The members of the House of Commons consider their majority last night fortunate. The House is very loose. In the majority and minority were the most opposite parties. O'Connell went out with Sadler. The Brunswickers are in high glee, and have sent for their valiant champion, Falmouth. In our House they made a poor show.

Prince Leopold is not by any means disposed to take Greece without Candia, and it was thought, from Lord Lansdowne's speech, he and others had advised him to take this line. Aberdeen is very much embarrassed to find a substitute.

February 6.

Spring-Rice asked Bankes in the House last night whether the letter to Sir J. Malcolm published as mine was mine. Bankes said that I had no copy of it, and therefore could not say it was correctly given. It was a private letter. Brougham, and Mackintosh, and that ass, M. A. Taylor, spoke in reprobation of it. Mackintosh most unfairly and disingenuously pretended to understand I endeavoured to get off by saying it was a private letter, and said it would be an extenuation of my offence if I would disavow the sentiments contained in it. What must he be himself to suppose I would disavow what I had written! Upon the whole, the tone taken by Peel and Bankes, but more especially by Peel, was too apologetical. I shall be obliged to go to the House on Monday to have a question put to me by Lord Lansdowne. I shall distinctly declare he may consider the letter as mine, and that I am ready to defend every line of it. Wrote to Lord Wellesley to offer to put his name upon the Committee on East India affairs if he would attend. He declines on account of ill-health.

Received a note from Peel begging me to have the Chairs to meet him on the appointment of the committee. I sent to the Chairman, and he came and met Peel; but Astell was out of the way. We are to meet at half-past one to- morrow. Peel did not seem to have looked much into the subject, which the Chairman observed.

Saw Bankes. He is not certain of succeeding now to the secretaryship of the Admiralty, but he expects it ultimately. He thinks the Duke of Buckingham had nothing to do with Lord Chandos's rejection of the Mint: but does not know how it went off. He thought that Lord Chandos had accepted, and the Duke seems to have thought so too.

A very good account from Ireland. The country gradually and quietly coming round.

Sunday, February 7.

Cabinet. First, Batta. The Duke gave his decided opinion in favour of adhering to the present order. After some conversation, but no opposition, the Cabinet acquiesced unanimously in that decision, which has been mine from the first.

I had a moment's conversation with Peel about the letter to Sir J. Malcolm, and told him I would defend every word of it, elephants and all.

Then we had a good deal of discussion respecting the policy to be pursued with regard to Cuba, against which the Mexicans are preparing to organise a slave insurrection, for which purpose they have sent a Minister to Hayti. It seems to be generally believed that Canning, about the year 1823, issued a sort of prohibition to the Mexican and Columbian States to attack Cuba, but no trace can be found in the Foreign Office of any such prohibition.

Sir R. Wilson means to ask a question upon the subject to-morrow. He says, if you prohibit the Mexicans and Columbians from attacking Cuba, you should prohibit the Spaniards from attacking them—which is fair—in fact the expedition of Barradas was undertaken before we knew anything about it, and if we had wished we could not have interfered.

The question as to what answer should be given to Sir R. Wilson, and what policy pursued, was deferred till to-morrow.

In the meantime it appears that Mr. Robertson, who is at Mexico, remonstrated strongly with M. de Bocaregna, respecting the objects of the embassy to Hayti, and he was told by Aberdeen that he did quite right, and that not only ourselves but other states might view with disapprobation an attempt to excite a warfare of an uncivilised character in Cuba.

The French have assembled 35,000 men to attack Algiers. They promise not to keep it. [Footnote: This promise was repudiated by the Government of July.] They intimate their intention of assisting Mehemet Ali with a fleet; but in the meantime they are satisfied at Constantinople that Mehemet Ali will not move.

Aberdeen told Laval that we had informed the Pasha of Egypt that we should view with disapprobation his attack upon Tunis and Tripoli without the consent of the Sultan. Laval begged this might be repeated to him three times.

Much conversation as to the state of the House of Commons. The Tories are most radical. Sir R. Vyvyan told Holmes or Planta his object was to reduce the Government majorities as much as possible, and to make the Government as contemptible as possible. Sir E. Knatchbull leads about twenty-three. I think the probability is that, unless we make some coalition with the Whigs, we shall go to the ground between the two parties, [Footnote: This eventually occurred on the Civil List question after the accession of William IV.] both uniting against us upon some point (upon my letter to Sir J. Malcolm as likely as any other).

I took home Sir George Murray. He expressed his surprise the Duke should cling to the hope of reclaiming the ultra-Tories, whom he would not get, and who were not worth having.

I confess I think he carries it on too long, although I am not surprised he should have wished it at first.

Prince Leopold has given no reply to Aberdeen's letter, or to the offer of the ambassadors.

Lord Holland gives notice to-morrow of a motion about Greece, and Lord Melbourne moves for some papers respecting Portugal.

Lord Melville gives notice for me of the committee on East Indian Affairs, and I am not to go down till Tuesday, that we may have out the letter to Malcolm and other Indian matters all at once.

February 8.

Wrote a memorandum for Peel and Bankes to this effect: 'That I had neither copy nor recollection of the letter; but that I had no doubt the letter published as mine was substantially correct. It was a confidential exposition of the motives which induced me to recommend two judges to the King. [Footnote: It was suggested that with these colleagues Sir J. Grant would be like a wild elephant between two tame ones. Alluding to the method of taming captured elephants in India.] It was never intended to be published, nor did I expect it would be. The expressions, therefore, were unadvised, but the sentiments were and are mine, deliberately formed upon full consideration of the official documents before me.

Cabinet. It appears on looking into papers of 1825 and 1826 that so far from our having prohibited Mexico and Columbia from making any attack upon Cuba, we uniformly abstained from doing anything of the kind. The Americans declared they could not see with indifference any state other than Spain in possession of Cuba, and further their disposition to interpose their power should war be conducted in Cuba in a devastating manner, and with a view to the excitement of a servile war.

We offered to guarantee Cuba to Spain in 1823 if she would negotiate with the colonies with a view to their recognition.

Subsequently we were willing to enter into a tripartite guarantee of Cuba to Spain with the United States and France.

The United States seemed not unwilling, but France held back.

Peel is to say there was no record of any prohibition, but that the United States declared so, and it was possible Mr. Canning may have intimated a similar disposition on our part. This is to keep open to us the faculty of interfering if we please.

The Duke thinks my letter does not signify one pin. The simile of the elephants evidently means no more than that an indiscreet judge was placed between two discreet ones.

The Duke told me he had offered a Lordship of the Treasury to Ashley, who had declined it. He then told him to make himself master of the Batta question. Ashley said he had not seen the papers. He said, let him see the papers. I told him I had sent them the moment I got them to him, and he had desired me to send them to the Cabinet room, which I did. When they were taken from the Cabinet room they went to the India Board, and Ashley might have seen them. I had never kept any papers from him. We then talked about the speech to be made in moving the committee. The Duke seems inclined to have little said. Peel seems disposed to say little; but he knows little. I think they are wrong. I am sure it is necessary to correct the erroneous notions which have been propagated with respect to the trade. They will otherwise acquire so great a head it will be impossible to beat them back.

However, this we are to talk over with Peel tomorrow.

General King, who voted against the address on Thursday, is turned out by the King himself; the Duke having only mentioned the fact. I dare say the King may be alarmed by the spirit shown by the House of Commons.

The suicide of . . . . on account of his wife's seduction by the Duke of Cumberland, will drive the Duke of Cumberland out of the field.

February 9.

Called on the Duke. He advised a very narrowed statement in moving for the committee. I rather doubt his judgment upon this point. I fear the opinion of the country will become settled, and that when the strength of our case is brought forward it will be found unequal to the driving back of the stream. However, I made a speech as he desired. Lord Lansdowne said a few words.

Lord Durham then questioned me as to the authenticity of my letter to Sir J. Malcolm. I acknowledged it was substantially correct, and declared I could not have entertained any other sentiments without a dereliction of duty. He expressed disapprobation, considering the letter as evincing a determination to control the independence of judges. The Duke replied—then Lord Melville—then Lord Holland—I last. I declared that, as my father's son, I was the last man capable of harbouring a thought against the independence of judges; but I would resist their usurpation, more especially when they usurped powers withheld from them by Parliament as dangerous to the peace of India and to the stability of the British power.

I said India could not bear the collision of the Supreme Court and the Local Government. If we did not support the Government we should lose India.

I was determined to maintain the integrity, the dignity, the authority, and the unapproachable power of the Local Government, and especially to support a man who, at that distance from England, acting in the faithful discharge of his public duty, incurred the highest responsibility and the greatest personal risk in defence of what he considered essential to the stability of the British power in India. I believe I did well. They all told me I should hear no more of it.

February 10.

Saw Bankes. He says the House of Commons is loose indeed; but he thinks Ministers will have a majority on the East Retford business. The worst of it is that those who ought to be the friends of Government will not stay out a debate. Last night Peel and Goulburn were left with a decided minority, but the House was counted out.

Saw Hardinge. He seems to think there is no great danger, and he thinks the House is in so loose a state that the accession of an individual or two would not draw others; that Brougham may be quieted, and that the others do not much signify.

In the meantime Abercromby has been made Chief Baron of Scotland. Another Whig gone. A very valuable intimation to those who remain.

Lord Lansdowne brings in Zachary Macaulay, son of the old saint. [Footnote: The late Lord Macaulay. He is erroneously described by his father's Christian name.] They say a very clever man indeed, at least as a writer.

Hardinge told me the Duke told Mrs. Arbuthnot I spoke very well last night. At dinner the Chancellor and Sir George Murray congratulated me on what had taken place.

After the Cabinet dinner, much talk and nothing settled. The motion of Sir J. Graham will, I think, be amended—and easily. There is a disposition, very properly, not to give Portuguese papers. As to the Lord Holland's motion on Friday no decision is come to.

Gave the Duke the petition of the Bengal half-castes.

Mr. Jenkins, who was for many years resident at Nagpore, called upon me and offered himself as successor to Sir J. Malcolm. He said the Chairs were disposed to him, if the Government had no objection. I said I was aware of the services he had rendered, but that there were many distinguished servants of the Company, and likewise persons of ability who had not been in India, whose several qualifications must be considered. It was further a point upon which I must of course communicate with the Duke of Wellington. The man is a person of dry cold manner, not prepossessing.

I am disposed to think Mr. Chaplin the best Indian for the situation.

February 11.

I think Polignac's Ministry must fall, and really, as regards himself, I cannot feel regret, as he is the greatest liar that has exercised diplomatist functions for a long time. I had thought better of him. If their expedition ever sails for Algiers they will find what it costs to send an expedition over sea. I think, however, they will succeed, and, if they do, they will keep Algiers.

Sir R. Gordon entertains a very different opinion from that expressed by Aberdeen as to the future fate of the Ottoman Empire. He thinks the events of the late war prove little, and that the Sultan has learnt a lesson which will induce him to treat his rayas better—that the war once over, all men will return to their duty. However, he gives no good reasons for his opinion. He states very fairly the difficulty of his own position. He says he has hitherto believed it was the intention of his Government to support Turkey. He has therefore had influence, because where he has advised concession the Turks have understood we meant it should not be hurtful to them—but now, how can he advise the Turks to yield to what is asked, when he knows the Government think that the more is taken from Turkey, the more is saved from Russia? Sir R. Gordon says his colleagues are by no means of opinion that the Ottoman Empire is falling, and that France allows their officers to go in numbers to serve with the Turkish troops.

Received a letter from Sir J. Macdonald in which he tells me the Turkish Asiatic provinces are falling away from the Sultan.

He encloses a letter from a Mr. Sterling, giving a very interesting account of his journey by Meshed and near Balkh to Cabul. He took a new road to the north of the Paropamisan ridge. In Cabul he experienced no difficulty.

February 12.

House. Lord Holland's motion of a resolution that the House would not be satisfied with any plan for the pacification and settlement of Greece, which did not secure to that state the means of independence by sea and land, and leave the Greeks free to have their own Constitution. His information was most inaccurate. Yet on this he founded his distrust of the Government. Notwithstanding this distrust he was neither with them nor against them, nor did he wish to turn them out. He made an indifferent speech. Aberdeen a fair one ill delivered. The Duke spoke admirably. The brains were beaten out of the motion. No division. Goderich and Clanricarde and Melbourne spoke; Lord Melbourne poorly.

On the East Retford [Footnote: It will be remembered that this question had led to the resignation of Huskinsson and his friends.] question last night we had a majority of twenty-seven in a House of 226 members—the high Tories voting with Government.

Bankes has now the offer of a Lordship of the Admiralty till Croker can be got rid of; but he will not go. Castlereagh will have the Treasury Lordship—that is, 600L a year more for having been careless.

February 13.

After seeing the Chairs spoke to the Duke about the Bombay succession. He asked what I meant to do with Elphinstone? I considered he had left India altogether. The Duke thought he must return—that he would go to Bombay again with the expectation of afterwards going to Madras. I think the Duke has an idea of making him Governor-General. I mentioned Mr. Chaplin. The Duke mentioned Mr. Jenkins, of whom he thought highly. He had done well at Nagpore, and he had had some correspondence with him when in India which gave him a good opinion of him. The Duke spoke of Mr. Russell, but thought he had been mixed up with the Hyderabad transactions. I then mentioned Clare. The Duke thought him better than any of the others mentioned. That it was a great thing to have a man of rank; he must be well supported; he had not a very strong mind. However, on the whole he seemed better than the others, and I am to propose him.

I am very glad to have Clare. I have a great respect and regard for him— but I have a little hesitation as to his fitness. He will, however, be a most zealous and honourable servant of the public, and his good manners will keep people in good humour and in order.

Leopold has sent in his answer. I have not seen it yet. He accepts on conditions.

The debate last night in the Commons is considered very favourable. Dawson's amendment was adopted—and Planta and Holmes say the temper of the country gentlemen is much improved. They are quite in spirits again.

A hint of Peel's, but a hint that the Government did not fear an appeal to the country, seems to have had a good effect.

February 14.

Cabinet. On Thursday Peel, in opening the Compensation Bill, will detail the various legal reforms.

He is disposed to diminish gradually the number of crimes for which the punishment of death is awarded. The Duke seemed reluctant and so did others. However, the Chancellor did not object.

My father considered that where a man could not protect his own property the law ought to protect it for him by higher penalties. However, now it seems a man must protect his own property, and punishments are to be proportioned more to the extent of the moral offence than to the necessity for preventing crime.

Then we considered Leopold's answer. The man accepts provided—

1. There is a guarantee of the new State.

2. That the frontier is slightly altered.

3. That the three powers protect the present insurgents in Samos and Candia.

4. That a loan of 1,500,000L is guaranteed.

5. That he may have troops furnished to him.

6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him, le soussigne, as their Prince.

A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact unnecessary.

Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed, under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the Treaty of July 6.

Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be 700,000L, of which 100,000L to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000L a year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the Greeks give a most flourishing expose of their future finances, and he thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he begins to love his Greek progeny.

The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be a guarantee.

February 16.

Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point of rassemblement. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor, and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel; France not.

The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.

Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master- General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.

Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the proposed expedition to Mexico.

Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The French Ambassador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that had passed, &c.

Peel told me he was disposed to grant the motion for any correspondence between the Board of Control or any member of it, &c., with a direct negative. To move the previous question was an admission of some error. I was telling him the circumstances when it was necessary to attend to Aberdeen's business. I must tell him to-morrow.

February 17.

At the Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's, talked to Peel and gave him a copy of the report of the Privy Council and of my letter to Sir J. Grant. He is disposed to take a high tone, and thinks men will follow him better when he does than when he temporises. I am sure they will.

He says he would reduce everything so low as not to be beat upon establishments. If he is beat upon unimportant questions he does not care, and will not go out. They will not get a majority for stopping supplies, and if they can agree upon motions, he is prepared to play the game of '83 [Footnote: Alluding to Pitt's course at the beginning of his first Ministry. He retained office a whole Session in spite of the motions carried against him, and in the general election of 1784 obtained an overwhelming majority.] with them. I am sure he is right.

February 18.

House. First a question from Lord Holland whether the orders to the Admiral respecting Greek slaves, &c., would, after the settlement of Greece, apply to Candiot Greeks. Then Lord Melbourne's motion for Portuguese papers. He did not speak well—but very bitterly. Goderich spoke pathetically against the Terceira affair—Lord Wharncliffe well with us—Lansdowne wide and loose—the Duke very excellent—Aberdeen worse than usual, and very imprudent, abusing Miguel and making awkward admissions.

It was quite established that Canning had nothing to say to the Portuguese Constitution, and I think we shall hear no more of Terceira. Fifty-two to twenty-one—no proxies.

February 19.

Cabinet. Leopold's answer. He wants troops and money. After long talk it was resolved the French troops might stay a year, till he could raise others, and money should be given.

February 20, 1830.

In riding with Lord Rosslyn had a long conversation with him upon Indian matters. He had just been reading the despatches from Lord Stuart and Lord Heytesbury upon these subjects. I told him I had anticipated all Lord H. suggested and had done, I really thought, all that could be done. I am to send him the secret letter. He thinks, as I do, that Aberdeen is in a great hurry to get rid of the Greek question, and disposed to incur future embarrassments to avoid present inconvenience.

Lord Rosslyn does not much like the division of last night, but I believe it was a good one.

February 21.

This morning looked through the finance accounts of the three years, ending 1819, and the three ending 1828, with a view to comparing the state of the country with what it was before Peel's Bill. The increased consumption is astonishing. The increase of British tonnage and in the number of seamen since 1819 is equal to the whole tonnage and to all the seamen in the foreign trade with Great Britain, although that is increased nearly in the same proportion with our own.

The increased consumption of tea and coffee is 50 per cent. The number of pounds in 1819 being about 30,000,000 of pounds, and now 45,000,000 pounds.

The import of foreign raw produce is much increased—of that produce which competes with the landed produce of England.

Hardinge called. He thinks the Government quite safe now. Indeed, he never had much apprehension. He regrets Sir James Graham's divergence from the road which leads to office. He thinks he came up to London intending well; but that he thought under present circumstances he could be a more considerable man out of office than he would be in a subordinate situation.

The Duke of Northumberland says the salary of the Lord-Lieutenant may well be reduced to 20,000L a year.

February 24.

Lord Rosslyn, who called upon me at the office, thinks I may go a little too far in my directions with regard to Russian spies, that is, in a public despatch. I had directed that if it appeared danger was likely to arise from their return to Europe or from their passage into any Asiatic country, their persons should be placed under restraint, and in all cases their papers and letters got possession of. He suggests that this might be mentioned in a private letter, or left to the discretion of the Local Governments.

We had a long conversation on Lord Stanhope's motion for to-morrow, when Whigs and Tories are to combine to beat us.

The division last night in the House of Commons on Lord J. Russell's motion for giving two members to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, was not satisfactory. There were 140 for it, and only 188 against it. The Tories stayed away.

February 25.

House at 4 and until 2. Lord Stanhope's motion for a Committee of the whole House on the internal state of the country. He made a weak speech, because to get votes he abstained from stating the cause of distress, which in his opinion is currency, or any remedy. Goderich and Lansdowne made good speeches. Rosebery not a bad one, though as usual pompous. All suggesting some remedies—all for reducing taxation, but against a Committee of the House. Lord Radnor made a good vulgar speech. King spoke better than usual. He proposed, but afterwards withdrew, an amendment for a Committee upstairs. The Duke, who alone spoke on our side, did not speak well, and some of his statements were hazardous. Lords Darnley and Bute declared there was no distress near them.

We divided well. There being but fifteen present for Lord Stanhope's motion, and ten proxies.

February 26.

Chairs at 11. Went over with them the letter on Batta.

Lord Wharncliffe intends on Tuesday to propose examining the Chairman of the East Indian Company.

February 27.

Wrote a note to Loch to tell him of Lord Wharncliffe's intention. He does not like the idea at all, and wishes to see me before the Committee sits. I have named Monday at eleven. I told him my feeling was against his being examined, as I thought it unfair; besides, he was not the best witness. I told Lord Wharncliffe he should examine Lord Amherst.

At the Cabinet room I attempted to read the papers respecting Irish education. My opinion is that it would be better to let the matter rest for the present; the agitation of it may revive animosities, and if any good be attainable, it may be attained at a more favourable period than the present. I rather doubt whether it might not be yet more safely left to the people themselves, as education in England and in Scotland.

March 1.

Cabinet. We were to have talked about Irish education, but more important matters intervened. There is a motion on Friday of Mr. Davenport's for a Committee on the internal state of the country. Peel thinks there will be a union of parties in favour of it. He feels it must be opposed. Some of the friends of Government have said they must vote for it. He proposes that Goulburn should to-morrow give notice of his intention of explaining his views as to taxation on Monday week. Peel thinks that he can procure an adjournment of the debate till after Goulburn's expose.

Goulburn suggests taking off the whole of the beer tax, and remitting the hop duty for this year, as well as remodelling it. He likewise proposes lowering the duties on East and West India sugar, the former from 37s. to 25s., and the latter from 27s. to 20s.

As the revenue is decreasing, these reductions cannot be taken from it. There must be a commutation. This he proposes to be a modified property tax, to apply to landed property, all fixed property, and the funds as well as all offices, but not to the profits of trade.

March 2.

There seems to have been some incivility last night on the part of Sir Charles Burrell and Sir E. Knatchbull against me, with reference to my opposition to the Duke of Richmond's motion on the wool question last year.

March 3.

Peel's. Met Bankes, Graham, and Ashley. It was, after talk, agreed that the papers asked should be refused, unless in the course of the debate it should appear that the granting of Grant's petition and the report of the Privy Council would improve the division. I expect a regular attack upon myself from all quarters. I would give a year of the House of Lords to be there to throw grape-shot amongst the small lawyers.

Cabinet room. Read despatches relating to the expedition to Algiers, which is certainly going.

Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The affair of the vacated offices becomes serious, for it seems certain that it is necessary to take the declaration again upon any new patent, and the Board of Admiralty should have taken the declaration as well as Castlereagh—the Board of Control as well as me.

The Chancellor continues to have no objection to reducing the salaries of the Supreme Court Judges.

March 5.

Chairs at 11. I got rid of them as soon as I could, as I wished to go to the Committee.

Loch showed me a letter from Lord William Bentinck, by which it appears that the officers of the Cawnpore division of the army wished to have a general meeting for the election of delegates to England. Sir J. Whittingham forwarded their request to Lord Combermere, highly disapproving of it. Lord Combermere directed the Adjutant-General to write a letter coinciding with Sir J. Whittingham's opinions, and adding that he would be the advocate of the army both in India and in England. Lord William (Bentinck) is going up the country with the Government and wishes to take Lord Dalhousie with him. He expects very uncivil treatment, and says the discontent is deep-seated. The same account is received from other quarters.

The debate was adjourned last night. R. Grant made a speech in a moderate tone, but disingenuous. Lord Ashley spoke good stuff apparently, but Henry says he could not hear him. Lord Graham was unembarrassed and did well; but the 'Times' hardly gives him ten words.

I sent a note to Peel to-day observing upon the disingenuousness of Grant's speech. He told me he had been reading the papers, and saw it was no question of judicial independence, but of judicial aggression, and he thought the tone of the Governor who was in the right much better than that of the Judge who was in the wrong. So I hope he will make a good speech.

March 6.

Read letters from Sir J. Macdonald. They came by Constantinople. The only news they contain is that the Russians certainly have the intention of conquering Khiva and Bokhara. This comes from Chasanes Murza. I told the Duke, who seems disposed to make it an European question.

I showed the Duke a most atrocious libel on royalty which has been published in the 'Calcutta Gazette.' If the King saw it he would recall Lord William by the Sign Manual. A letter must be written immediately in the press. It is in such a state that our Government cannot stand if it be permitted to go on uncontrolled.

I asked the Duke as to taxation. He said he thought it could be done without income tax. To lay on income tax would be to weaken ourselves in the opinion of all foreign Powers. Besides, it would prevent our reducing the Four per Cents.

He calculated the loss of the beer duty at 3,500,000L. and, marine insurance, cider, remission of hop duty, &c., would make the loss 4,500,000L.

To meet this he expected

L Surplus of last year 1,700,000 Additional from general improvement 400,000 Additional malt by reducing beer duties 500,000 Increased duty on spirits 500,000 Reducing Four per Cents 750,000 Savings 1,400,000 Ireland, soap, &c. 450,000 Stamps 200,000 ————- 5,900,000 4,500,000 ————- 1,400,000

There may have been more; but he spoke, and I write from memory.

I told him I thought that with a diminished duty on beer and an increased duty on spirits he could not expect an increase of 500,000L on spirits. He admitted that was the weak point. He said he was sure we could not carry an income tax while we had a million surplus. If we have a good harvest, I have no doubt the increase on malt will be great; but I apprehend there must be a repayment of beer duties, and if there should be, the loss will be enormous.

March 8.

Sent Mr. Elphinstone a letter giving an account of the travels to the North of the Paropamisan range into Cabul.

The Duke said we really must look out for a new Governor-General. I suggested Hardinge. He said Hardinge had not as yet station enough in the opinion of the public, in the army, or in Parliament. He wished him to be Secretary in Ireland. It would have been much better if he had gone there instead of Lord F. Gower, and Lord P. to the War Office. To be sure, then we should not have had the reductions Hardinge had effected. He had, as I knew, always wished Hardinge to go to Ireland.

I observed that Hardinge was rising every day in public estimation, which the Duke acknowledged, and I added that I was sure none would do the duty better, for he had firmness and habits of business. The Duke seems to think of Elphinstone. He said he was a very clever man. I told him I had been an hour and a half with Elphinstone last night. I told the Duke all my notions respecting individual responsibility, members of Council, &c., and that I had begged Elphinstone to think of them. The Duke seemed generally to approve of them. It seems Lord Wellesley never would go to Council. I do not wonder at it; but the Duke used to tell him he was Governor-General in Council—that he ought always to go there.

March 10.

Dined with the Duke. Cabinet dinner. Only the Peers there. The others detained by Lord Palmerston's motion on Portugal, on which there was a majority of two to one, 150 odd to 70 something. Huskisson made a very bad dull speech. We talked about a successor to the Speaker. They seem to think he will not resign now, as he would not get a good pension in the present temper of the House.

The candidates are Sir J. Beckett, Littleton, G. Bankes, Wynn of course. I mentioned Frankland Lewis as a good man, which he would be. I dare say the Chairs will think he should be elected unanimously.

It seems there must be a Bill of Indemnity for not taking the declaration, two Bishops, Chester and Oxford, not having taken it. The Duke finds he has at Dover, as Lord Warden.

We had some little conversation about the income tax, which the Duke is very hostile to, and I am glad we shall not have it.

March 11.

The Russians have at last sent their reply to our expostulatory note. I have not had time to read it. Lord Heytesbury calculates that the last war cost them 12,000,000L, but they endeavour to conceal the amount.

Peel told me the House was quite excited against the Bombay judges, and that the division fairly represented its real opinion.

March 12.

There was but one black ball in the election of Lord Clare, and the Chairs think that was put in by mistake; no one objected.

March 13.

Read Sir H. Parnell's pamphlet on taxation.

Cabinet room at two. I had only got half through the Russian answer when the Cabinet met for the subject of taxation.

I rather expected to find that the Duke had had communications with Goulburn, and that the idea of a property tax was given up. However, that seemed not to be the case. It was determined the whole beer duty should be given up in any case.

L The expected revenue is 50,250,000 The expected expenditure 47,930,000 ————— Surplus 2,320,000 Add by reduction of Four per Cents 777,000 By 1s. 6d. on British, and 2d. on Irish and Scotch Spirits 400,000 By stamps in Ireland 220,000 3,717,000 Deduct beer tax, L3,200,000, but the loss to the revenue from the probable increase of malt, calculated at 2,500,000 ————— 1,217,000 Probable increase of revenue 450,000 ————— Sinking fund 1,667,000

The conversion of stock into annuities is proceeding at the rate of 1,000,000 pounds a month, and the increased annual charge already is 250,000 pounds. Certainly to this extent the estimated three millions of surplus might be fairly reduced; but to reduce the surplus to 1,200,000 pounds or 1,600,000 pounds would be an entire abandonment of the system adopted by the Finance Committee and the Government.

It seemed to me that the members of the House of Commons were all in favour of the income tax; all the Peers against it. The Duke was strongly against it. He apprehended the reduction of establishments, and particularly the pressure of the tax on men of 1,200 pounds a year, and under.

If I imposed the income tax, I would make it the means of a thorough reconciliation between the higher and lower classes. In this manner only would it be effectual and make a strong Government.

I object greatly to Goulburn's deductions from the old income tax. He excepts occupiers; that is, as regards land occupiers, quite right; but he excepts manufacturing capital and capital engaged in commerce. Now, why should the man who has 100,000 pounds in a manufactory, and makes 10 per cent, on that sum, pay nothing, while the man who invests his 100,000 pounds in the funds gets only 3 1/2 per cent, and pays 5 per cent, out of that reduced profit? The man who has a manufacturing or commercial capital is a saving man. He can afford to pay something to the State, and why should he not? So the lawyer who may be making 10,000 pounds a year is to pay nothing. If he takes 5,500L. a year and becomes a judge, he pays 137 pounds 10 shillings. Yet his interest is still for life.

In all this there seems to me unfairness.

If the tax be imposed as it is proposed, it will be very difficult to include afterwards the classes now exempted. It will be impossible to take off the tax, and whenever a tax is unpopular, those upon whom it presses will say, 'Take it off. It is only adding 1/4 or 1/2 per cent. to the income tax.'

A real property tax is the fairest of all taxes—but an income tax is the most unfair even when it affects all income; but when it affects the income of some who have a life interest, and not the income of others in the same situation, it is most unfair indeed.

It is quite erroneous to suppose that those who pay an income tax are the only persons who suffer from it. The reduction of establishments, the diminished consumption, the increased economy in every article of expenditure on the part of those affected by it have necessarily the effect of reducing the wages of labour. The labourer may buy some things cheaper, but he has less wherewith to buy.

Sunday, March 14.

Saw Hardinge at two. Told him how we stood as to the question of taxation. He said he thought the income tax would be popular, but agreed with me in thinking it should be established on strictly just principles.

Cabinet at three. Goulburn read a new statement showing the surplus this year, if we reduced beer and leather, and next year too. The surplus this year is about 2 millions. Next year about 1,500,000L.

The income tax reaches the funds, and the Irish, and the parsimonious, and the rich—so far it is good, but it likewise reaches the man of 100L a year. It tends to diminution of establishments, to diminished demand for labour. To create an alteration in demand generally.

It was proposed to exempt professions and trades. This was unjust, and it would have led to an entire separation and hostility between the landed proprietors and the united body of labourers and manufacturers.

These last would have joined on all occasions in urging a further and still a further increase of income tax, and would never have consented to a tax on consumption. The income tax would finally absorb all other taxes.

Another great objection to the income tax now is that it would have the effect of perilling the reduction of the 3 per cents.

The Duke, Rosslyn, and I were decidedly against income tax. Lord Bathurst and Lord Melville, as well as the Chancellor, less decidedly so, but still in favour of abiding by the reduction of the beer and leather tax. Aberdeen said nothing, neither did Sir G. Murray, so they were understood to go with the majority.

Goulburn acknowledged the discussion had to a great extent changed his opinion, and that he was not then prepared to propose the tax.

Herries seemed much in its favour; but more, as it seemed to me, because he wished to maintain a large surplus according to the decision of the Finance Committee than for any good reason. Peel was decidedly for a property tax. He wished to reach such men as Baring, his father, Rothschild, and others, as well as absentees and Ireland. He thought too it was expedient to reconcile the lower with the higher classes, and to diminish the burthen of taxation on the poor man. I accede to the principle; but I doubt whether taxes on consumption do really press more heavily on the poor man than an income tax. What he has to look to is not the actual price of the article he wants, but the proportion which his wages bear to that price. It matters little to him what the price of candles may be, if he has not money wherewith to purchase them. That system of taxation is best for the poor man which most tends to increase the funds for the employment of labour; and every disturbance in the system, every alteration of demand, does intrinsic mischief.

After this matter was decided, Peel behaving most fairly, and declaring he would support the decision of the Cabinet whatever it might be, and that in this case the decision of the Treasury was to be principally looked to, we talked of Queen Donna Maria, in whose name Don Pedro has established a Regency in Terceira.

I read Leopold's letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he refers to his letter of February 11, for the statement of his views in taking the Greek coronet, saying that he only acceded from courtesy, and as a matter of form, to the protocol, and further urging some alteration in the frontier. He has made an application for a joint guarantee by the three Powers of a loan of 60,000,000 paras, or 2,400,000L. Now we only agreed to guarantee 50,000L a year, and that for troops. Nothing will be said upon this point till he has withdrawn his letter. He seems to be Aberdeen's pet. I do not think, had the Greeks searched Europe, they could have found a man whose character was more congenial to their own.

March 17.

Leopold has withdrawn his obnoxious letter.

March 18.

House at five. Debate on the Duke of Richmond's motion for a select Committee on the state of the labouring classes, and the effect of taxation upon the productive powers of industry.

A most dull debate, till Lord Holland spoke. I answered him. Lord Lansdowne next, then the Duke. I spoke, showing the impracticability of the Committee. I however showed up Committees rather too much. This Lord Lansdowne took hold of, not very fairly, but he did it well.

We had in the House 69; they 39.

With proxies we had 140 to 61. My uncle voted in the minority, and so did Coplestone. Dudley, Lord Malmesbury, Lord Gower, voted with us.

The Whigs, Brunswickers, and Canningites were in the minority. The Duke of Cumberland was there.

I find we have some recruits—in proxies Lord Lauderdale, Duke of Bedford, Downshire, Lord Wilton; and Lord Jersey sits behind us. He has now Lord Lauderdale's proxy. All this is consequent upon Lord Rosslyn's accession. Lord Grey has now no one left. No one expressed a wish to turn out the Ministers.

March 19.

It seems that in the House of Commons Huskisson made a friendly speech, finding he can do no harm, and Lord Althorp a very friendly one. In short, everybody seems to be of opinion that the worst thing that could be done would be to turn out the Government.

Peel says, and so does Herries, that the House is in favour of an income tax. That what we have determined upon is the best for this year, but that next year there must be an income tax.

Cabinet. Leopold wants more money. It was agreed he should have 70,000 pounds a year loan guaranteed to him for seven years, instead of 50,000 pounds.

The holders of 4 per cents. are to have the option of 100 pounds stock 3 1/2, or 70 pounds stock 5 per cents. Trustees may only convert into the 3 1/2 per cents.

March 20.

Chairs at 11. They have made some alterations in the letter to the Indian Government respecting their conduct, and have praised Lord William for his perseverance, &c. This is contrary to the Duke's view and to mine. I shall see whether I can allow their amendments.

I find they have likewise altered much in the letter relative to Batta.

March 23.

The Duke, Lord Bathurst, and Rosslyn went away at 2 to the Cabinet, where they decided against the Jew Relief Bill. The bishops have intimated that they must unanimously oppose it.

Debate on Lord Clanricarde's motion on the eternal Terceira question. The Duke spoke very well. The House was flat. The division with proxies 126 to 31, 4 to 1. We have now of Whig proxies Bedford, Lauderdale, Wilton, Downshire, Belhaven, Meldrum, and Lord Jersey.

March 24.

Cabinet dinner at Sir J. Murray's. Considered what course should be adopted upon P. Thompson's motion for a committee to revise taxation. Peel still hankers after the property tax, and rather unwillingly opposes this motion. However, it will be done on the ground that the remission of such a question to a committee would derange, by existing apprehensions and hopes, the whole industry of the country. In fact it would likewise vest the Government in the committee. Peel, Planta, and Holmes all think the division will be close. I do not apprehend that, if the debate be well conducted.

Had a long conversation with the Duke upon Indian matters. The recollections of his youth are strong upon him, and he still clings to the old forms.

March 25.

Read some evidence before the Commons on the China trade.

Committee. Examined Mr. Elphinstone. He gave very good evidence.

House. A flat discussion on the Kentish petition.

March 26.

We had two to one last night. The House not very full. It seemed by no means the wish of the House to have a property tax; quite the contrary.

Mr. Elphinstone re-examined by Lord Lansdowne and others. He gave a very good evidence, and quite knocked up colonisation.

Monday, March 29, 1830.

Office at 2. Looked over regulations, &c., relative to the half-castes and considered their question. Came to a decided opinion against their admissibility to offices which can be held by natives.

When Lord Carlisle presented the petition I said very little, expressed compassion for their situation, and a wish to relieve it in any manner consistent with the conservation of our empire and the well-being of the great body of the native population. I said what they asked was not equality of rights, but privilege.

Lord King's resolutions on the Corn Laws. A dull debate which lasted till nine—no division. The Duke did not speak well, and it was unnecessary for him to speak at all.

March 30.

Committee. Examined Mr. Chaplin, who gave a very good evidence. He is decidedly against the employment of half-castes.

I told the Duke at the Committee that I had written to the King immediately on Clare's appointment, and afterwards to Sir F. Watson, when I sent the warrant and had got no answer. The Duke said he would enquire about it. He thought he should have spoken to the King before. However, he would settle it.

March 31.

Committee at 1. Examined Mr. Ricketts, the half-caste, when Lord Carlisle had examined him in chief. Mr. Ricketts did not seem to know much about the law. It was odd enough to observe him looking round to me after every answer.

We had afterwards Mr. Baker, a strong contrast indeed with Mr. Ricketts. He gave very curious evidence relative to the trade of the Arabs of Malabar with Scinde, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea.

April 2.

Cabinet. Question whether the French should be allowed to hire 9,000 tons of transports now in the river for the expedition against Algiers. The Duke was strongly against it. The French had behaved so ill to us, concealing their objects from us, and revealing them to other Courts, besides intriguing with the Pasha of Egypt.

Aberdeen was for giving the permission. He thought the French would consider it quite a hostile measure if we refused permission. However, permission will not be given.

Leopold is still negotiating about the money, and it seems doubtful whether he will not resign at last.

April 3.

The Company have got into an awkward scrape. It seems they have not made out their account of the prime cost of their tea as merchants do, that they have charged all losses whether from fixed rate of exchange or other causes, whereas merchants in general state prime cost on a calculation of the price in the place where the article is purchased, the other calculations going in diminution of profit.

I begin to think the maintenance of the monopoly will be impossible. I have long thought it very inexpedient. It would leave a sullen, settled feeling of discontent in the minds of the manufacturers and merchants of England.

April 6.

Wrote to the Duke to tell him I had not yet received the Duke of Devonshire's memorandum respecting Sir W. Rumbold, and that in the meantime I was getting into as small a compass as possible the information he desired.

I added that the liberation of the Nizam changed our position with respect to Sir W. Rumbold, and I should be glad to speak to him about it.

I reminded him of Lord Clare's appointment, not yet approved by the King.

April 8.

Cabinet at 2. The Committee on the Bank Charter to be taken out of Huskisson's hands.

The King was not well yesterday. The Duke recollected Clare's appointment, and thinks I shall have the warrant in a day or two.

April 9.

Wrote to Wrangham, begging him to send me the Cabinet box I desired the Cabinet messenger to take to my house yesterday. I think it contained the papers relative to Russian projects against India.

I have been so unwell the last two days I have been unable to do any public business.

April 12.

Had some conversation with Hardinge. He thinks the Duke will not remain in office above a year more, and that Peel will then be Minister, and that Peel looks forward to that now. I said I feared he would be a very Radical Minister.

Hardinge thinks Sir G. Murray would be very well satisfied to be Master- General, that he feels the Colonial Office is above him. I doubt, however, if he would like leaving it. If Peel was Minister he would have all the Ministers he could in the House of Commons.

From what Hardinge heard from Croker I am inclined to think that foolish fellow and others imagine they could go on without Peel.

I do not think it impossible we may have a dissolution of Parliament if there should be a good harvest.

April 12.

Sent the letter and list of Russian papers about China to the Duke. Wrote to Aberdeen and told him so. Observed at the same time that I should be very glad to make some arrangement with the Portuguese for excluding opium from their Indian ports; but I feared the present state of our relations with Portugal was not favourable for our doing so.

April 13.

Found in London the papers I had sent to the Duke. He says he is sorry he has read them. He had thought better of Sir Ch. Metcalfe. The only one of the four who writes common sense is Elphinstone.

April 15.

The King was apparently very ill indeed yesterday.

Received a medal struck for the native troops engaged in the Burmese war from Loch, and another to be transmitted to the King.

April 16.

Saw Hardinge, who called upon me at R.

The King has really been very ill, but certainly not worse than the bulletin made him.

Sir H. Halford does not go down to-day, nor will there be any more bulletins.

Hardinge seems to be dissatisfied with Peel, who he says is cold and never encourages any one. All this is very true.

I think Hardinge rather looks to the Colonial Office. He thinks Sir G. Murray does not do the business well, and that he would be perfectly satisfied with the Ordnance. Hardinge does not like Ireland, yet, I think, he will find he goes to Ireland. The Duke certainly wishes it.

The Duke of Clarence is very fond of Hardinge, and tells him all he means to do when he is 'King William.' This seems much confined at present to changes in uniforms. He means to make the Blues red, and to have gold lace for all the Line, and silver lace for all the Militia.

April 17.

Saw Sir A. Campbell at 1. He came about his claim upon the Company. I told him I transacted all business of that nature in writing. I gave him information as to the proposal of the Chairs, which is to give him staff allowances for a year, instead of Batta, by which he would gain about 15,850 R., or about 1,580L. What he wants is about 25,000L, or the difference between that and the value of his pension of 1,000L a year—that is, 15,000L.

Went to the Foreign Office. No news there or at the Treasury of the King. The report is that he is better.

Read there for an hour and a half.

Polignac offers, if it were desired, to sign a Convention upon the principles laid down in Aberdeen's despatch as to Algiers.

He seems out of humour altogether with Leopold; Villele seems to have no great disposition to come in, although his friends have. He says the Opposition will in any case have 180 votes in the new Chamber.

Spain will withdraw her Minister and have only a Charge d'Affaires at Lisbon if Don Miguel will not grant the amnesty.

France does not remonstrate against the abolition of the Salic Law in Spain, as she precluded herself by treaty from the succession. The law was otherwise in the old Spanish monarchy. [Footnote: The Salic law was introduced by Philip V. of Spain, the first Bourbon king, whose own claim was through his mother, daughter of Louis XIV., who had renounced the succession.] The abrogation of the Salic law is directed against Don Carlos, &c., and the King naturally wishes his own child to succeed, be the child male or female.

Saw Mr. Downie on the part of Mr. Chippendale, the man who was removed by the Sign Manual from the service of the India Company. The Court and the Bengal Government did not view his offence in the same light. The poor man is ruined, but the feelings of humanity must not interfere with the interests of the public service. His removal was a good hint to the whole body of civil servants, and did good.

April 18.

Brought Lord Clare home after church, and showed him my letter to Mr. Elphinstone respecting the chiefs of Kattywar and the Guicowar. Talked over the policy to be pursued with regard to them.

He is to leave England in September, and means to go to Marseilles.

April 19.

Lord William seems to have been much gratified by my letters in May and June affording the pledges of my support and the assurances of my confidence. Afterwards, however, he received my letter of July, intimating censure for the relaxations of the rules restricting the residence of Europeans, and a difference of opinion as to the Government leaving Calcutta. His letters are in a very good tone and temper.

I sent all the letters to the Duke.

April 20.

Drove to the Foreign Office and saw Aberdeen. Went to enquire how the King really was, for the bulletin of yesterday says his difficulty of breathing continues. Aberdeen said the King really was not so ill as the bulletin represented him to be. There was no present danger. The Duke thinks he understands the King's case exactly, and says he has no water on the chest, as is reported, but is rather fat. It is said the seat of pain is the prostate gland. The people about him are seriously alarmed.

Advised Hardinge, who dined with me, to come forward on the Terceira question, which he seems inclined to do. Peel will be much obliged to him. I told him I thought the strong position was this: 'We are at liberty to prevent that which, if we permitted, would be a cause of war.' I think I shall write a memorandum for him.

April 21.

Wrote to Astell to ask if he would buy the Russian China papers. I told him at the same time that a Russian ship was going at the charge of the Russian Government to India, Swan River, and China as a commercial feeler.

Cabinet at 2. The King is rather better, but in a precarious state. The embarrassment in his breathing comes on in spasms. His digestion is good, and they think there is no water. The Duke will urge him to have regular bulletins published. He goes down tomorrow. He has not seen him since this day week. The King is in excellent humour with everybody, and never was more kind to the Duke.

There has been a short difference between the King and Peel. The King having sent a pardon to Ireland for a Mr. Comyn, who burnt his house to defraud his landlord, &c., Peel insisted, and the man will be hanged; the Lord Lieutenant having taken upon himself to give a reprieve only, and not to promulgate the pardon.

The Duke described the King as a bold man, afraid of nothing if his Ministers would stand by him, and certainly neither afraid of pain or of death. I did not think this of the King. In general he has been supposed to be a coward.

In Cabinet it was decided to authorise and advise the Lord Lieutenant to put into execution the law for suppressing the association against that which O'Connell is now endeavouring to organise, and at the same time to give silk gowns to Shiel and two or three other Roman Catholic barristers, omitting O'Connell. However, this last measure will be mentioned to the King, although a King's letter is not required.

We had afterwards a talk, and a long one, about Algiers.

Prince Polignac sent a despatch to the Duc de Laval, giving explanations satisfactory upon the whole, but mixed up with matter accusatory of us. Of this despatch the Duc de Laval was not authorised to give a copy. We want a written declaration of their views, none other being official. They are afraid of their Chambers, and of giving a pledge to England different from that which they have given to other Powers, and with which other Powers have been satisfied. Peel thinks they will promise to abstain from permanent occupation, and exact an amount of indemnity so large, with occupation as a security, as to make that occupation permanent. If they got possession of Algiers, I do not believe they will ever give it up—say what they may.

Peel objected to me saying what declaration would satisfy us, as in the event of their deceiving us, or quibbling, it would then seem to be our folly which had led to it.

All seem to view the comparative statement of the prices of teas in the same light that I do, as fatal to the monopoly.

April 23.

Rode to the Treasury to enquire after the King; but there were so many waiting to see the Duke I did not wait. The King is rather better.

April 24.

A letter from Lady Macdonald enclosing one from the Nain Muhan to herself, very complimentary and really pretty. She is to be at Tabriz in October.

The King has had two good nights.

Peel's letters to the Lord Lieutenant respecting the suppression of the new Association and the appointment of Catholic King's Counsel was circulated.

Sunday, April 25.

Read Aberdeen's and the Duke's speeches on the Terceira question, and afterwards wrote a memorandum for Hardinge's use, bringing into a short compass all the strong points of the case.

Mr. Sullivan called upon me after church, and told me his son remained in India. It is very extraordinary that he should be glad of this, as he must be without the hope of ever seeing him.

April 26.

Cabinet at 3. The King has had another good night. He has, however, had another attack. His pulse is in a weak state. He seems oppressed by fat. He is become alarmed about himself, which much increases danger in such a complaint. Consequently all the entourage is alarmed too.

The drawing-room and levee are to be postponed sine die. Trade and agriculture are both flourishing. The only embarrassment arises out of the uncertainty as to the King's health.

Leopold is to have a loan of sixty millions, guaranteed in equal portions by the three Powers. The loan to have a sinking fund of 3 per cent, to be paid in equal portions in eight years. The guarantee is to Leopold and his descendants, being sovereigns of Greece.

Thus he has obtained almost all he asked, and what he most wanted, the money.

Peel seems to think the King's death by no means improbable. If it should take place, Parliament would adjourn till after the funeral, and then be dissolved.

In the House Lord Durham, in presenting a petition against the East Indian monopoly, said he gathered from what had fallen from His Majesty's Ministers that they were determined to maintain it.

I said, 'I cannot admit that anything which has fallen from me, or, in my presence, from any of my noble colleagues, can justify the noble lord in assuming that His Majesty's Government have formed any determined opinion upon the subject.'

April 27.

House. East Retford case. The Duke showed me a letter from Halford which gives a very alarming account of the King. He went on much the same till half-past three this morning, when Halford was sent for and remained till half-past eight. The embarrassment of breathing was considerable. The King was rather better at half-past ten, when the bulletin was dated. Halford says he can tell more than he can write. He does write that there is water, and it is evident the King is very much alarmed.

From the letter I should say he could not live many weeks.

In the House Lord Strangford told me that Sir W. Seymour [Footnote: Recently appointed a judge at Bombay.] was dead. He died in December—a short time after the birth of his son.

Really the mortality amongst judges is awful.

April 28.

Went to Guildhall to be present at the trial of Serjeant Kearney for the assault on Astell. I was not called as a witness. The man was very intemperate indeed, and abused Astell very much. He spoke of my kind interference, &c., but made a mistake in imagining that I had advocated with the Chairs the loan he asked of 250L. I came away as soon as the Recorder began to sum up. It was curious to see how justice was administered. The Recorder, an old twaddle, who talked half the time with the accused, and allowed him to make speeches instead of putting questions, and Sir C. Hunter, Sir J. Shaw, and another alderman!

Went to the office at 3. Loch, with whom I had some conversation at Guildhall, told me he had heard the explanation Melville intended to give of the matter of prime cost, and he thought it satisfactory. Wortley said Arbuthnot by no means thought it satisfactory, but was to put the questions. Wortley said Arbuthnot told him the Duke had read the evidence and was himself satisfied the monopoly could not be maintained.

Cabinet dinner at Lord Bathurst's. The Duke was at Windsor this morning. He did not see the King because the King refused to see the Duke of Cumberland, and begged the Duke would not see him unless it was very pressing, that the rebuff to the Duke of Cumberland might be less. Accordingly, the Duke sent in on paper what he had to say, and he got two signatures, although they were given very reluctantly. The King says it is unkind in those about him to urge him to sign, as they know how distressing it is to him. In fact yesterday it would have been death to move his arm. We are to meet on Friday to consider what shall be done. Some means must be devised of getting signatures, for his state may last some months. He was ill for four hours yesterday evening. Halford was with him all the time, and held his hand. Halford says he is sure the King would have died had he not been there. He was nearly dead as it was. However, after this attack, which began at half-past two, he had a solid dinner and slept well, and this morning he woke much relieved, but with a dropsy— that is, an external dropsy, the water being between the skin. Knighton thinks some must be upon the chest; but the two others are inclined to think not. He may live days, weeks, or even months; but I doubt his living weeks. On Sunday he saw the women, and on Monday too. He was then alarmed about himself. Now he mistakes water for gout, although his legs are swelled to double their usual size. The physicians do not undeceive him. However, the public will find it out. He has not read the newspapers for two days He is much relieved by the effusion of water.

It seems the medical men when they read the first bulletin said, 'It must end in water.'

Lord Rosslyn has looked into the Acts, &c., and finds there is no difficulty at all about the money vote on the Bills. They all went on at the accession of the present King.

The Duke was requested by the physicians and the people about the King not to mention Shiel's proposed appointment; to make it, if he thought it essential, but to spare the King all discussion. Of course, as it is thought the King would be agitated, the Duke has neither mentioned it nor done it.

There was in circulation a letter from the Duke of Northumberland expressing his extreme satisfaction at the decision of the Government with respect to the putting down of the new associations, and likewise with respect to the making of the Catholic silk gowns.

The bulletins are to be now shown at St. James's; a lord and groom-in- waiting will be there.

Received a letter from Sir J. Dewar [Footnote: Chief Justice of Bombay and a colleague of Sir W. Seymour. They were the two judges referred to in the letter to Sir J. Malcolm.] to inform me of the death of Sir W. Seymour. He died more of the fear of dying than of fever. His apprehension for Lady Seymour affected him very much. She was confined the day he was taken ill.

April 29.

Halford thinks worse of the King. There have been other attacks of embarrassment of breathing. I do not myself think he will live a fortnight.

There was an excellent division on Terceira about 2-1/2 to 1. Hardinge was not wanted.

April 30.

Cabinet. The King very ill yesterday. The least exertion brings on an attack. Halford thinks he has water in the abdomen and chest. He had some sleep, and was better in the morning when they issued the bulletin, which says his symptoms were alleviated. However, the bulletin so little corresponds with his real state that they think he saw it. It seems to be now more an affair of days than of weeks. It may happen at any moment.

Peel suggested the possible case of both Kings dying before an Act appointing a regent, and we may be called upon to provide for it. The Duchess of Clarence would be Queen Regent.

We talked about a Bill for enabling the King to give authority for the affixing of the Sign Manual.

To avoid delay and the examination of physicians Rosslyn proposed that, if the King would sign it, there should be a message.

It will be arranged that there shall be two Ministers present-one to countersign, the other to affix the stamp.

The Attorney- and Solicitor-General were called in. They evidently thought the King's mind was gone as well as his head, for they proposed a delegation of the Royal authority.

Planta called upon me to ask more particulars as to the office of Signer of the Writs. It seems it comes in lucky time to oblige Lord Chandos, who has long wanted something for a Mr. Wentworth, and nothing could have happened more conveniently for the Government.

May 1.

Met Lord Rosslyn, who told me he and Lord Bathurst met every committee day Lord Londonderry and Lord Durham on the Coal Committee. Sometimes they could not get a fifth, and then they adjourned joyfully. Both Lord Londonderry and Lord Durham continued most wrong-headed upon the question.

May 2.

I rode as fast as I could to town as soon as church was over (for the Duke had wished to see me before he went to church, thinking I was in town), and in Brompton met Lord Rosslyn, who told me there was no Cabinet, and that the Duke had found the King better than he expected.

Rode at once to Apsley House. The Duke was gone out, having left word he should be back soon if I came. I waited an hour. When he returned he told me he had no idea I was out of town, or he would not have written. Lord Combermere had asked to see him, which he could not refuse.

The Duke said that on Friday the King was much better. The miracle which the physicians had said could alone save him seemed accomplished. Great quantities of ether-quantities much greater than are usually given-had apparently restored him, and all were in good spirits, when, feeling himself much better, he drank a great deal and was actually sick! Thence the indifferent night of Friday. On Saturday he was better again, and when the Duke saw him, seemingly very well, quite alive—in very good humour with everybody, and quite without nervousness. However, he passed a bad night, as the bulletin says, probably in consequence of having drunk again. Sir H. Halford was quite in tears on Saturday, not more on account of the King's state than on account of his own professional disappointment. He had thought on the Friday that he had accomplished a miracle. They have treated the King as if he had been a hospital patient, and have epuise'd the resources of art boldly applied to his case.

The King did not express the least apprehension to the Duke; but to the women he speaks of his danger, and as if he was a dying man. The Duke thinks he does this to try and vex Lady Conyngham.

The thing most surprising to me is the Duke's opinion of the King's firm courage. He said he had seen him not only now, but before, when he was considered not to have twenty-four hours of life in him, yet he, knowing his situation, was perfectly firm.

Before the Duke came I had some talk with Holmes, whom I met with Drummond. Holmes said they could finish the session by the end of July if they acted with that view. I fear it will last much longer if the King lives, and if he dies, that we shall have a six weeks' session in August and September. Holmes said he did not think the King's illness by any means diminished the strength of Government. He thought the friends of Government were rather more disposed to come down, and he could on any great question get 300.

He had gone round on Wednesday to the reporters, and had told them they would never have a holiday if they reported speeches on a Wednesday, so they did not, and they will not. This will put an end to all speechifying on holidays.

May 3.

Cabinet. Saw a letter from Halford to the Duke. The King was 'in a most distressing, not to say alarming, state' from eight to-day evening to half- past three. He cannot get sleep. Halford says it was 'a gigantic struggle.'

The Duke saw Lord Combermere to-day, having received the letters I sent him before the interview. The Duke told him the Government were parties to the disapprobation expressed by the Court of Directors.

Lord C. threw the whole blame upon Lord W. Bentinck. He had carried the order into execution without communication with him, 'and had told the army if they objected to it, they might memorialise.'

This I do not believe.

Lord C. said the army was not in a state approaching to mutiny, and never had been.

He had not said it was in his minutes (but he did in a letter); as to the minutes of the other members of Council, he was not responsible for them. They were civilians. Besides, Lord W. wished to go up the country. He had received in July a letter telling him he was not to go except in a case of emergency, then the Government was not to move from Calcutta, and he endeavoured in his minute and the others in theirs to make an apparent case of emergency that they might move.

As to the last point there is an anachronism, as the orders not to leave Calcutta as a Government arrived after the minutes were recorded.

The Duke told Lord Combermere that all the orders for reduction of expenditure having proved inefficacious, it was necessary for the Government here to take reduction into their hands, and it was very natural and obvious to enforce an order twice repeated and already obeyed at the other presidencies.

When the army assumed the tone which appeared in the memorials, it was impossible for the Government to do otherwise than insist upon the enforcement of the order. They had expected from him that his whole influence would have been used to strengthen the Government and to prevent any ebullition of feeling on the part of the army. Lord Combermere left the Duke very angry. If the King had been well he would have joined Lord Anglesey. As it is, I expect he will oppose the Government. Lord Hill saw him for a few minutes, and had only some unimportant conversation with him. He told Lord Hill he had made thirteen or fourteen lacs. He made seven lacs by prize money at Bhurtpore.

The French have not yet given a written explanation as to Algiers. Their army is said to be in very fine order.

Leopold seems to have insinuated that our yielding on the subject of the loan was sudden and late, &c. Aberdeen understood him to allude to the King's illness, and to impute our concession to the wish to get him out of the way. He took no notice of it, and treated the thing as settled.

Preparations have been made for the event of the King's death.

Peel has been obliged to leave London, as his father is dying.

May 4.

Committee. No witnesses. Walked with Lords Bathurst and Rosslyn to the Duke's. The bulletin is good. The King had some sleep and is better. Halford's account, too, is better. The King slept six hours, but the water was so much increased about the legs that they have made punctures to draw it off. Upon the whole the account leads one to suppose the thing will be protracted.

In the House of Commons last night, Goulburn was obliged to withdraw the vote of 100,000L. for Windsor Castle and refer it to a Committee upstairs. The expectation of a dissolution is acting powerfully on votes, and he would have been beaten. The Duke approved entirely of his having withdrawn the motion.

The continuance of the King in this state would be highly inconvenient indeed. There would be no possibility of carrying on the money business in the House of Commons.

In the House of Lords we had a motion from Lord MountCashel for an address for a commission to enquire into the abuses of the English and Irish Church. No one thought it worth while to reply to him.

May 5.

Read and altered a letter relative to the new arrangement of civil allowances.

Elphinstone approved generally of what I proposed—which is.

1. To depose every chief who shall harbour banditti.

2. To oblige them to give up refugee criminals under the same penalty.

3. To engage as many as possible to abandon their heritable jurisdictions.

4. To remit the arrears.

5. To form a local corps in which the chiefs and their relations should be officers (with only two or three Europeans) to maintain order. This corps to be a sort of bodyguard to the Resident. The robbers to be admitted as privates.

6. Troops to be brought if necessary from Cutch.

7. Every measure to be adopted to encourage the growth of cotton.

These things I shall throw into a letter, which, however, will not be sent till Clare goes out.

We talked of native education. I read to E. my alterations of the letter of last July relative to his plans for education, with which he seemed satisfied.

He seems generally to approve of my views upon that subject, particularly of uniting the English with the native classes at the several colleges, and teaching the natives useful knowledge.

They should be examined in the regulations of the company.

Office, but first saw Hardinge, who seems full of the Duke of Clarence, with whom he is high in favour, as having, urged by Wood, had several things done for the young FitzClarences.

He said the Duke thought the King might live four months.

Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke saw the King, who looked very well, and seemed cheerful and in good humour.

He was very ill yesterday. Black in the face, and the ends of his fingers black. They think he will go off suddenly in one of these attacks.

Little water came from one leg, and they will scarify it again.

O'Reilly, who probably performed the operation of scarifying, and who must know the state of the King, whom he saw daily, declared positively yesterday to Lord Maryborough, and with a face of surprise, that there was no water.

The Duke of C. saw the King on Sunday, and was at Windsor and probably saw him to-day.

The Duke of Sussex has lent the King an easy chair, and affectionate messages have passed between them.

The Bishop of Chichester is now at Windsor, the Lord and Groom and Equerry in waiting, two physicians, besides O'Reilly and Sir Wathen Waller and Knighton.

When they told the King they must make a puncture in about four hours, he desired it might be made at once if it was necessary.

The Duke told the King he had told Sir H. Halford he would always find him intrepid—with which the King was much pleased.

He said when he saw a thing was necessary he always made up his mind to it.

Wortley told me the Household betted the King would be at Ascot.

By-the-bye, Wortley did very well last night in not allowing Wynne to lead him into a speech on the half-castes. He spoke very officially and properly. I complimented him upon it. In fact it is an act of forbearance in any man, but especially in a young man, to throw away a speech.

Precedents have been looked into, and every necessary step is known, should the King die.

The Duke will immediately go in uniform to the Duke of Clarence and advise him to come to his house in town.

A sketch of the speech will be prepared, but kings like making the declaration to the Privy Council themselves, as it is the only thing they can do without advice.

Peel's father died on the 3rd.

May 6.

Left my card with Lord Combermere, who called yesterday.

The bulletin states the King to have been better yesterday, but to have had a bad night.

The private letter to the Duke says he passed the night wretchedly, and with much inquietude. They find it necessary to make further punctures, and have sent for Brodie.

The King spoke to Halford for some time with much composure and piety as to his situation.

Lord Bathurst looked into the precedents in Queen Anne's reign, and at the declarations of several kings on their first meeting their Privy Council.

House. A good and useful speech from Lord Goderich on the funded and expended debt. He showed that the receipt from taxes was about the same as in 1816, although 9 millions had been taken off, and that the interest of the National Debt would, in 1831, be reduced 44 millions below its amount in 1816.

Cabinet at half-past ten at Aberdeen's. A letter from Leopold, endeavouring to throw upon us the blame of delay for two months, and treating acquiescence in his terms of loan as a sine qua non. Now the terms we propose are not exactly the same, as we make a payment by annual instalments a part of it, and I expect he will break off at last; but he will wait till the King is actually dead.

May 7.

A very good account of the King. He has passed twenty-four hours with mitigated symptoms.

Dined with Sir J. Murray. I must next year have an Indian dinner.

May 9.

Read as I went to town to Cabinet, and returned in the carriage Cabell's memorandum on the Hyderabad transactions.

The Duke read the letter he had received from Sir H. Halford. It gave a bad account of the King. Yesterday was a day 'of embarrassment and distress,' and he is swollen notwithstanding the punctures made by Brodie. He is anxious about himself, and must know his danger, yet he talks of the necessity of having a new dining-room at the Cottage ready by Ascot.

We had much conversation respecting the law asserting his power of disposing of his property by will.

The Chancellor was not there. He went to Windsor.

The other matters considered were merely the mode of dealing with several questions to be brought on next week. It seems to be clear that no dependence whatever can be placed in the House of Commons. Every man will vote for his constituents.

No answer has been received from Prince Leopold.

My apprehension is that the King cannot live ten days.

Lord Londonderry went to Windsor yesterday and saw the physician. He had a dinner afterwards at his villa, and told every one, the Lievens being there, that the King was much worse than he had ever been. This was untrue, for the Duke left Windsor after Lord L., and when he left the Castle the King certainly was not worse, but rather better. I have no doubt Lord L. managed to tell Wood, [Footnote: Lord Londonderry's brother-in-law, having married Lady Caroline Stewart, also sister-in-law of Lord Ellenborough.] and Wood would tell the Duke of Clarence, who would think he was ill-used and deceived.

May 10.

The Duke will read the Hyderabad memorandum as he goes down to Windsor on Wednesday.

I told him of the alteration in the treaty with Nagpore.

The Chancellor was at Windsor yesterday. He did not see the King. The physicians seemed to think it could not last a week. He is greatly swollen, and generally.

Lord Bathurst went to Windsor to-day. His account was a little better, but his expectation did not go beyond a fortnight. In the meantime the physicians are afraid of telling the King of his danger.

Sir W. Knighton sat up with him last night, and was much alarmed by one of the attacks, not having seen one before. However, he did not call Sir H. Halford.

The probability is that the new Parliament will meet in the last week in July.

The Speaker says the House of Commons is like a school two days before the holidays. They do not know what mischief to be at.

Lord Rosslyn seems to think all sorts of intrigues are going on, and has some little doubt as to the Duke of Clarence. I have none.

House. E. Retford again. Wrote to Lord Holland when I came home to call his attention to the Hickson Nullity of Marriage Bill. I cannot take a part; but he must do so if he wishes to preserve his grandfather's clause.

May 11.

Heard from Lord Holland, who is fully alive to the consequences of the Bill. He thinks I am right not to take a part.

There was an indigo-planter before the Committee to-day. It seems, as I supposed, to be just as unnecessary for indigo-manufacturers to be indigo- growers as it is for maltsters to be great farmers. This man took out no capital and he had no licence; yet he was permitted to reside and take a lease, and the agency houses lent him money at 10 and 12 per cent.

The judge, Sir T. Strange, was a sensible man. He deprecated the introduction of English law into the provinces.

The King is getting weaker, which the physicians dread more than his spasms. It is thought he can hardly last a week.