms.%—True to their promises, the Republicans now proceeded to repeal the hated laws of the Federalists. They sold all the ships of the navy except thirteen, they ordered prosecutions under the Sedition law to be stopped, they repealed all the internal taxes laid by the Federalists, they cut down the army to 2500 men, and reduced the expenses of government to $3,700,000 per year—a sum which would not now pay the cost of running the government for three days. As the annual revenue collected at the customhouses, the post office, and from the sale of land was $10,800,000, the treasury had some $7,000,000 of surplus each year. This was used to pay the national debt, which fell from $88,000,000 in 1801 to $45,000,000 in 1812, and this in spite of the purchase of Louisiana.



%244. The Purchase of Louisiana.%—When France was driven out of America, it will be remembered, she gave to Spain all of Louisiana west of the Mississippi River, together with a large tract on the east bank, at the river's mouth. Spain then owned Louisiana till 1800, when by a secret treaty she gave the province back to France.[1]

[Footnote 1: Adams's History of the United States, Vol. I., pp. 352-376.]

For a while this treaty was really kept secret; but in April, 1802, news that Louisiana had been given to France and that Napoleon was going to send out troops to hold it, reached this country and produced two consequences. In the first place, it led the Spanish intendant (as the man who had charge of all commercial matters was called) to withdraw the "right of deposit" at New Orleans, and so prevent citizens of the United States sending their produce out of the Mississippi River. In the second place, this act of the intendant excited the rage of all the settlers in the valley from Pittsburg to Natchez, and made them demand the instant seizure of New Orleans by American troops. To prevent this, Jefferson obtained the consent of Congress to make an effort to buy New Orleans and West Florida, and sent Monroe to aid our minister in France in making the purchase.

When the offer was made, Napoleon was about going to war with England, and, wanting money very much, he in turn offered to sell the whole province to the United States—an offer that was gladly accepted. The price paid was $15,000,000, and in December, 1803, Louisiana was formally delivered to us.

%245. Louisiana.%—Concerning this splendid domain hardly anything was known. No boundaries were given to it either on the north, or on the west, or on the south. What the country was like nobody could tell.[1] Where the source of the Mississippi was no white man knew. In the time of La Salle a priest named Hennepin had gone up to the spot where Minneapolis now stands, and had seen the Falls of St. Anthony (p. 63). But the country above the falls was still unknown.

[Footnote 1: In a description of it which Jefferson sent to Congress in 1804, he actually stated that "there exists about one thousand miles up the Missouri, and not far from that river, a salt mountain. This mountain is said to be one hundred and eighty miles long and forty-five in width, composed of solid rock salt, without any trees or even shrubs on it."]

%246. Explorations of Lewis and Clark.%—That this great region ought to be explored had been a favorite idea of Jefferson for twenty years past, and he had tried to persuade learned men and learned societies to organize an expedition to cross the continent. Failing in this, he turned to Congress, which in 1803 (before the purchase of Louisiana) voted a sum of money for sending an exploring party from the mouth of the Missouri to the Pacific. The party was in charge of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. Early in May, 1804, they left St. Louis, then a frontier town of log cabins, and worked their way up the Missouri River to a spot not far from the present city of Bismarck, North Dakota, where they passed the winter with the Indians. Resuming their journey in the spring of 1805, they followed the Missouri to its source in the mountains, after crossing which they came to the Clear Water River; and down this they went to the Columbia, which carried them to a spot where, late in November, 1805, they "saw the waves like small mountains rolling out in the sea." They were on the shores of the Pacific Ocean. After spending the winter at the mouth of the Columbia, the party made its way back to St. Louis in 1806.

%247. The Oregon Country.%—Lewis and Clark were not the first of our countrymen to see the Columbia River. In 1792 a Boston ship captain named Gray was trading with the Pacific coast Indians. He was collecting furs to take to China and exchange for tea to be carried to Boston, and while so engaged he discovered the mouth of a great river, which he entered, and named the Columbia in honor of his ship. By right of this discovery by Gray the United States was entitled to all the country drained by the Columbia River. By the exploration of this country by Lewis and Clark our title was made stronger still, and it was finally perfected a few years later when the trappers and settlers went over the Rocky Mountains and occupied the Oregon country.[1]

[Footnote 1: Barrows's Oregon; McMaster's History, Vol. II., pp. 633-635.]



%248. Pike explores the Southwest.%—While Lewis and Clark were making their way up the Missouri, Zebulon Pike was sent to find the source of the Mississippi, which he thought he did in the winter of 1805-06. In this he was mistaken, but supposing his work done, he was dispatched on another expedition in 1806. Traveling up the Missouri River to the Osage, and up the Osage nearly to its source, he struck across Kansas to the Arkansas River, which he followed to its head waters, wandering in the neighborhood of that fine mountain which in honor of him bears the name of Pikes Peak. Then he crossed the mountains and began a search for the Red River. The march was a terrible one. It was winter; the cold was intense. The snow lay waist deep on the plains. Often the little band was without food for two days at a time. But Pike pushed on, in spite of hunger, cold, and suffering, and at last saw, through a gap in the mountains, the waters of the Rio Grande. Believing that it was the Red, he hurried to its banks, only to be seized by the Spaniards (for he was on Spanish soil), who carried him a prisoner to Santa Fe, from which city he and his men wandered back to the United States by way of Mexico and Texas.



%249. Astoria founded.%—The immediate effect of these explorations was greatly to stimulate the fur trade. One great fur trader, John Jacob Astor of New York, now founded the Pacific Fur Company and made preparations to establish a line of posts from the upper Missouri to the Columbia, and along it to the Pacific, and supply them from St. Louis by way of the Missouri, or from the mouth of the Columbia, where in 1811 a little trading post was begun and named Astoria. This completed our claim to the Oregon country. Gray had discovered the river; Lewis and Clark had explored the territory drained by the river; the Pacific Fur Company planted the first lasting settlement.

SUMMARY

1. In 1793 France made war on Great Britain. The United States was bound by the treaty of alliance of 1778 to "guarantee" the French possessions in America.

2. This treaty, and the coming of the French minister, forced Washington to declare the United States neutral in the war.

3. His proclamation of neutrality was resented by the Republicans, who now became sympathizers with France. The Federalists, who were strongest in the commercial states, became the anti-French or English party.

4. When France declared war on England, she opened her ports in the West Indies to the merchant trade of the United States.

5. England held that we should not have a trade with France when at war, for we had not had it when France was at peace. This was an application of the "Rule of 1756." In 1793-1794, therefore, England began to seize our ships coming from the French ports.

6. This so excited the Republicans that they attempted to force the country into war with England.

7. To prevent war, Washington sent Jay to London, where he made our first commercial treaty with Great Britain.

8. This offended the French Directory, who refused to receive our new minister and sent him out of France.

9. War with France now seemed likely. But Adams, in the interest of peace, sent three commissioners to Paris to make a new treaty. They were met with demands for tribute and came home.

10. The greatest excitement now prevailed in the country. The Navy Department was created, a navy was built by the people, and a provisional army raised. The old French treaties were suspended, and a naval war began.

11. The popular anger against the Republicans (the French party) gave the Federalists control of Congress, whereupon they passed the Alien and Sedition laws.

12. Against these Virginia and Kentucky protested in a set of resolutions.

13. In the election of 1800 the Federalists were defeated, and the Republicans secured control of the Federal government.

14. In 1800 Spain ceded Louisiana to France, whereupon the Spanish official at New Orleans shut the Mississippi to American commerce.

15. The whole West cried out against this and demanded war. But Jefferson offered to buy West Florida from France. Napoleon thereupon offered to sell all Louisiana, and we bought it (1803).

16. The new territory as yet had no boundaries; but it was explored in the northwest by Lewis and Clark, and in the southwest by Pike.

17. The discovery of the Columbia River in 1792, the exploration of the country by Lewis and Clark, and the founding of Astoria established our claim to the Oregon country.

FRANCE A REPUBLIC, 1792. DECLARES WAR ON ENGLAND (1793). Opens her ports to neutral trade. Sends a minister to the United States. - - 1. England asserts rule This brought up the questions: of 1756. 1. Shall he be received? Yes. 2. Seizes our ships in 2. Is the old alliance applicable the West Indies. to offensive war? No. 3. Impresses our sailors. 3. Shall the United States be neutral? Yes. Washington issues a proclamation of neutrality. Struggle for neutrality. - Republicans oppose it. Federalists support it. Attempt retaliation on Great Britain. Lay embargo. Are aided by Federalists. Prepare for war. - Washington sends Jay to England. Jay's treaty made (1794). - 1. France takes offense. Violently opposed by the Republicans. 2. Rejects Pinckney. 3. Republicans demand a special mission. 4. Adams yields and sends X, Y, Z mission. 5. Insulted by Directory. 6. Excitement at home leads to Establishment of Navy Department. Creation of a navy. Provisional army. Washington, Lt. Gen. Naval war with France. Alien and Sedition laws. Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Increased taxation. The direct tax. Fries's rebellion. Defeat of Adams and election of Jefferson (1800). Introduces reforms. Annual message. Buys Louisiana. Exploration of the Northwest.



CHAPTER XVII

STRUGGLE FOR "FREE TRADE AND SAILORS' RIGHTS"

%250. France and Great Britain renew the War.%—The war between France and Great Britain, which had been the cause of the sale of Louisiana to us, began in May, 1803. The United States became again a neutral power, but, as in 1793, was soon once more involved in the disputes of France.

Towards the end of the previous war, Great Britain had so changed her ideas of neutrality that the merchants of the United States, according to her rules,

1. Could trade directly between a port of the United States and the ports of the French West Indies.

2. Could trade directly between the United States and ports in France or Europe.

3. But could not trade directly between a French West India island and France, or a Spanish West India island and Spain, or a Dutch colony and Holland.

To evade this last restriction, by combining the voyages allowed in numbers 1 and 2, was easy. A merchant had but to load his ship at New York or Philadelphia, go to some port in the French West Indies, take on a new cargo and bring it to Savannah, enter it at the customhouse and pay the import duties. This voyage was covered by number 1. He could then, without disturbing his cargo in the least, clear his vessel for France, and get back from the collector of customs all the duty he had paid except three per cent. He was now exporting goods from the United States and was protected by number 2. This was called "the broken voyage," and by using it thousands of shipowners were enabled to carry goods back and forth between France and her colonies, by merely stopping a few hours at an American port to clear for Europe. So universal was this practice that in 1804 the customs revenue rose from $16,000,000 to $20,000,000.

In May, 1805, however, the British High Court of Admiralty decided that goods which started from the French colonies in American ships and were on their way to France could be captured even if they had been landed and reshipped in the United States. The moment that decision was made, the old trouble began again. British frigates were stationed off the ports of New York and Hampton Roads, and vessels coming in and going out were stopped, searched, and their sailors impressed. Before 1805 ended, 116 of our ships had been seized and 1000 of our sailors impressed.

%251. Orders in Council, 1806.%—In 1806 matters grew worse. Napoleon was master of Europe, and in order to injure Great Britain he cut off her trade with the continent. For this she retaliated by issuing, in May, 1806, an Order in Council, which declared the whole coast of Europe, from Brest to the mouth of the river Elbe, to be blockaded. This was a mere "paper blockade"; that is, no fleets were off the coast to keep neutrals from running into the blockaded ports. Yet American vessels were captured at sea because they were going to those ports.

%252. The Berlin Decree.%—Napoleon waited to retaliate till November, 1806, when he issued the Berlin Decree,[1] declaring the British Islands to be blockaded.

[Footnote 1: So called because he was at Berlin when he issued it.]

%253. Orders in Council, 1807.%—Great Britain felt that every time Napoleon struck at her she must strike back at him, and in January, 1807, a new Order in Council forbade neutrals to trade from one European port to another, if both were in the possession of France or her allies. Finding it had no effect, she followed it up with another Order in Council in November, 1807, which declared that every port on the face of the earth from which for any reason British ships were excluded was shut to neutrals, unless they first stopped at some British port and obtained a license to trade.

%254. The Milan Decree, 1807.%—It was now Napoleon's turn to strike, which he did in December, 1807, by issuing the Milan Decree.[1] Thenceforth any ship that submitted to be searched by British cruisers or took out a British license, or entered any port from which French ships were excluded, was to be captured wherever found.

[Footnote 1: So called because he was in Milan at the time, and dated it from that city.]

As a result of this series of French Decrees and British Orders in Council,[2] the English took 194 of our ships, and the French almost as many.

[Footnote 2: On the Orders in Council and French Decrees, read Adams's History of the United States, Vol. III., Chap. 16; Vol. IV., Chaps. 4, 5, and 6; McMaster's History, Vol. III., pp. 219-223; 249-250; 272-274.]

%255. Jefferson's Policy; Non-importation Act.%—The policy by which Jefferson proposed to meet this emergency consisted of three parts:

1. Lay up the frigates and defend our coast and harbors by a number of small, swift-sailing craft, each carrying one gun in the stern. In time of peace they were to be hauled up under sheds. In time of war they were to be shoved into the water and manned by volunteers. Between 1806 and 1812, 176 of these gunboats were built.

2. Make a new treaty with Great Britain, because that made by Jay in 1794 was to expire in 1806. Under the instructions of Jefferson, therefore, Monroe and Pinckney signed a new treaty in December, 1806. But it said nothing about the impressment of our sailors, or about the right of our ships to go where they pleased, and was so bad in general that Jefferson would not even send it to the Senate.[3]

[Footnote 3: No treaty can become a law unless approved by the President and two thirds of the Senate.]

3. The third part of his policy consisted in doing what we should call "boycotting." He wanted a law which would forbid the importation into the United States of any article made, grown, or produced in Great Britain or any of her colonies. Congress accordingly, in April, 1806, passed what was called a "Non-importation Act," which prohibited not the importation of every sort of British goods, wares, and merchandise, but only a few which the people could make in this country; as paper, cards, leather goods, etc. This was to go into force at the President's pleasure.

%256. The Chesapeake and the Leopard.%—Such an attempt to punish Great Britain by cutting off a part of her trade was useless, and only made her more insolent than before. Indeed, just a week after the President signed the non-importation bill, as one of our coasting vessels was entering the harbor of New York, a British vessel, wishing to stop and search her, fired a shot which struck the helmsman and killed him at the wheel.

About a year later, June, 1807, an attack more outrageous still was made on our frigate Chesapeake. She was on her way from Washington to the Mediterranean, and was still in sight of land when a British vessel, the Leopard, hailed and stopped her and sent an officer on board with a demand for the delivery of deserters from the English navy. The captain of the Chesapeake refused, the officer returned, and the Leopard opened fire. To return the fire was impossible, for only a few of the guns of the Chesapeake were mounted. At last one was discharged, and as by that time three men had been killed and eighteen wounded, Commander Barron of the Chesapeake surrendered. Four men then were taken from her deck. Three were Americans. One was an Englishman, and he was hanged for desertion.[1]

[Footnote 1: Maclay's History of the Navy, Vol. I., pp. 305-308; McMaster's History, Vol. III., pp. 255-259.]

%257. The Long Embargo.%—The attack on the Chesapeake ought to have been followed by war. But Jefferson merely demanded reparation from Great Britain, and when Congress met in December, 1807, asked for an embargo. The request was granted, and merchant vessels in all the ports of the United States were forbidden to sail for a foreign country till the President saw fit to suspend the law. The restriction was so sweeping and the damage done to American farmers, merchants, and shipowners so great, that the people began to evade it at once. They would send their vessels to New Orleans and stop at the West Indies on the way. They would send their flour, pork, rice, and lumber to St. Marys in Georgia and smuggle it over the river to Florida, or take it to the islands near Eastport in Maine and then smuggle it into New Brunswick. Because of this, more stringent embargo laws were passed, and finally, in 1809, a "Force Act," to compel obedience. But smuggling went on so openly that there was nothing to do but use troops or lift the embargo. In February, 1809, accordingly, the embargo laws, after fourteen months' duration, were repealed. Instead of them the Republicans enacted a Non-intercourse law which allowed the people to trade with all nations except England and France.[1]

[Footnote 1: McMaster's History, Vol. III., pp. 279-338; Adams's History, Vol. IV., Chaps. 7, 11, 13, 15.]

%258. Jefferson refuses a Third Term.%—During 1806, the states of New Jersey, Vermont,[2] Pennsylvania, New York, Rhode Island, Maryland, Georgia, and North Carolina invited Jefferson to be President a third time. For a while he made no reply, but in December, 1807, he declined, and gave this reason: "That I should lay down my charge at a proper period is as much a duty as to have borne it faithfully. If some termination to the services of the Chief Magistrate be not fixed by the Constitution, or supplied by practice, his office, nominally four years, will in fact become for life; and history shows how easily that degenerates into an inheritance." This wise answer was heartily approved by the people all over the country, and with Washington's similar action established a custom which has been generally followed ever since.

[Footnote 2: Vermont was admitted into the Union in 1791 (p. 243).]

As Jefferson would not accept a third term, a caucus of Republican members of Congress met one evening at the Capitol in Washington and nominated James Madison and George Clinton. The Federalists held no caucus, but agreed among themselves to support C.C. Pinckney and Rufus King. Madison and Clinton were easily elected, and were sworn into office March 4, 1809.



%259. The Macon Bill; Non-intercourse.%—When Congress met in 1809 one more effort was made to force France and England to respect our rights on the sea. Non-importation had failed. The embargo had failed. Non-intercourse had failed, and now in desperation they passed a law which at the time was called the "Macon Bill," from the member of Congress who introduced it. This restored trade with France and England, but declared that if either would withdraw its Decrees or Orders, the United States would stop all trade with the other.

%260. Trickery of Napoleon.%—And now Napoleon came forward and assured the American minister that the Berlin and Milan Decrees should be recalled on November 1, 1810, provided the United States would restore non-intercourse with England. To this Madison agreed, and on November 1, 1810, issued a proclamation saying that unless Great Britain should, before February 1, 1811, recall her Orders in Council, trade with her should stop on that day. Great Britain did not recall her Orders, and in February, 1811, we once more ceased to trade with her.

Trade with France was resumed on November 1, 1810, and of course a great fleet of merchants went off to French ports. But they were no sooner there than the villainy of Napoleon was revealed, for on December 25, by general order, every American ship in the French ports was seized, and $10,000,000 worth of American property was confiscated. He had not recalled his Decrees, but pretended to do so in order to get the American goods and provisions which he sorely needed.

It is surprising how patient the Americans of those days were. But their patience as to Great Britain now gave out, and our minister at London was recalled in 1811. This alarmed the British, who promptly began to take steps to keep the peace, and offered to make amends for the Leopard-Chesapeake outrage which had occurred four years before (June, 1807). They agreed to replace the three American sailors on the deck of the Chesapeake and did so (June, 1812). But the day for peaceful settlement was gone. The people were aroused and angry, and this feeling showed itself in many ways.

%261. The President and the Little Belt.%—In the early part of May, 1811, a British frigate was cruising off the harbor of New York with her name Guerriere painted in large letters on her fore-topsail, and one day her captain stopped an American vessel as it was about to enter New York, and impressed a citizen of the United States. Three years earlier this outrage would have been made the subject of a proclamation. Now, the moment it was known at Washington, an order was sent to Captain Rogers of the frigate President to go to sea at once, search for the Guerriere, and demand the delivery of the man, Rogers was only too glad to go, and soon came in sight of a vessel which looked like the Guerriere; but it was half-past eight o'clock at night before he came within speaking distance. A battle followed and lasted till the stranger became unmanageable, when the President stopped firing; and the next morning Rogers found that his enemy was the British twenty-two-gun ship, Little Belt.

%262. The War Congress.%—Another way in which the anger of the people showed itself was in the election, in the autumn of 1810, of a Congress which met in December, 1811, fully determined to make war on Great Britain. In that Congress were two men who from that day on for forty years were great political leaders. One was John C. Calhoun of South Carolina; the other was Henry Clay of Kentucky.

Clay was made Speaker of the House of Representatives, and under his lead preparations were instantly begun for war, which was finally declared June 18, 1812. There was no Atlantic cable in those days. Had there been, it is very doubtful if war would have been declared; for on June 23, 1812, five days after Congress authorized Madison to issue the proclamation, the Orders in Council were recalled.

The causes of war, as set forth in the proclamation, were:

1. Tampering with the Indians, and urging them to attack our citizens on the frontier.

2. Interfering with our trade by the Orders in Council.

3. Putting cruisers off our ports to stop and search our vessels.

4. Impressing our sailors, of whom more than 6000 were in the British service.

SUMMARY

1. One reason which led Napoleon to sell Louisiana was his determination to go to war with England. This he did in 1803.

2. Renewal of war in Europe made the United States again a neutral nation, and brought up the old quarrel over neutral rights.

3.In 1806, Napoleon, who was master of nearly all western Europe, cut off British trade with the continent. Great Britain in return declared, by an Order in Council, the coast from Brest to the Elbe blockaded; that is, shut to neutral trade.

4. Later in the year 1806 Napoleon retaliated with the Berlin Decree, declaring the British Islands blockaded.

5. Great Britain, by another Order in Council (1807), shut all European ports, under French control, to neutrals.

6. Napoleon struck back with the Milan Decree.

7. Our commerce was now attacked by both powers, and to force them to repeal their Decrees and Orders in Council, certain commercial restrictions were adopted by the United States.

A. Non-importation, 1806. B. Embargo, 1807-1809. C. Non-intercourse, 1809.

8. Each of them failed to have any effect, and in 1812 war was declared.



%1803. Renewal of War between France and Great Britain% - - - The United States a neutral. -+ + - + British views of American views. Napoleon's view. neutrality. ^ - ^ ^ Free ships, free goods. Shall be no neutrals. The broken voyage. No paper blockades. -^ - The new Admiralty ruling. No search. Attacks neutral commerce by Stations vessels off our ports. No impressment. -v - Retaliates for French Decrees -v - by v -^ - / Non-importation. French decrees. Long embargo. -^ - Orders in Council. } -< Non-intercourse with > -/ 1806. Berlin. France and Great 1807. Milan. Britain. / -v - + -+ -^ - Great Britain denies that French / France pretends to lift Berlin Decrees are lifted, and / < and Milan Decrees. Refuses to revoke the Orders Trade with France is restored. in Council. Tampers with Indians. > + Insists on the right of search and impressment. / %DECLARATION OF WAR BY UNITED STATES, 1812.%



CHAPTER XVIII

THE WAR FOR COMMERCIAL INDEPENDENCE

%263. Fighting on the Frontier.%—"Mr. Madison's War," as the Federalists delighted to call our war for commercial independence, opened with three armies in the field ready to invade and capture Canada. One under Hull, then governor of the territory of Michigan, was to cross the river at Detroit, and march eastward through Canada. A second, under General Van Rensselaer, was to cross the Niagara River, take Queenstown, and join Hull, after which the two armies were to capture York, now Toronto, and go on eastward toward Montreal. Meantime, the third army, under Dearborn, was to go down Lake Champlain, and meet the troops under Hull and Van Rensselaer before Montreal. The three were then to capture Montreal and Quebec, and complete the conquest of Canada.

The plan failed; for Hull was driven from Canada, and surrendered his army and the whole Northwest, at Detroit; Van Rensselaer, defeated at Queenstown, was unable even to get a footing in Canada; while Dearborn, after reaching the northern boundary line of New York, stopped, and the year 1812 ended with nothing accomplished.

The surrender of Hull filled the people with indignation, aroused their patriotism, and forced the government to gather a new army for the recapture of Detroit. The command was given to William Henry Harrison, who hurried from Cincinnati across the wilderness of Ohio, and in the dead of winter reached the shores of Lake Erie. General Winchester, who commanded part of the troops, was now called on to drive the British from Frenchtown, a little hamlet on the river Raisin, and (in January, 1813) tried to do so. But the British and Indians came down on him in great numbers, and defeated and captured his army, after which the Indians were allowed to massacre and scalp the wounded.



And now the British became aggressive, invaded Ohio, and attacked the Americans under Harrison at Fort Meigs, and then at Fort Stephenson, where Major Croghan and 160 men, with the aid of one small cannon, defeated and drove off 320 Canadians and Indians.

%264. Battle of Lake Erie.%—Again the Americans in turn became aggressive. Since the early winter, a young naval officer named Oliver Hazard Perry had been hard at work, with a gang of ship carpenters, at Erie, in Pennsylvania, cutting down trees, and had used this green timber to build nine small vessels. With this fleet he sailed, in September, in search of the British squadron, which had been just as hastily built, and soon found it near Sandusky, Ohio. His own ship he had named the Lawrence, in honor of a gallant American captain who had been killed a few months before in a battle with an English frigate. As Perry saw the enemy in the distance, he flung to the breeze a blue flag on which was inscribed, "Don't give up the ship" (the dying order of Lawrence to his men), sailed down to meet the enemy, and fought the two largest British ships till the Lawrence was a wreck. Then, with his flag on his arm, he jumped into a boat, and amidst a shower of shot and bullets was rowed to the Niagara. Once on her deck, he again hastened to the attack, broke the British line of battle, and captured the entire fleet. His dispatch to Harrison is as famous as his victory: "We have met the enemy, and they are ours—two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop."