Read the memorandum on Hyderabad a second time, and sent it with the proposed letter and alterations to the Duke.

Prepared materials for Lord Stanhope's motion about shipping on Thursday.

May 12.

Cabinet dinner at Lord Rosslyn's.

The Duke saw the King to-day. He said there was a decided alteration since Wednesday last. He was now in appearance an invalid, but not a dying man. His body is very much swollen. They took several quarts of water from his feet yesterday. He is good-humoured and alive. His eyes as brilliant as ever. His voice a little affected. His colour dark and sodden.

The Duke thinks he may die at any time; but may live a fortnight or ten days—Knighton thinks so too. The other physicians think worse of him.

He called for the 'Racing Calendar' yesterday. They were afraid he would call for the newspaper.

Knighton found he was not aware there were now any bulletins.

Knighton proposed to him the taking the sacrament, as he did not take it at Easter. He said he would think about it, but to be better before he took it. His taking it now might lead to the publishing of more bulletins.

He continues to take the greatest interest in the improvements at the lodge.

After dinner we talked only of the things necessary to be done on a demise.

Lord B. seemed to say we could not have the Duchess of Clarence as Regent, because there was no precedent. I trust this will be got over.

Leopold has written an unsatisfactory answer to the last letter about the loan. However, he goes.

The Porte has acquiesced in the arrangements of the protocol, so Leopold is Prince Sovereign of Greece.

The Duke read Cabell's memorandum to-day. He thinks Cabell proposes doing more than should be done. He has a strong feeling as to the scandalous nature of the whole transaction. Lieutenant-Colonel Arabin has been infesting the Chancellor upon the subject.

May 13.

Dined at four. Rode to the office and back, and to the House.

Prepared for Lord Stanhope's motion for returns on shipping, &c.

The Duke had a great deal of information, and answered Lord Stanhope. I spoke, however, afterwards, as I had some new facts. Then E. Retford till nine.

Read letters from Sir John Macdonald and a paper he enclosed from 'Blackwood's Magazine' in 1827 on the invasion of India by the Russians.

May 14.

Colonel Briggs called. He is a clever man. He will prepare for me a memorandum on the composition of the native army. He seems equally conversant with revenue, judicial, and military matters.

House. E. Retford as usual. The King is much relieved by the draining of the water from the punctures; but the wounds gave him much annoyance last night. The fear is they may lead to mortification. Lord Rosslyn and I go down on Sunday to Windsor to enquire.

May 15.

Astell has sent to Lord Combermere the letter lately despatched to India in which the conduct of the several members of Government is commented upon as regards the Batta question. Lord Combermere only asked, as far as I recollect, to know upon what grounds his conduct has been censured. I told Astell to tell him the censure rested entirely on official documents with which he must be acquainted. The Duke was very angry with Astell, when I told him of it after the Cabinet, and expects a question in the House of Lords.

I told Astell the letter ought not to have been given. It reveals what has been done with regard to the Batta question, and the news may possibly reach India through the press before the Government obtain it.

Cabinet at half-past four. Not only have the Turks acceded to the arrangement for Greece, but the Greeks have done so too. Leopold adheres to his memorandum of March, and wants the power of drawing as much as he pleases of the loan at any time.

He will be invited to meet the Plenipotentiaries or to send a person to meet them to discuss this point. The people about him say he means to break off. If he should, Peel thinks we could not do it upon a better point, and he is right.

The King is decidedly better. The Duke saw him to day. He was looking more healthy. He has had some refreshing sleep. He is more likely to live than to die. The only danger is from mortification in consequence of the punctures; but his constitution is so good that in all probability he will avoid this danger. This wonderful recovery quite changes our position. In all public business we must now calculate upon his living—at least till the end of the Session.

Lord Morpeth is to make a motion for the repeal of the Banishment Clause in the last Libel Act. To the repeal of that clause, which is inoperative against the common libeller, we have no objection, and the Attorney-General is pledged to it; but the House of Lords would not like, and the King would not endure, the repeal of that provision without the substitution of some other security. That proposed by the Attorney-General is the requiring security to the amount of 500L. from two sureties that the editor shall pay fines on account of libels. This is reasonable, and would to some extent prevent the putting up, as is now done, men or women of straw as editors, who have no means of paying fines. The other proposal of the Attorney- General, that the types should be seizable to whomever they may belong, is objectionable and would hardly be carried. Peel is very sorry the question is stirred at the present moment. The press is generally with us or quiescent, and the 'Morning Journal,' [Footnote: It had been obliged to pay heavy damages for a libel on the Duke of Wellington.] a paper instituted to oppose the Government, has within these few days been given up altogether from the want of support. Certainly this is not the moment at which it is desirable to appear to commence an attack upon the Press—and the Attorney- General can do nothing that will not be suspected by them.

The Duke has written a memorandum on the Hyderabad affair.

May 16.

Read the Duke's memorandum; he mistakes the law. However, I cannot write notes upon his memorandum without the Act of Parliament. The King had an indifferent night, but still feels better. I only met Lord Bathurst, who told me so. He had not seen the private letter.

Had a long conversation with Lady C. Wood at Lord Camden's about the Clarences. It seems there has been a great deal of hope excited in the Spencers.

They expect Lord Holland to be made Minister, and their son Bob or Lord Darnley to be first Lord of the Admiralty!—Nous verrons.

It seems the Duchess of Clarence and the Duchess of Kent were and are great friends, and the Duchess of Clarence is very fond of the young Princess.

Monday, May 17.

At eleven set off with Lord Rosslyn for Windsor. We drove to the visitor's entrance. After a time Sir A. Barnard came. Lord Rosslyn said we did not presume to ask to see the King, but we were anxious to know how His Majesty was, and to present our humble duty to him.

Sir A. asked if we would see Knighton? Lord Rosslyn said it would be very satisfactory. However, no Knighton came, but a message through Sir A. Barnard that Sir Wm. Knighton had gone in to the King and had mentioned we were there, and His Majesty had expressed himself very sensible of our kind attention. This I conclude is Knighton's own message, and that the King will never hear we have been. Sir A. Barnard seemed in excellent spirits about the King. He had a good night, and is certainly much better. He talks of being able to go to Ascot and to stand up in the carriage, though he could not go up into the stand.

We met the Bishop of Chichester going back to town. I suppose he thinks he shall not be wanted.

Rode down to the House. East Retford.

The Duke's private account of the King is excellent.

May 18.

Committee. Examined Colonel Briggs, who gave very good evidence indeed. Ordered the attendance of six witnesses for Tuesday, whom we shall endeavour to despatch, and that will enable everybody to go to Epsom on Thursday and Friday.

The King much better. All his symptoms alleviated.

To-morrow the Duke will get from him his signature to the message for a stamper. There are to be three signatures of Ministers, that is, of Privy Councillors, to authorise the stamper, who is to be nominated by the King to affix the royal stamp to instruments in the King's presence.

By the account from Marseilles, it appears that there are 11 sail of the line and 28 frigates in the French expedition, in all 97 sails—about 350 transports, carrying 75,000 tons. There will be 30,500 infantry, besides a very complete equipment of artillery, &c., 75 battering guns, 4,000 horses. The Luke of Angouleme's (the Dauphin's) visit has delayed the expedition four days. They will probably be on the sea to-day.

Rosslyn was talking yesterday of the danger from this expedition, and the annexation of Algiers to France. I do not fear it—we can, if we manage well, make it very costly by bringing forward the people of Tunis and Morocco, not near the coast, but almost from the desert. We must take care to secure Tunis, and then the French will be no gainers by their move.

Lord Londonderry made a very foolish speech about foreign policy in putting off his motion, which stood for the 25th. Aberdeen promised the Greek papers on Monday next.

May 19.

The Duke saw the King to-day and found him looking better than he did at the last Council.

The drain from the legs is now very small. He was annoyed last night by them and sent for Halford, who sent off for Brodie; but there was nothing of importance. They cannot yet say that he will not ultimately die of this complaint. Knighton thinks he will be an invalid all his life. Tierney says they cannot tell for a week whether there is any mischief remaining about the chest. The Duke wished to speak to him about the stamp; but he made an excuse about his legs requiring some dressing, and the Duke, seeing he did not choose to talk about business, went away.

It seems clear that Leopold means to abdicate.

The Attorney-General has made his libel preventive measure a poor weak inoperative thing, ridiculous, and unconciliating.

The French Chambers are dissolved as a coup de theatre on the sailing of the expedition, and they are to meet on August 3, by which time they expect to hear of its success.

A union of parties is expected on the Greek affair. I am not sorry for it. The Huskissonians and Whigs are drawing nearer together. The Tories, on the other hand, are rather approximating to us—so that by the beginning of next Session men will be at last in their right places.

May 21.

The King had a bad night. The private letter gave a bad account. He has been drinking again, very irritable, intolerably so. Halford says, would neither sit in a chair nor lie in a bed, &c. Halford at last held strong language, and I believe told him his life depended on his obeying his physician.

I am very much disappointed indeed at this. I hoped he was really getting better and would live.

Aberdeen is to allow the instalments of the loan guaranteed to Leopold to be paid in four instead of eight years if he can keep him to his principality by doing so.

The French were off on the 18th. There is a partial change in their Ministry.

May 23.

Rode to the Cabinet at three from Roehampton. The bulletin is that the King had had embarrassments in his breathing.

The Duke waited two and a half hours before he saw him yesterday. The King signed the two messages, and then said 'the Duke has just caught me in time!' and in an instant there was a gurgling in his throat. He seized Knighton's arm. The Duke ran for Halford, went out into the gallery where he did not find him, then into another room where he was. Halford immediately took a bottle from the table and gave the King something which seemed to relieve him.

The Duke thinks the King was in pain three or four seconds; but it was a minute and a half before he was relieved. He then did not speak; but made a motion with his hand for the Duke to go.

He had just before been talking of going to Ascot and then to Aix-la- Chapelle.

The King was perfectly satisfied with the proposed arrangement for the stamp.

He asked the news, was told Leopold was behaving very ill, and agreed.

As to Algiers he was told the note of the French Minister was unsatisfactory, and that it was under consideration whether a note should not be presented. He thought it right.

The Duke's opinion is that if the King should be seized with one of those attacks when no one was with him, he would die.

The opinion of Halford and the others is that the disorder is mortal; but he may live six weeks or two months.

The punctures are healed. They are afraid of opening them again for fear of mortification, and can only proceed by medicines.

The King's state seems distressing. He can neither remain quiet in his chair or in his bed. He is in a state of constant restlessness.

The Duke of Cumberland was there to-day, but the King had desired he might not see him.

Leopold has declined. He sent a note to that effect on Friday night at twelve o'clock—very well written, not by himself. Aberdeen thinks Palmerston wrote it. He takes popular ground, and cannot impose himself upon a reluctant people. The fact is Friday's bulletin wrote his letter.

The Duke thinks he will be shown up. The papers presented to-morrow will be no more than it was before intended to present; but Aberdeen will announce the evasion of the sovereign, and say that that circumstance will render necessary the production of other papers which will be presented as soon as they can be printed. The whole discussion will turn upon Leopold's conduct.

Aberdeen will be in the position of the manager of a country theatre who, just as the curtain is about to be drawn up, is obliged to come forward and announce that the amateur gentleman who had solicited the part of Macbeth, who had attended all the rehearsals, and whose only difficulty, which was about money, seemed to be in a fair way of adjustment, had unexpectedly intimated his intention to withdraw in a printed address to the galleries.

Forsooth there should have been an appeal to the people of Greece on the subject of their Government! An appeal to the people of Newgate on the subject of the new police! [Footnote: This sentiment, however severe, represents the feeling about the Greeks of many Englishmen at that time, and especially of those who, as in the case of naval officers employed in Greek waters, had seen much of them during the war. Their struggle for independence was undoubtedly disgraced, not only by cruelty, but by a treachery and disregard of faith which, though perhaps attributable to past subjection and oppression, was peculiarly odious to English observers. Lord Ellenborough adopted this view.]

By a letter of C. Capo d'Istria's, dated 25 M., April 6, written immediately after his receipt of one from Leopold (after his acceptance), it appears that Leopold had intimated his intention to change his religion. He must have had about forty-eight hours to consider the point.

Lord Melville had heard that Leopold had consulted Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne without acquainting one that he had seen the other.

May 24.

Rode to the office at four to receive the manufacturers. Mr. Crawford was there, Finlay being ill. I told them of my plans as to the Indus. I directed their attention to the point of bringing out in evidence the effect the stoppage in China had upon the general trade of the East. I again desired them to show, if they could, why British manufactures did not go to China by the country trade.

Met Aberdeen. Told him I thought, on consideration, that a reply to Leopold would lead to an answer from him, to which the Plenipotentiaries could not reply without entering into an undignified discussion with Palmerston, who would be the real controversialist.

There should be an answer, but it should be addressed to the Residents, and what could not be addressed to them might be stated in Parliament, that is, all relating to letters, conversations, &c.

I dare say Leopold will publish to-morrow. It is unlucky the French have troops in the Morea. If they had not, I should be disposed to leave the Greeks to settle their affairs as they pleased, giving them no money. They would soon become reasonable.

The bulletin had 'The King had a sleepless night.'

House at five. The message and address. The Opposition made no objection to the address, which was carried nemine dissentiente. Lord Grey seems to expect a delegation of the royal authority. I told Lord Holland I thought he would be satisfied.

Then Aberdeen presented the Greek papers, and, having explained their contents, stated the change of circumstances since Friday night. He represented Leopold as having made preliminary objections on other points, but none on any but money since February 20, when he accepted. Within these few days other grounds have been taken, and the abdication is on these other grounds.

There was much movement amongst the Opposition. Aberdeen was accused of unfairness. Lord Durham opened the fire, and I prevented Aberdeen from answering him. The others—Darnley, Lord Londonderry, and Lord Winchelsea, all for Leopold. In short there is a general union of all those who prefer the rising to the setting sun. We shall have a personal debate.

We went into E. Retford. I sat by the Chancellor, and worked the Bill for the King's relief.

In the House of Commons little was said upon these points. Aberdeen did well. He can make a biting speech as well as any one, and in a quiet way.

May 25.

The King passed yesterday uncomfortably. He was a little relieved by medicines during the night. Water is forming again.

House. The Chancellor explained very well the objects and details of the King's Relief [Footnote: Relieving him from the necessity of constant signatures.] Bill. The only objections made were to reading it to-morrow, and it was conceded that it should be read on Thursday—to its duration, and it was conceded that should last a month. Lord Grey, I hear, says it is too complicated, that it would have been better to appoint a Custos Regni. I hope he will say that on Thursday.

There is but little hope of the King's living till the Bill is passed.

May 26.

Hardinge, whom I met in the Park, told me Sir J. Graham informed him there was to be an opposition a l'outrance. That Lord Anglesey was to be Minister Lord Grey would serve with him. Palmerston was to be made a great man of. Huskisson to have nothing but revenge. The Duke of Richmond was to be had at all events. All this is childish.

House. I expected nothing but the Chancellor's Bill, and went at half-past five, expecting to find Eldon in the midst of his speech; but I found Lord Durham talking about Greece, and soon engaged in the talk myself. Lord Grey was decidedly in opposition. I called the attention of the House to this, that our conduct was to be judged of by the papers on the table—the resignation of Leopold was not alleged to have taken place in consequence of any act of the Government. If noble Lords chose to put on one side the conduct of the Government, and to make this a mere personal question as to the conduct of Leopold we were prepared to enter into the discussion. In speaking of Leopold I said he 'was connected with this country by some of its dearest recollections.'

Cabinet dinner. The King's digestion is affected now; but otherwise he is well. He has had many attacks of embarrassed breathing; but none serious. The Duke of Clarence was in the room with him (the Duke of W. being present) for a quarter of an hour today. The King talked of his own danger. He said, 'God's will be done. I have injured no man.' This he often repeated. He said, speaking of his own danger to the Duke of Clarence, 'it will all rest on you then.' He was in very good humour, very angry, however, with Leopold—his anger brought on a slight spasm.

He afterwards talked of going to Ascot, and told the Duke to manage that he might be able to go to Aix-la-Chapelle.

He is much pleased with the conduct of both Houses about his Signature Bill. After dinner Aberdeen read His proposed answer to Leopold to be addressed to the Residents with a copy of Leopold's letter. It was full of admissions, many of which Peel noticed. Aberdeen was going to meet Laval about it. I objected to sending a copy of the letter to Leopold, as that would as much lead to a reply as if they answered him directly. This the Cabinet seemed to feel; and if there is a letter to the Residents it will be printed with the other papers only, and not communicated.

May 27.

Privy Council at one. The Archbishop of Canterbury ordered to frame a prayer for the King's recovery.

Cabinet. King's Signature Bill amended. Then Aberdeen read a letter from the Residents in Greece giving an account of all that took place from the notification of the protocol to the Senate to their adhesion. Unfortunately this letter was not sent to Leopold as it ought to have been, when he on the 15th sent Capo d'Istria's letter to Aberdeen, and it is thought we cannot publish it. It shows that the adhesion was entire.

No answer to his letter is to be published. We are to wait till we can have a protocol. Laval would not sign any joint letter to the Residents. Being so near he prefers waiting for the orders of his Court.

House. King's Signature Bill passed, with some amendments. It is to last till the end of the Session.

The King's command is to be signified by word of mouth, a very inconvenient mode to a sick man.

East Retford for a House.

All Columbia is at war again. The Mexicans are urging the Haytians to land 5,000 men in Cuba. Peel fears war will begin there by the Americans taking Texas.

Fitzgerald writes from Paris that he thinks the French will not retain Algiers. That an energetic demand on our part would have drawn from Polignac a distinct disavowal of the intention. That he does not think the channel (Lord Stuart) a good one.

I think Fitzgerald would not at all dislike being made Ambassador at Paris.

It seems there is a very sore feeling indeed excited by de Peyronnet's appointment. He thinks the only safety of the Government is in throwing themselves upon the ultra-Royalists.

The King is a little better. His stomach begins to bear a little light food again.

May 28. The account of the King not good.

Cabinet. Found them talking about Scotch boroughs. Aberdeen presented the papers relative to Leopold in the House. Some conversation as to the correctness in point of form of presenting them printed. The rule is to present papers written by the King's command, and to have them printed for the immediate use of the House.

The Commons passed the King's Signature Bill without a word.

I thought it necessary to determine at once who should be the new judge at Bombay, and upon full consideration thought Awdry the best man. The Chancellor had no objection, and I immediately wrote to Awdry to tell him I should advise the King to appoint him.

May 29.

Before the Cabinet met Hardinge and walked some time up and down Downing Street with him. He told me the Duke had proposed an exchange between him and Lord F. Leveson. Hardinge declined; however, he was at last induced to acquiesce. There cannot be a better thing for him, for the Government, and for Ireland, than his going there. I have always told him so. We may now be satisfied things will go on well there. Lord F. Leveson is a mere boy, and quite unequal to the situation. Hardinge will do admirably and be very popular. So will she. They will like an Irishwoman.

June 1.

The King had a quiet night. In other respects he is much the same.

June 2.

Employed all the morning on the Greek papers. Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The King rather better. They have opened punctures above the knees. 400 papers were stamped. Lord Farnborough was the stamper. The King was perfectly alive to all that was going on.

A steamboat has made the passage from Bombay to Suez in a month and two days, leaving Bombay on March 20 and reaching Suez on April 22. The letters arrived here on May 31. The steamboat was detained ten days for coals. There was no steam conveyance from Alexandria to Malta, so we may reckon upon gaining fourteen days at least upon this passage. Besides, the steam vessel was probably a bad one.

June 3.

House. Aberdeen, in reply to a question of Lord Londonderry's, promised all the protocols of Paris! A most voluminous mass of dull twaddle. The House postponed Miss Hickson's divorce case to Lord Salisbury and East Retford. We had only 18 to 69! The Duke seemed very angry, and I heard him speaking to Lord Bathurst of some peer who went out without voting, whose conduct seemed to make him very indignant.

June 4.

House. All seems quiet again. Nothing more said about Leopold. There was to be a meeting to-day at Lord Lansdowne's which the Duke of Newcastle was expected to attend. Palmerston was at the last. [Footnote: The conjunction of these names indicated an alliance of Whigs, Canningites, and Tories irritated by the Roman Catholic Bill.] Rosslyn does not know whether Lord Grey was.

The King not going on well by the bulletin; worse by the private account, which, however, I did not see. He has lost his appetite and grows weaker.

The Duke has not yet read my Nagpore letter; but he will to-morrow. He seems to agree with me in general views upon the subject of our policy towards the native States.

June 5.

Chairs at 11. They are dissatisfied with Malcolm for sending a steam vessel into the Red Sea, because he had no important intelligence to communicate! I shall never make these people feel they are at the head of a State!

The bulletin to-day is very alarming. The Duke had not returned at half- past 4; but soon after he was seen coming into town looking very melancholy. The Duchess of Gloucester arrived an hour later. I thought the Duke had stayed to be there at the King's death. Knighton sent up to Goulburn to desire a warrant might be sent down to be stamped conveying the King's fines, &c., belonging to the Privy Purse.

Goulburn very properly refused to send the warrant till he had seen the Duke. This looks as if they did not expect 24 hours.

He was as ill as possible when Aberdeen saw him yesterday for a few minutes.

A Cabinet is summoned for half-past 3 to-morrow.

All is still again in the House of Commons, as well as with us. They have found the Leopold line will not do.

June 6.

Cabinet at half-past 3. They all say Scarlett did ill. He did not fight gallantly, and he fought without judgment.

The Duke said he thought the King was really suffering yesterday; but from several circumstances he thought he would live three or four weeks. The physicians said eight days. He was better than when Aberdeen saw him on Friday. No stamping was done. Peel went down to-day. It was hoped some papers would be stamped. Peel had not returned when the Cabinet separated at 5.

Aberdeen brought forward the question of a Bill it is thought necessary to introduce in consequence of slave-dealing by Brazilian subjects having now become piracy.

Goulburn seems to be unable to fix any time for the conclusion of the Session in the event of a demise. I fear it will be necessary to sit a long time to get the necessary votes. There are no less than fifty subjects unvoted.

June 7.

House. In going down met Goulburn, who said the account of the King was very bad. Halford had suggested it would be better for the Duke to go down; which he did. Peel thought the King very much changed indeed in the week which had elapsed since he last saw him.

June 8.

Cabinet at 3. The diplomatic expenses were carried only by 18, and the abolition of the punishment of death for forgery was carried by 13. This is a very serious state of things; with such a Parliament there is no depending upon the carrying of any measure, and Peel is quite disgusted. As to the Forgery Bill it will be difficult to find juries to convict when a majority has decided against the punishment of death. I am satisfied that the property of many will be exposed to much danger by the abolition of the punishment of death.

One Ashe who has libelled the Duke of Cumberland, or written a threatening letter, will be prosecuted as if he had done the same thing against any private individual.

The Fee Bill will be altered in the Committee (which out of delicacy is indefinitely postponed) and the commissioners continued by endorsement. This is a very ingenious device, saving all the difficulty of dealing with patent offices and of sharing the present fees.

Lord Combermere has written a letter to the Duke explaining and defending his conduct. This is a trouble brought upon us by Astell. He has written rather an impertinent answer to my letter respecting the 600L for the Russian papers, or rather some one has written it for him and he has only signed it.

I find Mr. Archibald Campbell, who applied yesterday to me for an assistant-surgeoncy, is Campbell of Blytheswood, a good voter and a great friend of Lord Melville's, and others. I have given him the surgeoncy. I told Planta, who is much pleased.

The Duke was sent for because the physicians intended to acquaint the King with his danger.

He was restless yesterday. The bulletin says he passed a very distressing day. He walked across the room, however, and will probably last some days.

In the House, East Retford till 8, when I came away.

June 9.

A better bulletin. Office before 12. Settled with Wortley the 'reasons' for abolishing the College. [Footnote: Haileybury.]

At 3 Sir P. Freeling came. Went with him and Wortley to Lord Melville's. There will be no difficulty in getting the steam vessel to Alexandria.

Read Colonel Macdonald's Journal for January, February, and to March 10. It is not so interesting as the last portion, or rather not so entertaining. These make no doubt from the account of Khosroo Murza and of the others who went to Petersburg, that the conquest of India by the route of Khiva and Bokhara is the favourite object of the Russians, and the whole people seem animated by hatred of England.

Cabinet dinner chez moi. The Duke did not see the King to-day; the Dukes of Clarence and Cumberland being there, whom he did not wish to see. The King is better. There is coagulated lymph in his legs, one thigh, Tierney thinks, is a little swelled. He has had no embarrassment of breathing for thirty-six hours, and slept yesterday as soundly as a child.

The man who was with the Queen and the Duke of York when they died is with the King now. When the King was sleeping yesterday Knighton said to him, 'This is not the sleep of death!' The other answered, 'Lord, sir! he will not die!' They think the King has never thought himself in danger, not even when they told him he was. He seemed flurried, however, or they thought so, for a moment, and then they endeavoured to unsay; but the King, who was quite firm, said, 'No, no! I understand what you think. Call in the Bishop and let him read prayers.'

Last night he was talking a great deal to Knighton, and was as amusing as ever. In constitution and in mind he is certainly a wonderful man. I have no doubt that the feeling that he is always in representation makes him behave in the face of death as a man would on the field of battle.

June 10.

The King passed a restless night. He is weaker than he has been yet.

East Retford. Salisbury concluded his case.

June 11.

House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and did not divide, so that the motion was negatived nemine contradicente. Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give the Papers.

The King rather better, but weaker.

June 12.

Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of Jenkins and of the Duke.

Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as a convalescent.

June 13.

Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery. Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.

I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and remain there himself.

It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is done once there is no stopping.

I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in which it is now held.

Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000L, and this would be the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything, and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000L each, leaving us out of the subscription.

The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.

His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.

A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring the House to a sense of its duty.

The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to his, upon my Memorandum. It is excellent.

There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition, and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the addition of 6d. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.

The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of the last division, which was expected the next day.

June 15.

The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has expectorated, which is thought a good sign.

In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded with all parties as far as first impression goes.

June 16.

At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.

The Duke got a number of papers stamped—indeed all the arrears, about 400. The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He recollected everything.

The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual, that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.

Peel spoke after dinner with much ennui of his position in the House of Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.

We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.

Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public opinion into its former course? I think it may.

June 17.

In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.

Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.

The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private account.

June 18.

Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has already privately told me his opinion—that the Act of Parliament has made no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be injurious to the public service.

Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.

The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W. Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.

June 19.

At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues of India I ought to vote as a judge.

Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them. Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put it ad verecundiam to the directors whether they would vote upon a question in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already appeared by Counsel.

They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline supporting Government.

The bulletin is bad.

Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking for, or rather demanding, cadetships. They will find I am not to be bullied.

June 21.

The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now certainly dying.

Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and another Subadar, and several minor things.

June 22.

Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was— none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.

The King is rather worse and weaker.

In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties. However, we had a majority.

June 23.

It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or rather ennuye, and a very little would induce him to give up.

Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks more with Knighton than the others.

The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to the Cottage still.

Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state of public business then.

Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.

June 24.

House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.

Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of the spirit and stamp duties.

Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.

The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for the country.

June 25.

Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62 to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote against us, nor has he once since he went out.

The King much weaker.

June 26.

At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.

Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve. It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King [Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal Dukes came in full dress.

We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied in audiences.

The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that they would receive his entire, cordial, and determined support. He told the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find he would at once tell them.

When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord President entreated it might be printed.

I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.

When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up his right hand.

He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and requested them all to take the oath.

This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.

After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal family.

The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.

We met in Cabinet at 4.

The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at Windsor.

I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch. Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy Council.

There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinary levee.

The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council, and took the oaths.

The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before four at the House of Commons.

Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.

The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with respect to the Regency question.

The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next, and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.

The stumbling block is the Regency question—whether it should be brought forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.

Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should die, leaving a minor Queen?

Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.

He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year. It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive, of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of Parliament.

Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first—that we got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.

The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive; if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom can, for a stable Government of seven years.

We can in no case name any other person than the Queen, because she may become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and she will be the best.

It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays or Sundays.

June 27.

Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a Regency.

It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor- General upon this point.

On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we are really no longer a Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of 800,000L on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000L on account of the civil list.

These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, which assembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- and Solicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of the Chancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.

The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the new Parliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.

Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent, and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.

I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we could have gone on, had he lived two months.

The King wishes to make Lord Combermere a Privy Councillor, thinking all gold sticks have been so. We find he is misinformed, and the Duke means to show him the list of gold-sticks not Privy Councillors, and at the same time to tell him how Lord Combermere stands, having within these few months been censured by the Government. The Duke will show the King the correspondence which passed lately, and leave it to him to decide. There would be no objection to making him a Privy Councillor some months or a year hence.

Brougham made a violent speech against Lord Conyngham for not being in readiness to swear in the House of Commons.

June 28.

Went to St. James's at eleven. The Household, the Royal family, and the Ministers only were there. The King was dressed in plain black. He went to a large window looking into the courtyard, and stood forward. There were but few people there at first, the Horse Guards and the Heralds. The King's band played God Save the King, and those who were there cheered, upon which numbers of people came round from before the Palace and filled the courtyard. They then cheered well.

As the King passed through the line we formed for him to go to the window he came up to me and said he must begin by chiding me for not coming to him yesterday. In fact he had forgot I was a Cabinet Minister, and he therefore would see me to-day. I said 'it was my first and I hoped it would be my last fault.' After the Proclamation he sent for the Duke of Wellington, and when the Duke left him, for me. He asked about China. I told him how we stood there. That there was an interruption which would probably prevent the arrival of any ships this year; that orders had been given for a double investment next year. I said the state of affairs generally was by no means satisfactory. The King said he was afraid Lord W. Bentinck had not been doing well. I said I feared he had let down the dignity of his office, and had when he first went there run after popularity too much, and allowed the press to get ahead. It would now be very difficult to check it. I added that he went to make great reductions and had made some. That that had rendered him unpopular. He was honest and well-meaning. The King said he should go down to Bushey soon, and as I was living near he would have me over at eleven o'clock some morning, and give me some hours to make him acquainted with the state of India. I told him of the secret letter to the Bengal Government about the Nagpore Treaty, and the principles laid down, of which he highly approved. He then expressed apprehension of Russia. I told him all that had been done upon that subject, and of the present to Runjeet Singh, and the navigation of the Indus, with all which he seemed much pleased. I said I would send him the secret letters, and get together information that would bring the whole state of India before him as concisely as possible. As I was led to mention Sir J. Macdonald, I asked a coat for him, and the King granted it, thinking it very proper.

The Duke attends the opening of the King's will at 12.

The late King died, as was thought, of fatness about the heart. The dropsy was gone.

Cabinet. We had none at St. James's, but there was a council. The Duke of Norfolk attended to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor. We found, on reference to the Act of last session, that he must have taken the oath within three months before his receiving any office of trust or profit. So, on my proposal, the Petty Bag was sent for, and the Chancellor held a court of Chancery in the ball-room, where the Duke took the oath. He was afterwards sworn in, as were the Duke of Bedford, Sir S. Canning, Sir J. Mackintosh, Lord Bexley, and two or three others who were not in time yesterday. There were a good many orders in council, but of no moment.

There was the usual proclamation against vice and immorality.

The King did very well. He was very gracious to all who approached him, and had something to say to every one. He took little notice of Sir. J. Mackintosh.

Lord Bathurst had to change a sheriff. The King, when he heard the name of the new one (sheriff of Suffolk, I think), said, 'He is a Whig.' Lord Bathurst said, 'He is a very good man, I believe, Sir, and is recommended by the Duke of Grafton.' 'Oh!' said the King, 'I do not mean to say it is wrong; only remember, he is a Whig.'

After the council we went to Peel's, but we remained but a short time, the Duke going to the House and Peel too before 4. In our House not a word was said. In the Commons Brougham, who seems, as Frankland Lewis told me, half frantic, made rather an apologetic speech for his attack upon the Lord Steward, but again hinted at intentional disrespect towards the House of Commons, not on the part of Ministers in that House, but of persons elsewhere. He reminded Peel that whatever accession of strength Ministers might have recently obtained, they could not carry on the Government without the confidence of the House of Commons.

His speech was very mysterious, and hardly any one understood it. Some thought he alluded to the accession of Lord Grey to the Government; that must have rested upon foolish rumour. He alluded, I conclude, to the King's support, now well known. What symptoms of disrespect for the House of Commons he may have discovered I know not. Probably he chooses to imagine them, to produce an effect.

He is evidently mad with disappointment. He could not well be wooed in such a temper, even if he were to be wooed at all.

After the House I rode to leave my name at the Princess Augusta's, and forgot the Duke of Cumberland, who lives close by; then I went to the Duke of Gloucester's, where I met F. Lewis, who told me of Brougham's speech and so on. I went with Wood to the Princess Sophia of Gloucester's. He told me all the King said of the late King's error in not frankly supporting his Government, and of his own determination to do so. He had been long in the habit of saying, 'the Queen is not with child.' There had been a report to that effect. Rode to the Duchess of Kent's and Duke of Sussex's. Met Lord Graham, Mr. and Mrs. Arbuthnot, and the Chancellor. Rode on with the Chancellor to Kensington. As we were coming away from the Palace we heard the trampling of horses behind us, and turning round, saw the King coming full tilt with his lancers; we had but just time to wheel round and salute His Majesty, who seemed much amused at seeing two of his Ministers amongst all the little children who were running by his carriage, and the Chancellor, so lately in all the gravity of his official robes, mounted on a little white New Forest pony of Lady Lyndhurst's. I rode on to Roehampton, dined there, and rode back.

At 10 a Cabinet at Peel's. We framed the message. Peel was very flat. The measure of immediate dissolution is one he does not half approve. He wished to settle the Regency question. He has been put out of humour by having his opinions upon that point not at once acquiesced in. He sees all the difficulties of our position, and does not meet them with energy and elan. He certainly is not an agreeable person to transact business with, but he is a very able man.

The accounts from Ireland are very bad. The potatoes are exhausted at Limerick, Tralee, and other places, and the new crop will not come in till August. At Limerick some stores have been forced, and the troops attacked with stones.

At Tralee there was a subscription of 450L for the purchase of potatoes; 300L was expended, and the Mayor of Tralee and other gentlemen bought some of these potatoes, which were offered at a reduced price to the people, for seed! Can any country be tranquil in which resident gentlemen can do such things? A discretionary power has been given to the Lord Lieutenant to expend 3000L in food, should it become necessary, without further reference.

About 180 peers have taken the oaths. I fear we shall be beaten upon the Forgery Bill; we have a very narrow margin indeed, not above six or eight without bishops. It is supposed the bishops will stay away. I fear those will stay away who would, if present, vote with us, and all who are against will come. If this should be the case we must be defeated.

The King was perfectly reasonable about Lord Combermere. The Duke showed His Majesty the letters which had passed, and the King said he should not think of it. He told Peel and Lord Melville he wished the Royal Academy to remain open till after the King's funeral, that he might see the exhibition, and said Peel should attend him when he went. This Peel thinks very foolish, and his disposition seems to be to turn the King into ridicule, and to throw the suspicion of insanity upon all his acts. This is the tactique of the Whigs. The King takes the Sacrament on Sunday, and has desired the two English and one Irish archbishop to attend. This they call 'an indication.'

June 29.

At half-past ten went to Lord Rosslyn's, to arrange with him the Lords' Address. Went with him to Peel's, to show it to him. He was reading when we went in, and hardly looked up. He heard the Address which I read, and approved of it; but he hardly took any notice of us or of it. He seemed really ill, and quite broken down.

Called on Hardinge. We had some conversation respecting the state of the Government. His idea is that the strength of the Government in the House of Commons is much injured by Peel's being in a subordinate situation to the Duke. That if he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the Treasury, things would go on better, the Duke taking a secretaryship of State. This would do very well in the House of Commons, but very ill in the Cabinet. He is for getting Mr. Stanley, and suggests (or Rosslyn did, or both, for having talked to both on the same subject I may confound them) that Lord F. Leveson should be made a peer. I think that a good idea. He is of no use in the Commons, and his peerage would open a place which Mr. Stanley could fill.

Rosslyn thinks Aberdeen's notions upon foreign politics have, together with his assumption of independence which is of recent date, made the Duke rather sore, and that he would not be sorry to have another Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Lord Rosslyn wants to have Lord Grey in, and says he would as soon be First Lord of the Admiralty as Foreign Secretary. Rosslyn would, I think, like to go to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. He would willingly give up the Privy Seal to Aberdeen. He thinks Sir G. Murray would make an excellent Governor General. I fear he would be too indolent. He said he knew, if there was a vacancy, the Duke would be glad to make him Master General.

I had said I believed Lord Beresford would go to Portugal as Minister, if Miguel would be on good terms with us. It seems Goulburn would be glad to be Speaker. That would open a proper office for Herries, and his offices might be divided, Lord Althorpe having the Board of Trade.

I really think some arrangement must be made to give us strength in the House of Commons. Saw the Duke at two. He approved of the address. Rosslyn, was with him. I told him how ill Peel seemed. He said he would go to see him.

House. The Duke moved the Address. He gave a character of the late King as one of the most accomplished, able, and remarkable men of the age. I saw Lord Grey smile a little, but the House generally was grave and formal. Lord Grey assented to the Address, but laissait entrevoir that he should be hostile to the Address to-morrow, hinting at the Regency. The same thing was done in the Commons.

The Duke told me the late King had three disorders which must have proved fatal, and he died of bursting a blood-vessel in the stomach. He had a concretion as large as an orange in his bladder, his liver was diseased, and his heart was ossified. Water there was not much, and all proceeding from the interruption of circulation about the heart. I read the report, signed by Halford, Tierney, Brodie, and A. Cooper.

We had East Retford again. Lord Londonderry, whom Lord Durham puts forward as his tool, moved an adjournment. The question was postponed till Friday. Afterwards the Duke of Buckingham, when most peers had gone away, moved the same thing, and then Lord Londonderry twice. We had majorities but gave it up at last. The Chancellor is heartily tired of the whole thing. The Duke went away while Lord Londonderry was explaining in answer to his speech, to the noble Lord's great annoyance.

I rode home with the Duke, who spoke of Lord Londonderry as a madman. He said Peel had not taken a sufficiently high line. He did not like the position he stood in in the House of Commons. The Duke said no Government was ever beaten by its enemies, but many have been by their friends.

The King was very amenable and good-natured to-day.

June 30.

Occupied all the morning in looking at the precedents in the case of regency. There are two modern contradictory precedents, 24 Geo. II. and 5 Geo. III., and no experience of either, nor has there been a minority since Edward VI. in 1547.

It is clear the sovereign is sovereign whatever be his age, and the Act appointing a regent must have his assent. Whatever has at any time been done, has been done or sanctioned by Parliament. Parliament cannot supersede the Royal authority.

It is remarkable that Parliament in 1811 made provision for the care of the King's person in case of his death; but none for the care of the kingdom in the event of the Regent's death, although the Princess Charlotte was but fifteen.

House at 5. The Duke moved the Address in a very short speech, not adverting to the regency. Lord Grey followed and declared his opinion of the incapacity of Government as exhibited in their measures during the last five months. Goderich said 'nothing had been done,' and was for going on with the business. Lord Harrowby wished a short Regency Bill to be passed, giving the regency to the Queen for six weeks, to provide for the case of pregnancy. The Chancellor made a speech, not long, admitting the law to be as stated, that is, that the sovereign immediately on accession possessed all Royal power. Eldon spoke against us, and treated the question of a King en venire sa mere with jocularity. I followed, and observed gravely upon his jocularity on such a subject; then stated my view of the question, and expressed my regret and surprise at Lord Grey's declaration, added I was happy to know at last where we were, who were our friends and who were our enemies.

Then got up the Duke of Richmond, totally misrepresenting what I had said as to Lord Eldon and Lord Grey, and endeavouring to make them appear as personal attacks to which no gentleman could submit. Lord Londonderry followed in the same tone. (After the Duke of Richmond I explained that I had not attributed improper motives to Lord Grey, nor attacked Lord Eldon's character.) We had afterwards Lord Lansdowne, Lord Harewood giving his first vote for the Government after the Catholic Question, and that because it was the first measure of the new King. A foolish reason, but I dare say many voted on the same ground. Lord Wharncliffe spoke against us, Lords Bute and Wicklow and the Duke of Buckingham for us, Lord Radnor shortly against. The Duke replied. Then Lord Grey spoke, and observed, of course, upon what I had said, but not angrily, and I made an explanation which was satisfactory, and set us quite right again. He had imagined me to say he owed a debt of gratitude to the Government for the measure of last session. I said he had expressed gratitude, but we had not claimed it, because we only did our duty. In the lobby during the debate Lord Jersey told me he was afraid Lord Grey might have misunderstood the meaning of what I said about gratitude, and begged me to set him right immediately if it was so.

We had 100 to 54. A very good division. We went, at ten, to Goulburn's to dinner, and expected soon to see the members of the House of Commons, and to hear of as good a division there as in the Lords, but after an hour we heard the division had only been 185 to 139. This made us a little flat, and Lord Bathurst drank no more champagne.

I intentionally committed the Government thoroughly with the Whigs, for after Lord Grey's declaration it was idle to expect a vote from them, and our people were pleased, as I knew they would be. The Duke of Bedford and Lord Jersey voted with us. So did Dudley.

I shall have work enough now, as they have ten or twelve speakers, and we but three.

July 1.

Looked over the debates on the Forgery Bill this morning. Committee at one. Examined a manufacturer of camlets and bombazines from Norwich. House. Forgery Bill. The Chancellor made an admirable speech, Lord Lansdowne followed him, then Lords Wynford, Tenterden, and Eldon all against the bill. We divided 77 to 20. The Duke was delighted, he said, 'How very right we were.' So said the Chancellor. Peel would have given it up. Now, I think one large majority will set public opinion right again. The Chancellor said all that was contained in Peel's two speeches and much more. Peel and Brougham were under the throne.

Lord Bathurst, with whom I walked home from the House at three, when we talked of Goulburn's becoming Speaker, suggested Hardinge as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would be an excellent one.

I met Goulburn in the Park this morning. He did not seem much pleased with the House last night. I see there were strong words indeed in the second debate, Brougham talking of the parasites of the Duke of Wellington. Peel asked whether he presumed to call him a parasite? There was great confusion, and it ended by Peel's making an explanation for Brougham, in which Brougham acquiesced. Several members, amongst the rest, I hear, Castlereagh, were going to call Brougham out.

In the House Lord Bathurst told me Wortley had stayed away from the division last night, and had sent in his resignation. Soon after I received a note from Wortley telling me so, expressing great regret that he could not vote for a course of measures which excluded a Regency Bill. His regret was increased by my kindness and encouragement. I have sent his letter to the Duke, having shown it to Lord Bathurst in the House. I wrote an answer to say I felt great regret at his not being able to adopt our line, and expressing my personal regret at losing him, and my acknowledgments for the assistance I had derived from him.

His father and father-in-law both voted against us last night. He says in his note he has taken his line entirely on his own view.

I had some talk with Dudley in the lobby of the House. I began by saying he had acted very handsomely by us. He said he was friendly to the Government, and above all things unfriendly to Lord Grey and the Duke of Newcastle. The motion of last night he called pure faction.

Salisbury told me he stayed away to-night not liking to vote against us, on account of yesterday's declaration of war. The Duke of Gordon told me he was much pleased with me last night. I do not, however, think I spoke as well as usual.

Bankes I had some talk with. He said the Duke of Cumberland was hostile to the Duchess of Kent and Leopold. He would prefer the Queen as Regent. He had been much with the King for the last six weeks, and there was a good understanding between them. Bankes asked if I had left my name with him. I told him I had, and I believed all the rest had. By some mistake of a servant the summons to the Privy Council did not reach the Duke of Cumberland till the day after the accession, and he was very angry. It had been sent to Kew. He is satisfied now. Goulburn has hit upon a mezzo termine which answers for the present session. He has reduced the duty on West Indian sugar to 24,9., and on East Indian sugar to 32s. The duty on other sugar to be 63s. I did not fail to tell Dudley and Bankes in what strong terms the King had expressed his determination to support the Government. They were both 'colpiti.' Dudley had had no idea terms so strong had been used. He comes to the Council to be sworn in on Saturday.

July 2.

Chairs at eleven. They have sent a representation on the subject of the Kattywar draft, impugning, as I understand, for I have not yet read it, the power of the Board to give orders in the Secret Department which do not require secresy.

I told the Chairs distinctly that I intended to take upon the King's Government the whole responsibility of the foreign policy of India.

I saw Wortley, who thanked me very much indeed for my note of yesterday evening. He was much distressed, and evidently regrets extremely that he has tendered his resignation. He adheres, however, to his opinion that the Regency question should have been settled at least provisionally before Parliament separated. He was going to see Peel and afterwards the Duke.

He told me the Government could not be conducted in the House of Commons unless some more Ministers would speak-that there must be a change.

I called at Hardinge's. He told me the same thing, and that he had talked about it to the Duke yesterday and made him promise to place the ministerial seats in the House of Commons at Peel's disposal. Hardinge is for having Edward Stanley. He spoke of Wilmot Horton, but he is not of Cabinet calibre. I think Hardinge is disposed to displace Murray rather than either of the others. He talked again of making Peel First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Duke Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—Aberdeen going to Ireland. Aberdeen would not go there, I think. I told Hardinge Lord Bathurst had suggested him as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would not hear of it.

It seems Brougham was almost drunk the other night. Hardinge and several others were getting up to question him when Peel stopped them. He pulled Hardinge down by the coat. Hardinge says Peel managed admirably.

In the House spoke to the Chancellor and Lord Bathurst, and told them I had heard we must have an addition of strength to the Treasury Bench. They both said they believed so too. Lord Bathurst again mentioned Hardinge.

Spoke to the Duke about Wortley. He said he had written a kind note to him, and told him he had been too hasty. He should have spoken to some of the Ministers first. The Duke evidently intends the thing to blow over.

Spoke to Lord Wharncliffe about the same thing. He said he would neither have voted nor have spoken against Government on Wednesday if he had had an idea of Wortley's resigning, because it gave the appearance of concert, and there really was none. He did not know of the letters till after they had been written. I said Lord Harrowby's taking the same line, both voting and speaking, gave the appearance of concert. He said he thought Wortley altogether wrong. That a young man, having joined a Government, had no right, for a difference on a single point, to resign. If he differed upon a system of policy it was another thing. I said I thought it would be allowed to blow over. He afterwards talked to the Duke, and I have no doubt Wortley will remain.

Lord Bathurst says W. Horton is a gentleman. I doubted it. He rather wishes to have Wilmot in office. But the person to be got is Mr. Stanley.

We had a discussion on a motion of Lord Londonderry's whether we should proceed with East Retford or not. I followed Lord Grey and spoke very quietly but, I think, reasonably, for going on. I said if we were obliged to postpone any measure, the last we should postpone should be one deeply interesting to the House of Commons and affecting their privileges.

I think we did all Peel could require. We had 45 to 13. I remained till eight, but I could stay no longer.

Lord Londonderry attacked me again, and said instead of planting a dagger in the side of Lord Grey I should have applied a healing plaster! His comparative civility to the Government to-day was to conciliate their support to Sir R. Gresley for Durham.

The Duke told Hardinge yesterday I was always ready. I was a little too lively, but I was of great use.

July 3.

The King has done two popular things. He has allowed a passage to be made from Waterloo Place into the Park, and he has dismissed all the late King's French cooks! He will have no foreigners about him.

The foreign Ministers were all introduced to him to-day. He was very gracious, Aberdeen said, but he did not choose his topics quite so well as the late King, who had much tact and grace, neither does the King speak French well.

Lord Combermere came and had an audience to present a picture of the King of Delhi, painted by an Indian artist. It seemed not ill done, and had the appearance of an ordinary picture, but when placed against the light was a transparency. Lord Combermere did not remain long with the King, and when he came out he seemed annoyed. He remained some time, and the Duke was afraid he remained to be sworn in, in consequence of some incautious promise of the King. It was arranged that Buller, who had a list of the Privy Councillors, should turn him out with the rest who were not so, when the Council began. However, he went away a little before.

The Duke of Montrose has resigned, and the King has placed the office at the disposal of the Duke of Wellington.

Peel seems to think Lord Graham is dissatisfied and unfriendly. It seems he has been heard complaining of vacillation, &c., on the part of the Government, and does not attend well.

The Queen has named Lady Wellesley and Mrs. Berkeley Paget as two Ladies of the Bed-chamber. Valletort is to be in some high situation about the Queen. Lord Errol, her Master of the Horse.

I conclude Lord Conyngham will resign, but it is not known.

The Duke goes to Windsor to-morrow respecting the late King's papers, the Duke of Cumberland having meditated an enlevement.

Peel thinks Brougham really rather mad, and would not be surprised to hear he was confined. Last year he was melancholy, and his friends and he himself feared he might commit suicide. Now he is in an excited state. Peel speaks of him as a most wonderful man in ability.

It seems that last night the leaders came down to make an attack, but the followers, not having been consulted, would not support. R. Gordon came over to Herries and said he should vote with Government. Hume, who in the morning had sent to ask Planta whether Government intended to oppose him for Middlesex (a question Planta was desired not to answer till the end of next week), was very civil, and disposed to let business pass. It is not impossible that the House of Commons may have done their business by this day week.

I am to look at the Beer Bill, and have already begun to read the Commons' debates upon it.

July 4.

Read all the debates on the Beer Bill, made notes, and considered the subject. The Queen seems to have selected her maids of honour from the neighbourhood of Bushey. This is amiable and very right.

July 5.

I proposed to Wortley, as Edward Stanley was an acquaintance of his, to give him a hint not to commit himself against the Government just now; but he says he does not know Stanley intimately enough.

I asked him whether he did not find the Duke of Wellington very kind. He really had the kindest heart of any man I ever knew. When I looked up I saw the tears in his eyes.

Clare told me he heard all the Whigs in our House, except Lord Lansdowne, were determined to push us a l'outrance; but Lord Lansdowne thought the Duke must endeavour to strengthen himself during the vacation. He could not do it now, as it would be a confession of weakness; but he thought he would do it before Parliament met. However, the others would not hear him.

There was a meeting at Lord Althorpe's yesterday, but I have not heard the result.

Talked to Clare about the affairs of Kattywar, and promised to give him precise instructions before he left England.

He will remain at Bombay, I think. He tells his mother three years, but he will remain till he has made some money and done something worth going there to do. He has got Elphinstone to make a list of the civil servants with their characters.

The King took the sacrament yesterday with the Royal Family, and afterwards received the bishops and the judges. He made long speeches to both. Thirty minutes to the first, and twenty to the second.

Polignac seems quite firm, although certain he shall be in a minority of 1 to 2 or 3. It is expected he will evade, and that Villele may be able to go on with the new Chamber.

No news from Algiers. 15,000 men are assembled at Toulon as a reserve.

July 6.

Cabinet. Peel said the Lord Advocate would resign if we did not pass the Scotch Judicature Bill, so we must struggle through with it. The Welsh Judicature Bill is to be passed too. This will keep us sitting some time. The Commons will have finished on Friday.

House. We had the second reading of the Beer Bill. I said a few words to show the inaccuracy of one of Lord Malmesbury's conclusions; but I must speak in detail in the Committee.

July 7.

Last night we had 247 to 93, a great division. The Tories in general voting with us.

Looked over again all the papers relative to the Beer Bill.

In my way back from Roehampton met Lord Ravensworth, who told me the King had the gout, and that he had given the Guelphic ribbon to his three sons- in-law. He likewise told me what I knew before, that the Duke of Montrose had resigned.

I told him of the dismissal of the French cooks, which horrified him.

Cabinet dinner at Herries's. All the House of Commons pleased with their division. They got three county members to speak for others. The Whigs did not like the motion, and were unwilling to divide. Robert Grant divided the House. The King was delighted with the division.

He came to town to-day, almost for nothing, and received the Duke and others. He sent for Lord Rosslyn and told, him he had made his regiment the Queen's Own.

He has changed the uniform of the navy, which is to be blue with red cuffs and facings. He wore the uniform so to-day.

Aberdeen introduced Prince William of Prussia. The King desired him to stay, and said he should never receive foreigners except in his presence, and never but in his naval uniform. He should wear the military uniform now and then, but as little as possible.

All the cavalry are to be in red.

No news from Algiers. The Duke thinks they must be rather in want of provisions. The French are all in a state of sentiment, as Bourmont's second son has been dangerously wounded. Certainly the way in which it is mentioned in the dispatch is good, and indeed Bourmont, a very clever man, and first under fire with his four sons, will soon be popular with an army.

Polignac seems to be insensible rather than bold. He thinks all will go on well still.

The present intention is that we should all be in gala at the funeral, with black scarfs, &c.

I have asked several to dine at Roehampton and go from thence.

The Queen is to be present, I suppose, in the King's pew. The King is certainly to be chief mourner.

We had a great deal of talk after dinner about elections. I fear they have not been attended to in time. It is hoped Seaford will be conquered from Lord Seaford, and that the two Grants will be thrown out. We have nobody for Surrey and nobody for Middlesex.

July 8.

House. Answered the Duke of Richmond on the sale of Beer Bill. The Duke seemed very well satisfied, and the House was very attentive and cheered frequently. We had on a division 60 to 15.

July 9.

Lord Radnor made some observations upon the continuing of the Irish Arms Bill without explaining the reason, the Bill having been introduced in troublesome times and expiring at the end of this Session. Lord Grey supported him. It is clear Lord Durham and Lord Radnor evidently intend to make us look about us and not do work in a slovenly manner. I cannot find fault with them.