November 1, 1829.

A letter from the Duke. He returned the papers I sent him. He has doubts as to the expediency of making the Commissary-General of Stores I proposed; but he seems to have supposed I wished to do away with the Military Board. I have explained what I meant.

He approves of my suggestions as to correspondence, but thinks every paper must be sent home, and the collections formed here. I have explained that I always intended every paper should be sent home, and I have told him that I had the opinion of the clerks I consulted that the collections might be framed in India, with a saving of time, and without diminishing the check on the local Governments.

November 4.

Received from Aberdeen his draft of a remonstrance to Russia, which, it seems, must be sent at last. He has already shown it to the Duke and Peel.

There is no great substantive objection to it; but it is not very carefully written. I shall send it to him tomorrow with many proposed alterations. In the second box came Gaily [Footnote: H. Gaily Knight. Best known for his works on the Normans in Sicily, and Ecclesiastical Architecture in Italy.] Knight's letter to Aberdeen; which is a poor, flimsy production. A peacock's feather in the hilt of a Drawcansir's sword.

November 5.

Altered, not only verbally, but substantially, Aberdeen's paper, and sent it to him.

Cabinet room. Read a Memorandum by Lord Heytesbury, of a conversation he has had with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor expects the early downfall of the Porte—and a Revolution in France. Asks if another march to Paris would be possible? Lord Heytesbury saw Nesselrode afterwards and told him what the Emperor had said. Nesselrode said the Emperor always saw things en noir. He had a different opinion. He did not think the Porte in immediate danger, nor did he expect a French Revolution.

The other guarantees they talk of are further cessions in Asia, specifically Batoum, or the occupation of Varna, or Silistria, instead of the Principalities. The latter is worse, and the Turks will probably consent to neither. They do not value the Principalities, and they know Europe does.[Footnote: The Principalities, as commanding the lower course of the Danube, were all important to Austria especially. Thus, occupation by Russia, while it would have been felt as a menace to Central Europe, would have left Turkey a compact state beyond the Danube.]

November 6.

Saw Aberdeen. He is always gloomy about divisions. He is afraid of an attack on Foreign Policy. He thinks the two parties will unite in that. He hears there has been some approximation between Lord Grey [Footnote: Lord Grey had been separated from the bulk of the Whig party since their junction with Canning in 1827.] and Lord Holland. At the same time it is said there is a notion of bringing in Lord Grey. I suspect this report to have been fabricated by the Ultra-Tories to annoy the King.

He thinks the Duke is annoyed, more particularly at the King's not treating him well, and at his Government not being well supported.

In fact, however, it is a Government which will not fall, for the King hates the Whigs; the people do not regard them. He may like the Tories, but he knows they cannot make a Government, and the Duke's Administration has four-fifths of the country.

Received a letter from the Duke, telling me he had settled Colonel McDonald's knighthood, and asking me if I should be ready to talk about India on the 13th. I said about Batta certainly; about India I had rather talk first to Lord Melville and him.

Wrote to the Duchess of Kent telling her a Bengal cavalry cadetship was at her disposal for the son of Colonel Harvey.

There is a very interesting letter from an English officer at Adrianople with respect to the state of the Russian army. It has suffered and suffers most dreadfully.

I told Aberdeen if I had seen the account of the conversation between Lord Heytesbury and the Emperor Nicholas before I read his proposed letter, I should have suggested that much stress should have been laid upon the effect the downfall of Turkey would have upon affairs in France.

Polignac seems confident he can stand. He thinks he has the Chambers. The French behave ill in the settlement of the Greek business, and object altogether to our man, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg. They equally object to Prince Frederick of Orange, and to Prince Leopold, whom Russia would have had willingly. I wonder Aberdeen did not laugh when he was proposed. They want to settle the thing without a Prince. I suppose they want a Frenchman.

Aberdeen is for settling Greece as a Power into whose lap the broken parts of Turkey may fall. He gives up Euboea. That is, the surrender of Euboea is to be proposed to the Porte, with a frontier limited in other respects, instead of the protocol of March 22.

The Turks who have left the Morea have no indemnity. The Turks who are in the other parts of the new Greece remain. It is altogether a wonderful business. These anti-revolutionary States combining to revolutionise a rebellious province of an unoffending ally!

November 11.

It seems the French do not like the idea of giving to the Turks the option of an independent State with smaller limits, or of a State under Suzerainete with extended limits, contrary to the treaty, and sending at the same time secret instructions to the Ambassadors to insist upon the entire independence of the new Greek State. The French seem likewise to have been offended at the protocol having been settled between Russia and us, before they were called in to give their opinion. No wonder. Certainly our diplomacy has not succeeded. We have failed in all our objects.

November 13.

Cabinet. I was first called upon to say my say upon the general Indian question. I observed that the present prospective deficiency was one million a year. That until we could ascertain whether that deficiency could be diminished or done away with we were really not ourselves prepared to come to a decision upon the future government of India; nor would Parliament endure that the China trade should be closed upon the country for twenty years more without first inquiring whether it was necessary. The first question was, 'Can we make such a reduction of expenditure, or effect such an increase in income as to enable the Government of India to go on without any assistance direct or indirect from England?' If it can, then we have the China trade in our hands. If it cannot, we have to decide whether the necessary assistance shall be found by means of a continuance of the monopoly or in some other manner.

I stated the increase of two millions in six years in the civil charges of Bengal; that the Court had issued the strongest instructions, and the local Government seemed to have a real intention to curtail expenditure. That I had done something, and should do all I could, investigating every item. Peel suggested a commission. I said that had occurred to me last year. The Duke, however, objected to a commission as really superseding the Governor- General and being the Government. Another objection certainly is the delay. Difficulties would be thrown in its way, and we should at last be obliged to decide without its final report, having thrown away our time here in waiting for it.

I mentioned that the character of the local Government was 'disrespect and disobedience.' That nothing but a long continuance of strict rule could bring India into real subjection. It was this disobedience which was the chief source of increased expenditure. It arose in a great measure from the unequal hand which had been held over them—the indulgence of the Court of Directors—and the great delays in the communication with India arising out of the system of correspondence. I had endeavoured to remedy that, and hoped to get an answer to letters within the year. It was now two years and a half. I had likewise endeavoured to make arrangements for steam communication by the Red Sea. I hoped to be able to send a letter to Bombay in sixty days.

The Cabinet seemed generally to acquiesce in the expediency of only having a Committee this year.

At first they all seemed to think the continuance of the government in the Company a matter of course. I told them that even with the China trade the Government could not now go on without great reductions of expenditure, and that I hoped the Cabinet would not come to a hasty decision upon a question involving so many important political and financial considerations. The present system was not one of great expense, but it was one involving great delay—and delay was expense, and not only expense but abandonment of authority. It was in this point of view that I hoped the Cabinet would look at the question when it came before them.

I mean to go quietly to work; but I mean, if I can, to substitute the King's government for that of the Company. [Footnote: This was not carried out till 1858, after the great mutiny.] I am sure that in doing so I shall confer a great benefit upon India and effect the measure which is most likely to retain for England the possession of India.

We afterwards spoke of the Batta question. I read Lord Wellesley's letter, and stated the opinions of Sir J. Malcolm, Sir Archibald Campbell, and Sir J. Nicholls.

I stated that it seemed the feeling in the army was excited more by the apprehension of further reductions than by the establishment of the half- Batta stations; that if concessions were made to the Bengal army, the other armies would be discontented and further demands would be made.

The Duke said, as a soldier, and having been in India at the time, he must say he thought the orders of 1828 [Footnote: Orders issued by Lord William Bentinck, abolishing full batta or the larger scale of allowances to the military at stations where half-batta only had been recognised, before the Act of the Bengal Government allowing full batta in consideration of officers providing themselves with quarters.—See Thornton's British India, pp. 221-25.] a breach of faith—but these having been issued, he thought we must stand to them. The general opinion was that as nothing could be said or done till the arrival of despatches, there could be no necessity for deciding.

I mentioned my Supreme Court Bill, which will be ready immediately.

I hope to save—ultimately 60,000 pounds a year in the Supreme Courts.

L L1,000 on each Judge..... 9,000 1 Judge at Calcutta...... 5,000 1 Judge at M. and B...... 8,000 Recorder's Court......... 8,000 Fees at Calcutta........ 30,000 ——— L60,000

Ireland is put off till Monday, that we may all read the papers. We dine with the Duke to-morrow.

The French oppose all the people we name for the Greek coronet. They have named Prince Charles of Bavaria, and the second son of the King of Bavaria with a regency till he is of age! However, this folly they did not press.

We first named Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg, whom the French would not hear of. Then Leopold! They did not like him. Prince Emilius of Hesse Darmstadt was thought of. The French have suggested Prince John of Saxony, second son of the King, a fine young man, about 28, but unknown. His elder brother too may soon succeed to the throne, and he has no children. Otherwise there is no objection to this Prince.

It seems to me they are running after trifles. Russia adheres to us as to the Prince, or rather remains neutral, thinking I have no doubt that France and England will quarrel about the feather.

The secret instruction which it was proposed to give to the Ambassadors is now abandoned, France having objected. They were to have been ordered to insist upon Turkey taking one of two things of which she was to have ostensibly the pure option. Now they are only clearly to intimate their wish. However, it seems Russia will take a million of ducats less if Turkey will make Greece independent. That is, she will give up a claim to what she cannot get in order to effect that she has no right to ask.

The French Government have, by giving new rates of pension, got 1,600 old officers out of the army, and filled important stations with friends of their own. They think they shall stand.

I forgot to mention the Archduke Maximilian of Modena as one of the persons talked of for Greece. It seems uncertain whether any one of these Princes would take the coronet.

November 14, Saturday.

Cabinet room. Rosslyn and afterwards Lord Bathurst there. Read the Irish papers, that is, Lord Francis Leveson's private letters to Peel and Peel's to him, with a letter from Peel to Leslie Foster, asking his opinion as to education and Maynooth, and Foster's reply. The latter is important. He thinks the political and religious hostility of the two parties is subsiding. The chiefs alone keep it up. The adherents are gradually falling off. To open the questions of education, &c., now, would be to open closing wounds, nor would anything be accomplished. The priests would resist everything proposed, and the Protestants would not be satisfied. The Kildare Street Society, however defective, does a great deal of good, more than could be expected from any new system we could carry at this moment.

As to Maynooth, to withdraw the grant would not diminish the funds, while it would increase the bad feeling.

The increased prevalence of outrage, arising more from a disorganised state of society than from politics or religion, and the assassination plan, must be met by an extensive police, directed by stipendiary magistrates; and the expense of this police, and the indemnity to sufferers must be paid by the barony in which the outrage takes place.

All Peel's letters are very sensible. Lord Francis Leveson's are in an odd style, rather affected occasionally, and his ideas are almost always such as require to be overruled. He is a forward boy; but I see nothing of the statesman in him. We ought to have had Hardinge there.

Dined at the Duke's. A man of the name of Ashe is writing letters to the Duke of Cumberland threatening his life if he does not give up a book in MS.

This book of Ashe's is a romance detailing all sorts of scandals of the Royal Family, and of horrors of the Duke of Cumberland. The book is actually in the possession of the Duke of Wellington.

The King's violence, when there was an idea of Denman's [Footnote: The King always resented an offensive quotation of Denman's as counsel during the Queen's trial.] appearing for the Recorder, was greater, the Duke says, than what he showed during the Catholic question.

Lady Conyngham has been and is very ill. There is no idea of the Court going to Brighton.

November 16.

Cabinet. France, Austria, and England to ask Don Pedro distinctly what he means to do. We certainly cannot go on as we are with Portugal for ever. Aberdeen fears France may acknowledge Miguel first, and thus take our place with Portugal.

The Duke says if we can keep Spain on good terms with Portugal, and with ourselves, the connection of France and Portugal does not signify, and we are much better off than with Portugal against Spain and France. This is true.

A long talk about Ashe, who has written a libel on the Duke of Cumberland, which the Duke gave to the Duke of Wellington. Ashe wants it back, and threatens if he has it not returned to him; but in a letter, and in such terms that the Attorney-General does not think him liable to prosecution. He might be held to bail, perhaps, but that would bring out the case. It was decided to do nothing, but to take precautions against his doing mischief. The Duke of Cumberland has been cautioned.

The Insurrection Act seems to be popular with Fitzgerald. Peel says it is bad in principle, and has the effect of placing the higher classes in hostility against the lower. The decision seemed to be to have a powerful police—stipendiary magistrates—frequent trials—constables appointed by Government—counties paying for additional police.

Peel suggests the division of Ireland into smaller districts, and the acquiring a personal knowledge of individuals, and making the districts responsible.

I believe the country is too populous, and the population too wicked, for this plan to succeed.

The murderers will be brought in from a distance.

The state of demoralisation in which the country is is dreadful. Murders are held to be of no account.

November 17.

Read, as I came down to Worthing, Colonel McDonald's last despatches, and his private letter, which I received last night. Sent them to the Duke, and asked whether under the circumstances we should let Abbas Murza have some thousand stand of arms, Colonel McDonald doing his best to secure ultimate repayment.

The Persian cavalry raised by the Russians in their newly conquered territories seem to have fought as well as any troops in their service. Colonel McDonald says it is from a disciplined Persian army alone, commanded by Russian officers, that he dreads the invasion of India. A European force would be wasted by the climate. The Pasha of Suleimania had too European a taste, and wanted to make regular soldiers without pay or clothing. So his soldiers turned him out, and made his brother Pacha.

Colonel McDonald describes all that side of Turkey as going au devant du conquerant. Such has been the wretchedness of their government.

Worthing, November 18, 1829.

At 11 P.M. received a letter from the Duke of Wellington by a messenger, telling me he regretted I had not met Lord Melville and him before the Cabinet, and proposing, as he and Lord Melville both wished to go out of town on Friday, that I should meet them either to-morrow, after 2, or on Friday morning.

I wrote to say I would be with him at 3 to-morrow.

November 19.

Met the Duke and Lord Melville.

After conversation on topics connected with the subject we came to the point, which was that the Duke wished both to preserve the monopoly and the Company as administrators of Indian affairs.

The Duke is much swayed by early recollections. He is besides very desirous of having the City of London in his hands.

I admitted that the great and solid objection to placing the government of India directly in the hands of the Crown was the consequent increase of Parliamentary business, already too extensive to be well performed.

As to the China trade, if the Government of India can be conducted without the assistance derived from it, I saw no reason for its continuance; but I had rather continue the monopoly than lose the Company as a trading Company to China, for I thought the trade might be greatly endangered were their commerce to cease. I said that the continuance of the system of carrying on the government through the instrumentality of the Company was not inconsistent with giving to it the efficiency, the vigour, and the celerity of the King's Government.

Lord Melville admitted the cumbrousness of the present system.

The Duke seemed to have no objection to alterations in details, provided the principle were adhered to.

Both to-day and in the Cabinet on Friday last I was surprised by Lord Melville's inertness.

The Duke wishes Leach's paper to be 'the case to be proved.' This may be done, and yet the necessary improvements introduced.

Met Seymour, who had been with the Duke. He is just come from Berlin. He seemed to say that the great success of the war was wholly unexpected by the Emperor.

November 20.

Wrote to Hylton Jolliffe to beg he would turn his attention to the subject of steam navigation to India by the Red Sea, as a private speculation.

November 21.

Read a letter from Sir G. Murray. It seems the Duke, Lord Melville, and Sir George are to meet soon to consider whether some alteration should not be made in the rules of the Order of the Bath. I suggested that it might be an improvement to make civilians eligible to the lower grades of the Order. It might occasionally be very convenient to make a man a K.C.B. for civil service.

Sunday, November 22.

Told Bankes what the Duke wished respecting the Charter; but I likewise told him it had not yet been so determined in Cabinet, and that there was no objection to our making the Government more rapid and vigorous, and less like the Tullietudlem coach. I desired him to consider this confidential to himself and the Commissioners.

November 25.

Received a note from Bankes announcing that the Duke had accepted his retirement from the office of secretary, and had consented to make him an extra commissioner.

This has long been an idea of Bankes's, of which I never could see rational ground. Indeed, he seems to acknowledge it is not his own idea, but that of others, that on his return to the Government he should not have returned to the same office. In fact it is the influence of the Duke of Cumberland, and it is evident from the endeavour to detach Bankes from the Government now that the Brunswickers still have hopes. It is like giving notice to Lot and his family before the fall of fire and brimstone.

Bankes's letter is full of kind and grateful expressions towards me. Indeed, we have always been on very friendly and confidential terms. I have expressed my regret at his resolution. I told him I think he acts upon mistaken views, and I assure him that in whatever position he may stand towards the Board, it will afford me much pleasure and advantage to remain on the same terms with him.

The Duke will be angry, and I do not think Bankes will soon get an office again.

December 2.

Read for an hour at the Cabinet room. There is a curious account of a conversation between De Rigny and an Austrian friend at Smyrna. De Rigny thinks very ill of the Government, and of the state of France. He too wants the Rhine! He judges truly enough of the results of the treaty. 'England, Austria, and France will talk, but nothing will be done.' He says Russia was very foolish not to go on. She might have dared anything. However, the army seems to have suffered severely. They acknowledge the loss of 130,000 men in the two campaigns.

Diebitch has partly evacuated Adrianople, leaving there, however, 6,000 sick and a battalion. The plague spreads in the Principalities, and they do not know how to get the troops out of Turkey.

Zuylen de Neyvelt and others give a very bad account of the state of Constantinople. They say the Turkish Empire cannot hold together.

I do not like Lord Stuart's account of the state of the French Ministry. They will bring in Villele, who is an able man, and he may save them; but theirs is a desperate game.

The French seem to be disposed to go along with us in negotiating with the Emperor of Brazil [Footnote: i.e. with the Emperor Don Pedro, father of the ultimately successful candidate for the Portuguese throne, Donna Maria de Gloria.] for the recognition of Miguel. There would be a stipulation for amnesty, &c.

December 3.

The Chairs talked of Lord William Bentinck. They are very much out of humour with him and heartily wish he was at home. He has neither written privately nor publicly, except upon trifling matters, for five months. He has declared his opinion in favour of colonisation. He is very unpopular. On the subject of Sir W. Rumbold he and Sir Ch. Metcalfe are very hostile, taking extreme views on the different sides. This hostility upon one subject will lead to difference upon others. The Government is not respected—and certainly there has been no moment when it was of more importance that the head of the Government should be respected than when it is necessary to effect a great economical reform. They describe the feeling at Madras as being still worse. There they did not think the governor an honest man.

The Chairs expect a letter from Macdonald to the Secret Committee with copies of his last despatches which I have already received through Petersburg, so they are unwilling to accept a communication of them from me. The letter, permitting Abbas Murza to purchase 12,000 stand of arms and to pay for them by instalments, will therefore go without any reference to the last despatches received.

Saw Aberdeen. He agrees with me in feeling much apprehension on the state of France as well as of Turkey. He seems, however, to think more of the state of parties here, and does not like the looks of the Duke of Cumberland (who was nearly dying last week) and of the King. It seems the King, although very well satisfied with measures of a public nature, is annoyed at not carrying some small jobs.

There was a great party at Woburn lately, and the world of course say there is an approximation to the Grey party. Aberdeen thinks the Woburn party showed good wishes, and Lord Grey, it is said, does not mean to come up to town. However, he is said to think he has been slighted, whereas the Duke of Wellington cannot do anything for him in the hostile state of the King's mind.

I told Aberdeen confidentially of Bankes's going out, which is an indication, no doubt, of continued hostility on the part of the Duke of Cumberland.

Saw Hardinge. Talked on various public subjects, and then told him of the probability that in three months Lord W. Bentinck would be recalled. I asked him whether he could be induced to go as Governor-General. He rejected the idea at first as unsuited to his rank in the army. I said we could make him Captain-General. He seemed to think it was a great field for a man who wished to obtain great fame, and if he was unmarried he would not be disinclined to go, but I should think domestic considerations would prevent him. I wish we had him as secretary in Ireland, but he is wanted everywhere. He is so useful. He would be most useful in Ireland.

Saw the Duke. I told him what the Chairs had said. He said he always thought Lord William would not succeed. Who could we get to replace him? He had always thought it did not signify as long as we had one man in India; but we must have one. I told him that, seeing the difficulty of selection, I had thought it right to tell him what was likely to happen. I should not be much surprised if he thought of Lord Tweddale, whom he thought of for Ireland. I do not know him at all.

December 6.

Read Sir W. Rumbold's letters, and the minutes in Council on the Hyderabad case. Sir W. is a cunning, clever man. Sir Ch. Metcalfe shows too much prejudice against Sir W. Rumbold; but he was at Hyderabad at the time, and he may be right. I suspect it was a disgraceful business.

December 9.

Loch has got a cadetship for me. Colonel Baillie lends it. He postpones a nomination till next year in order to oblige me. I have thanked Loch, and begged him to thank Colonel Baillie.

Wrote to Lady Belfast to tell her Mr. Verner had his cadetship. Begged her to make his family and friends understand thoroughly that this was a private favour I had led her to expect long before the discussion of the Catholic question.

Wrote to Lord Hertford and enclosed an extract from my letter to Lady Belfast.

Read a letter from Sir J. Malcolm, who is again troubled by Sir J. P. Grant. He enclosed a letter of his upon the subject to Lord W. Bentinck. The concluding paragraph of this letter refers to a letter from Lord William of June 18, at which time the spirit of the Bengal army continued bad.

Read a letter from Jones, who will set himself to work about the navigation of the Indus. He says a Mr. Walter Hamilton speaks of the river being navigable for vessels of 200 tons to Lahore, and that from Lahore to the mouth of the river, 700 miles, is only a voyage of twelve days. And no British flag has ever floated upon the waters of this river! Please God it shall, and in triumph, to the source of all its tributary streams.

December 11.

Read a letter from Lord Bathurst respecting the recall of Sir J. P. Grant. He had imagined I had said he had resigned. He seems surprised I should have supposed it possible a judge should be recalled without a formal meeting of the Privy Council. I reminded him of Sir T. Claridge's case, not half so strong as that of Sir J. P. Grant.

December 12.

Read Fraser's travels.

December 13.

A letter from Sir J. Malcolm, by which it seems that my letter to him of February 21 has been copied and become public: much to his annoyance. [Footnote: This was the letter with the expression about a wild elephant between two tame ones which afterwards attracted so much criticism. It was intended as a private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, but by a mistake of one of his secretaries was copied as an official communication.]

He sends me his letter to Lord W. Bentinck upon the subject. It seems by this letter, which adverts to other topics, that the spirit in Bengal is very bad—that Lord W. has hitherto done nothing to check it, and that with the press in his power he has allowed it to be more licentious than it ever was before.

December 14.

Found at Roehampton a letter from the Duke enclosing one addressed by Mrs. Hastings to the King, applying for a pension. The King recommends it to the consideration of the Court of Directors. I doubt the Court venturing to propose any pension to the Court of Proprietors.

I had another letter from the Duke enclosing a letter to him from Sir J. Malcolm and a copy of Sir J. Malcolm's letter to Lord W. Bentinck, respecting the unauthorised publication of my private letter—the same I received yesterday. Sir J. Malcolm speaks of an intended deputation from the Bengal army to England, which Lord William was determined not to allow; but Sir J. Malcolm seems to think that Lord William by his conduct at first brought on much of what has taken place. He has relaxed the reins of Government too much. I am satisfied that, without a change of form and name, it will be very difficult to regain the strength the Government has lost in India.

I shall see the Duke if I can to-morrow and suggest the appointment of Sir J. Malcolm as provisional successor to Lord William. Sir J. Malcolm's sentiments are known, and his nomination would show the feeling of the Government here. It would be a hint to Lord William that we could replace him at once and make him do his duty. It would, in the event of anything happening to Lord William, guard against the mischiefs of an interregnum, which is always a time of weakness and of job.

December 15.

The Duke gone to the Deepdene. Wrote to him to say I would not fail to bring the question of Mrs. Hastings's pension before the Chairs; but I enclosed a memorandum showing all that had been done for old Hastings, and reminded the Duke that the Court could not grant above 200L a year without the sanction of two Courts of Proprietors.

Cabinet room. Lord Heytesbury seems to have shown Nesselrode the protocol about November 25. The Count was greatly agitated, and put himself into a furious passion. Asked the use of it? Perhaps it would be difficult to say. Supposed it was intended for Parliament—which is very true. Said it would lead to a reply we should not like—create a paper war, prevent the two Courts from remaining upon the friendly terms he had hoped were re-established. The more angry he is, the more right I think we must feel we were to send it.

There is a good paper of Aberdeen's to Sir R. Gordon, in which he considers the Turkish Empire as falling, and our interest as being to raise Greece, that that State may be the heir of the Ottoman Power. With this view he considers it to be of primary importance that the Government of new Greece should not be revolutionary, and the Prince a good one.

There is another good paper defending England against an accusation of Metternich that we should have spoken in a firmer tone to Russia at an earlier period. The King seems much taken with these papers, and writes great encomiums upon them.

By Lord Stuart's account it appears probable that Villele will come in. The Government mean to avoid all questions upon which it is possible to have a difference of opinion, and to bring forward only measures of clear and undeniable utility. They think that, if their opponents should endeavour to throw out these measures, the Chambers will support Government.

France coincides with us entirely as to the Portuguese question; but wishes, and she is right, that questions more specific had been put to the Emperor Pedro. The intention seems to be to acknowledge Miguel on conditions, when Pedro admits he can do nothing.

December 16.

Read Lord Ashley's memorandum on the judicial administration of India. I wrote a note on returning it in which I said he seemed to have taken great pains to collect the opinions which had been given by different persons upon the subject. Mine had been expressed by me in a letter to Sir J. Malcolm on August 7, in which I declared my general concurrence in the views entertained by him and intimated by him in his minute, giving an account of his tour in the southern Mahratta country. I had added that I was satisfied the more we could avail ourselves of the services of the natives in the fiscal and judicial administration the better, and that all good government must rest upon the village system. I told Sir J. Malcolm I had come to my office without any preconceived opinions, that I had kept out of the way of prejudiced men, and had allowed opinions to form themselves gradually in my own mind as I acquired more knowledge from pure sources. I could not, if I had written this passage on purpose, have had one more suited to my purpose. It showed Ashley I was not prejudiced, that my opinions were formed before I read his memorandum, and that I had formed them by abstaining from the course he has pursued—for he allows all sorts of persons to come and talk to him, and to inoculate him with their notions.

I afterwards said that he would see by Sir Thomas Munro's memorandum of December 31, 1824, that he thought we had succeeded better in the judicial than in the fiscal administration of India, and in the criminal better than in the civil branch of the judicial government. This I said to show I had read Sir T. Munro's memorandum, which he did not give me credit for having done; and that it was not so much to the judicial as to the revenue branch that he should have directed his attention, with a view to improvements— the field being greater.

I then said I did not doubt that there were capable natives to be found, but I did doubt that they would be selected, for that the European servants had disappointed me. The natives were better than I expected, &c., &c.

Saw the Duke. Suggested to him Sir J. Malcolm's being made provisional successor to Lord W. Bentinck for the reasons I have mentioned. He thought well of the suggestion; but said we must consider it, and mention it in Cabinet, as Lord William was a great card, and we must not do anything to offend unnecessarily him and his connection. The objection occurred to him that had occurred to me, that Sir J. Malcolm would die if he went to Calcutta. I hope he would not go there, that he would remain in the upper provinces. But I look to the effect of the nomination upon the conduct of people in India, and that of Lord William himself, more than to his actual succession.

The Duke then said we must look not to India only, but to all Asia, and asked me if I had read Evans's book. I told him I had; that in forty-eight hours after I read it I had sent a copy to Macdonald and another to Malcolm. I told him all the views I had with regard to the navigation of the Indus and the opening of a trade with Cabul and Bokhara. He said our minds appeared to have been travelling the same way. We must have good information of what the Russians might be doing there. I reminded him I had desired the Government a year ago to obtain information as to all the countries between the Caspian and the Indus, and I intended now to give a more particular direction. He said Macdonald should have his eye upon the Caspian, and information as to those countries would be best obtained through natives. I reminded him that that had been the suggestion in my letter of last year. The Duke's opinion is that it is a question of expense only. That if the Russians got 20,000 or 30,000 men into Cabul we could beat them; but that by hanging upon us there they could put us to an enormous expense in military preparation, and in quelling insurrections. They could not move in that direction without views hostile to us, and by threatening us there they would think to embarrass us in Europe. I proposed that in the event of the Russians moving in that direction we should permit the Government of India to act as an Asiatic Power. By money at least, he allowed, without further orders, not to move in advance without instructions. But the Duke is ready to take up the question here in Europe, if the Russians move towards India with views of evident hostility.

He approves of a message going at once with orders to Macdonald.

December 18.

Chairs. They will consider favourably Mrs. Hastings's case; but she must address her representation to them.

I told them of my suggestion of making Malcolm provisional successor to Lord William, and the reasons for it. They seemed to like the idea; but the same objection occurred to them which had occurred to the Duke and to me— that if Malcolm went to Calcutta he would die. I said I did not want him to go. I did not look to his going. I looked to the moral effect of the appointment upon Lord William and upon all their servants in India. They want to get some political man of high rank and talents and determined character to go. They are heartily sick of Lord William. Whom they want to send I do not know.

I told them of my conversation with the Duke and went over the same ground. They acquiesced in all I said. We shall have the missions to Scinde and to Lahore, and the commercial venture up the Indus, and the instruction to Macdonald. In short, all I want.

Despatches are at hand from Lord William, dated May 1, in triplicate, and without the minutes which are referred to as containing the sentiments of the Government. These despatches merely refer the subject to the consideration of the Court.

One Jones, it seems, has written almost all the memorials, and is considered a rebel more than a Radical.

We had a little conversation respecting the future Government of India. I told them it must be a strong Government, and I doubted whether in its present form it could secure obedience in India. It required more of appearance. They seemed to feel that. Astell acknowledged there was nothing imposing in the name of 'the Company,' and that the present Government was fallen into contempt.

I told them I was satisfied that the patronage and the appeals should always remain where they were. I paid them a high compliment, which they justly deserve, upon the fairness of their conduct in deciding upon the claims of their servants.

They feel their Government is weak in its last year; but that the Ministers could not do otherwise than have a committee.

December 18.

Wrote a letter to the Duke, which he may send to the King, stating the result of my communication to the Chairs respecting Mrs. Hastings.

Requested information as to the trade of the Caspian, that carried on by the caravans to Bokhara, and the general condition of that country, desiring likewise that means might be taken to keep us constantly informed of any movements made by the Russians towards the Sea of Aral, and of any attempt to make establishments on the east coast of the Caspian.

Wrote to the Duke to tell him what was done and how entirely the Chairs entered into his views.

December 19.

Wrote to Loch to suggest that he should send Meyendorff's and Mouravief's books to Macdonald.

Read a clever pamphlet on the China trade, and in coming down to Worthing all the papers Hardinge sent me relative to the new pension regulations.

December 20.

Read Meyendorff's 'Tour in Bokhara.' It contains all the information I want as to the commerce between Bokhara and Russia. We can easily supply Bokhara with many things the Russians now furnish, and with all Indian goods cheaper by the Indus than the Ganges; but what the Bokharians are to send us in return I do not well see, except turquoises, lapis lazuli, and the ducats they receive from Russia. We may get shawls cheaper by navigating the Indus.

December 21.

Read the memorandum the Chairs gave me respecting the application of steam navigation to the internal and external communications of India. It has been prepared carefully and ably, and is very interesting. It suggests the navigation of the Euphrates to Balis or Bir by steam, and thence the passage by Aleppo to Latakia or Scanderoon. It likewise suggests that it might be more expeditious to cross the desert from Suez to Lake Menzaleh, or direct to the sea.

December 22.

Wrote to Lord Hill, telling him of Sir G. Walker's dangerous illness, and intimating the importance, under the present circumstances of Madras, of having not only a good soldier as Commander-in-Chief, but a man possessed of good civil qualities.

Sent a copy of this letter to the Duke.

December 25.

Read a memorandum of Jones on the last mission to Lahore, and a very long secret despatch in 1811 upon the subject of Runjeet Singh's attempt to establish himself on the left bank of the Sutlege, and his retreat in consequence of remonstrances and military demonstration on the part of the British Government.

December 26.

Called by appointment on Lady Macdonald, who came here to speak to me about Sir J. Macdonald's salary and position at Tabriz. She says that after the letter he wrote, representing the inexpediency of Sir H. Willock's remaining as his first assistant and the non-existence of any necessity for two assistants, if the Bengal Government do not recall Willock Sir J. Macdonald cannot remain. She has likewise a good deal to say respecting the salary. I think 9,000L a year a proper salary. The Ambassador at Constantinople has 8,000L and a house; but Constantinople is on the sea, and the charge of bringing European goods to Tabriz through Russia is so considerable that 1,000L a year ought to be added for the charge.

December 29.

Received three letters from Lord W. Bentinck, of July 6 and 8 and August 2. In that of the 6th he speaks of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, published in the 'Calcutta Newspaper.' In that of the 8th he sends it to me, the names being altered, and all between brackets being interpolated, and in fact in the light of comment. In that of August 2 he speaks of the temper of the army, &c., and all public subjects. I have sent the three letters to the Duke.

I was glad to have my letter. I can defend every word in it. It contains the simile of the elephants, which I am sorry for, as I fear those described as tame may be foolish enough to endeavour to show they are not so by affecting a degree of vivacity beyond their nature; but still I can defend it.

Lord William describes his position as not agreeable, having to effect the odious work of reduction. [Footnote: Besides the burning question of 'Half- Batta,' Lord W. Bentinck's administration was regarded as hostile in spirit to that of his predecessors, and so disliked by those who had served under them, especially by the military.] He says that in India no man thinks of anything but MONEY, that the local government has incurred great odium by carrying into effect the orders of the home authorities. He recommends Sir Charles Metcalfe as a man standing by Malcolm's side, and fit for the government of Bombay. I a little fear Sir Charles Metcalfe. He is rather too vehement. I doubt whether he would be a safe man. I am quite sure Courtney would be a very unfit man. The Governor of Bombay ought to be an Indian, but who is there?

Lord William represents the Burmese Government as a barbarian Government. He says they have sacrificed all who assisted us, and that the difficulty in retroceding the Tenasserim provinces would be to know what to do with the 35,000 people who have sought our protection.

This report makes the wisdom of our recent policy yet clearer than it appeared before.

December 31.

Read twenty papers on the opium treaties and management in Central India. The Supreme Government have decided upon no longer limiting the extent of cultivation in Malwa, and upon permitting the free transit of the drug. This was expedient because undoubtedly our restrictions led to the most hostile feelings on the part both of princes and people, to the injury of the traders, to violent and offensive interference on our part in the internal policy of foreign States, and to smuggling protected by large bodies of armed men. The smugglers would soon have been Pindarries. This system began only in 1825. It was forced upon the small States, and not upon that of Gwalior, so that smuggling defeated the object.

January 2, 1830.

Received from the Duke a note to say the publication of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm did not signify one pin's head, and it will have done good in India.

Wrote a long letter to Lord William Bentinck. I pressed upon him the necessity of making the home and the local authorities draw together. I told him he was suffering not for his obedience but for the disobedience of his predecessors. Assured him of support, lamented the ungentlemanlike tone of society evidenced by the insult of the commanding officers to him, and by the publication of my private letter. I spoke in high terms of Lieut. W. Hislop's report on the opium arrangements (which on reflection I thought better than writing a letter to him), and I likewise spoke highly of Mr. Scott, the Commissioner in Assam. Acknowledged the Government could not have done otherwise than give up the opium treaties; but foretold a large falling off in the opium revenue from over-cultivation in Malwa.

January 3.

A letter from Clare on East Indian matters which I answered at length. Sent Prendergast's pamphlet to Jones.

Read reports on the Delhi and Firuz Shah's canal, by which it appears my plan of joining the Sutlege and Jumna is not visionary. It has been done. The canal can still be traced. Delhi seems in distant times to have been like Milan, in the midst of canals. The grand canal sent a branch through the palace. The water has been again turned in the same channel. When the water flowed into Delhi on the opening of the canal on May 30, 1820, the people went out to meet it and threw flowers into the stream. In those countries nothing can be done without water, and with water, and such a sun, anything.

January 4, 1830.

Head Eraser's journey and finished it. It is very interesting, and shows how completely the Persian monarchy is falling to pieces.

January 5.

Saw Wrangham. There is no news. The affairs of the Netherlands, he says, look rather better, and Polignac is very stout and says he is very strong. It seems great complaints are made of Lord Stuart, who gives little information, and what little he does give is incorrect.

January 6.

Vesey Fitzgerald will certainly not be able to attend the House this year. His physicians say he would die in five minutes if he got up to speak. I heard G. Dawson tell the Duke to-day. I rather suspect G. Dawson would like Vesey's place.

The Duke has been much occupied with the Greek question. I have not yet read any papers at the Foreign Office. He spoke to me of Bankes's going out, which he regretted.

He had had some conversation last year at Belvoir with Lord Graham upon Indian affairs, and had been quite surprised to find how much he knew. He had thought he only knew how to comb his hair. The Duke thinks of Horace Twiss for secretary. He had thought of Mr. Wortley, Lord Wharncliffe's son, a very clever young man, but he wanted a made man, not one to learn. I shall suggest Ashley's taking Horace Twiss's place, and Lord Graham being First Commissioner. This will force him to come forward. Then Wortley might be Second Commissioner. Horace Twiss is a clever man, but rather vulgar. However, he is a lawyer and a very good speaker, and will do very well.

January 7.

I told the Chairs my views as to an alteration in the Supreme Court Bill. They seemed to approve if the thing could be done. I had afterwards some conversation with the Chancellor upon this subject. He admitted the force of my reasoning, but desired to have a memorandum about it, which indeed will be convenient to me as well as to him. It should state all the new circumstances since the establishment of the Supreme Court which render its existence less necessary than it was, and more inapplicable than ever to the condition of India.

At the Duke's dinner I told the Duke and Rosslyn the substance of Lord William's letters. The Duke said the act [Footnote: In combining to oppose the Half-Batta orders. See Thornton's British India, vol. v.] of the officers was mutiny.

The King is ill. He has lost a good deal of blood.

January 8.

The King quite well again. In the morning began and nearly finished a memorandum on the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for the Chancellor.

Cabinet at 2. Conversation respecting the abolition of the Welsh judgeships, and the addition of a judge to the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas, or Exchequer. The two new judges would be Circuit Judges of Wales. The Welsh gentlemen seem to be favourable to the change. The attornies, who are numerous and powerful, very hostile. The Chancellor introduces again his Bill of last Session. The Equity is to be separated from the Common Law Jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer. The subject was only talked of, and decision deferred till Sunday next.

We then talked of Ireland. The Grand Jury Presentment Bill is not yet prepared. The plan for a police is to place the nominations in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant. To send stipendiary magistrates when and where they are wanted.

Peel's suggestions went much further; but Lord F. Gower seems to me to be only a clever boy. He has as yet proposed nothing worthy of adoption, and he has often been near the commission of errors from which he has been saved only by Peel's advice.

He wished to establish stipendiary magistrates in every county, the effect of which would have been to disgust all the gentlemen magistrates, and to lead them to the abandonment of their duty. He wished too to unite in all cases the inspectorships of police with the office of stipendiary magistrate, to avoid collision; but the duties of inspector are of a mere ministerial and inferior character, and would not agree well with those of a magistrate.

I must read to-morrow all the late protocols and despatches. The Russians and French have agreed to make Leopold Prince of Greece, but the King cannot endure the idea. Aberdeen thinks he has made a great conquest in carrying the point of Leopold's election. I confess I cannot understand the great advantage we derive from it. What an extraordinary scene! Those monarchical states, the most adverse to revolution, combine to assist the rebellion of a people against its sovereign, a rebellion commenced by murder and continued by treachery, stained with every crime that ever disgraced human nature! [Footnote: The massacres by the Greeks at Tripolitza and Athens, the latter in direct breach of a capitulation, had, according to a not unfavourable historian, cast a dark stain on the Greek cause and diminished the interest felt for it in foreign countries. (Alison, Hist. Europe, 1815-52, iii. 150.)] They destroy the fleet of an unoffending Power in a time of profound peace in his own port. They thus facilitate the attack of an enemy, and in the extreme peril of the defeated sovereign they increase their demands in order to form a substantive State out of the ruins of his Empire. They then elect a Prince unknown to the people over whom he is to reign, and support him by equal assistance in ships and money! Those monarchical states set up a revolutionary government and maintain it in coparcenary! It was reserved for these times to witness such contradictions. I do not think any one is very well satisfied with them but Aberdeen. He is charmed.

Sunday, January 10.

Cabinet. Conversation first as to an intended publication by Mr. Stapleton of a 'Life of Canning,' in which he means to insert the substance, if not the copies, of public papers relating to transactions not yet terminated. He has had it intimated to him that he will do so at his peril. He holds an office under the Government during pleasure. I said he had no right over private letters relating to public subjects which only came to the knowledge of the writer by his official situation. He should be told it was a high breach of public confidence, and he should be displaced if he was guilty of it. He will have a hint, but I fear not one sufficiently strong. It is Lady Canning who thinks she can injure the Duke of Wellington, and so publishes these papers. Stapleton is her editor. She demanded from Aberdeen official letters of Canning's, and actually threatened him with a suit in Chancery if he did not give them up. The Duke says he has copies of all Canning's letters, and he shall publish if they do. [Footnote: Augustus Granville Stapleton had been private secretary to Canning, and published about 1830-31 The Political Life of George Canning, and nearly thirty years later, George Canning and his Times. The latter work contains much correspondence the publication of which might have been objected to at the earlier date.]

We had Scarlett and afterwards Bosanquet in upon the Welsh Judicature question. It was at last decided that the Equity Jurisdiction of the Courts of Great Session should be sent to the Court of Exchequer, that power should be taken to the King of directing the circuits to be held where he pleased, and that the two new judges of the English Courts should do the duty of the Welsh circuits. The proceedings to be assimilated to those of the English Courts.

The saving by the reduction of the Welsh judges, after allowing for their pensions, will leave an ample fund for the compensation of the officers reduced.

I read Lord Stuart de Rothesay's last despatches and Lord Heytesbury's. There seems to me to be great over-confidence in their strength on the part of the French Ministers. I cannot help thinking they will fall. Villele will have nothing to do with the Government under this House of deputies, which declared his administration deplorable. He seems to stipulate for their dissolution.

Halil Pacha takes to Petersburg fine presents for the Emperor and Empress, and other presents he is to distribute 'selon son gre et en son nom' which are enough to bribe all the ladies in Europe. There is a list of them extending over seven pages.

It seems to be doubtful whether the French have not been endeavouring to induce Mehemet Ali to revenge their quarrel with Algiers by marching along the whole coast of Africa. The French are much out of humour with their Algerine follies, and heartily tired of their expensive gasconade.

Mehemet Ali does not seem much inclined to send his fleet to Constantinople, although he has honour enough to send the Sultan's.

The Russians have launched two large ships (120 and 74), and they have bought a double-banked frigate built in the United States.

Monday, January 11.

At the Cabinet room, where I met Sir George Murray; read the letters relative to the alterations in the judicial system of Scotland.

Read a letter from Loch, allowing me to show to the Cabinet Lord William's letters. He wished them to be read, not shown, or rather not circulated; but it is contrary to all rule, so I left them to-day on the Cabinet table.

The Duke told me yesterday he felt no concession could now be made, although it was a mighty foolish thing to have had a quarrel about.

Got home at 5, dressed, and was going to business, when I found a note from Drummond, desiring me to call on the Duke as soon as I could. I ordered the carriage and went. Found the Chancellor there.

It seems there is a great hitch about Prince Leopold's nomination as Prince Sovereign of Greece. The French have now proposed it. We desire it. Russia acquiesces. We have always declared we did not care who was Prince Sovereign of Greece, but we were resolved never to acknowledge as such a man in whom we had not confidence. Some time ago the King of Prussia applied through the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh to the King for his vote in favour of Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the brother of the late Queen of Prussia and of the Duchess of Cumberland. This application was made through the Duke of Cumberland to the King, and the King returned an answer through the Duke of Cumberland. What this answer was is not known; but the King having mentioned the circumstance to Aberdeen, and he to the Duke, Aberdeen, by the Duke's desire, wrote through Sir Brook Taylor to the King of Prussia, and civilly put him off. This letter of course the King saw, and approved. The Duchess of Cumberland complains the answer of Aberdeen was very different from that given through the Duke of Cumberland by the King, and says it is an intrigue.

The King has been put up to this, and tells Aberdeen he knows his own ground—that the people of England will not bear that 50,000L a year shall be paid by them to the Prince of Greece. He does not care whether Leopold goes or no, but he is determined he shall leave his annuity behind him.

The articles in the 'Standard' and other papers, a few days ago, are supposed to have had reference to this then intended rupture. Aberdeen goes to the King to-morrow, and the Duke having seen all the Cabinet, Aberdeen will, if it should be necessary, declare their concurrent opinion. The Duke thinks the King will yield to Aberdeen; to avoid seeing him—if he is obliged to go down, he will declare distinctly to the King that his Majesty had better name whatever Minister he may wish to give his confidence to; but that to whatever Minister he may choose to have, he ought to give his confidence.

Certainly nothing can have been more scandalous than the King's conduct to the Duke. He has never given his Government the fair support. Say what the Duke will, he of Cumberland is believed.

The Duke had a note about the King the other day from Lady Conyngham, written only to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with His Majesty.

That Prince Leopold will make an efficient King of Greece I do not believe; but he is not likely to be hostile to England. Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, named by Prussia, would be really Russian, and the tool of States not friendly to us.

Prince Leopold hopes, if he goes to Greece, that Government will purchase the lands he has bought, for which he has given 40,000L or 50,000L.

Determined to have my letter respecting the acquisition of information in Central Asia and the navigation of the Indus sent to the Chairs to- morrow, that it may be sent, and be on record as mine, in the event of His Majesty turning me out the next day, as he will very possibly do.

January 12.

Henry [Footnote: The Honourable H. S, Law, Lord Ellenborough's brother.] copied for transmission the letter in the Secret Department, and I took care it should be sent to the India House in the course of the day, that if I should be out to-morrow, I may have the credit of having originated a measure which, if effected, will be of incalculable value.

Cabinet at 2. Aberdeen was gone to the King at Windsor. It seemed to be expected he would do nothing, and that the Duke would be obliged to go down to-morrow—the Duke thinks he shall succeed—and no one seems to dread a turn out. I am not quite so sure. The mischief is that these secousses make a weak Government.

I found in the box of drafts the letter to Sir Brook Taylor respecting Duke Charles of Mecklenburgh, which the King says he never saw or sanctioned. It bears his initials and approval, which have been traced out in ink over his pencil.

The Duke of Cumberland wants, if it be but for a week, a friendly administration that he may get out of the Exchequer 30,000L set apart for the annuity for his son's education, but to which he is not legally entitled, his son having been educated abroad. It is out of revenge for a hostile cheer, and to get this money, to which Lord Eldon and Lord Wynford have told him he has no right, that he is endeavouring to overthrow the Government.

January 13.

After I came home read the minutes of the Governor-General and Council on the college at Calcutta. There is nothing so important as to preserve young men, who are to govern an Empire, from idleness, dissipation, and debt. This must be done. The Governor-General's own superintendence may effect much. The suspension of the incompetent may do more; but while the habits of expense are given at Hayleybury, and continued by their residence without any control in the midst of a dissipated capital, nothing will reform the system.

Cabinet dinner at Aberdeen's. He was an hour and a half with the King yesterday. The King was much agitated in dressing himself for the interview. The man who shaved thought he should have cut him twenty times. He had taken 100 drops of laudanum to prepare himself for the interview.

Aberdeen says it is a real quarrel-not a plot to get rid of us—the King thoroughly hates Prince Leopold, and he has been made to think the Ministers have slighted him in this matter. The Duke goes down to him to- morrow. He can show the King that Leopold was first mentioned by France— that he was made acquainted with the proposal or rather suggestion made by France to Leopold on November 9, that he was then told we could not hear of it till our candidates, Prince John of Saxony and Ferdinand of Orange, were disposed of. The subject was again mentioned on November 24.

In point of fact the earliest day on which it could have been made known to the King that France had distinctly proposed Leopold was Monday, and he was told on the Tuesday.

The King seems to have been violently agitated. He said sneeringly to Aberdeen, 'If I may be allowed to ask, is Prince Leopold to be married to a daughter of the Duke of Orleans?' [Footnote: This marriage took place in August 1832, when Prince Leopold had become King of the Belgians, and the Duke of Orleans King of the French.] Aberdeen said he had seen it in the newspaper and knew nothing more of it. The King alluded to the possibility of Government going out, admitted the inconvenience just before the meeting of Parliament, but said he was immovable. Leopold might go to the devil, but he should not carry English money out of the country. In the morning, talking to the Duchess of Gloucester, he said, 'If they want a Prince of my family, they might have had the Duke of Gloucester,' upon which the Duchess burst out a-laughing.

The King seems thoroughly out of humour. He says 'Things seem going on very ill in India. Do not you mean to recall Lord William?' He had been made very angry in the morning by the 'Times' calling upon him to pay his brother's debts, and this morning the 'Morning Journal' places in juxtaposition the paragraphs in the 'Times,' and those for which it was lately prosecuted.

Lady Conyngham is bored to death, and talks and really thinks of removing. She was to make a grand attack on the King to-day. I suppose she finds the Duchess of Cumberland gaining influence. Her note to the Duke the other day, to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with the King, was intended to put him upon his guard.

The Duke does not mean to resign to-morrow, but to request, if he should not succeed (which Aberdeen thinks he will not do), that the King will allow the Cabinet to put their opinions in writing-which the King cannot refuse. We shall then meet on Friday and decide what we shall do.

The Chancellor took me aside and said it would be a foolish thing to go out about Leopold. So it would; but if we allow ourselves to be beaten in this, we may be beaten round the whole circle of public questions.

When the Duke has proved the proposition was not made by us, that it came from France, the King will say, 'Well, if you did not think it worth while to propose him, why should you not reject him? Why adhere to him?'

I feel very indifferent about the result.

Dr. Seymour, Fitzgerald's physician, represents him as very ill indeed, and in danger if he does any business; but Peel, who saw him to-day, thinks that much exaggerated.

January 14.

Chairs at 11. I asked them to find out when Rothschild sold out his Indian stock. It seems (by a note I received in the evening) that he began on October 15, and at different times sold out 42,000L stock. I sent the Chairman's note to Goulburn.

About ten received the promised circular from the Duke. He was an hour and a half with the King, when he was obliged to leave him in consequence of his being unwell—and the King afterwards sent to desire he would come again on Saturday.

For the first hour the King was in a state of irritated and contemptuous indignation. However, the Duke thinks he brought him to feel he had nothing to complain of in the conduct of his Government. He finished by getting into better temper and a good tone; but the Duke thinks he should have brought away his assent if he had been with him another hour. The Duke wishes to hear the opinion of the Cabinet upon some points, and we meet at two to-morrow.

January 15.

The Duke gave the Cabinet an account of his interview with the King. The King was with Munster and the Duke of Cumberland when he went; but the Duke was admitted in about forty minutes, which time he passed with the Lady Conyngham, who told him he must expect a storm.

The King was in bed, looking very ill. He said, 'Well, what is your business?' and seemed at first most indignant. The Duke, however, corrected his misapprehensions—showed him the dates, and proved that he had known from the first that it was probable Leopold would be proposed by France. The proposition was made by us to Prince Frederick of Orange on November 13, his final answer received on August 11 (there may be a slight error in these dates, as I write from memory). In the meantime the King of France had about November 29, when Leopold took leave of him, told him he would propose him. This was known here immediately, and Leopold distinctly told he could not be heard of till our own candidate was disposed of. The regular proposal of Leopold did not arrive here till January 1, and was communicated to the King with the projet of a protocol, for it was no more, on the 9th.

It was still only a proposition, and the Government now come to advise the King to consent to it.

The Duke showed the King that there had been ten candidates in all:—

Prince Philip of Hesse Homburgh, Prince John of Saxony, Prince Frederick of Orange, Prince Charles of Bavaria, Prince Otho of Bavaria, the Archduke Maximilian, Prince Paul of Wurtemburgh, Prince Leopold, Prince Emilius of Hesse Darmstadt, and Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh.

The seven first either declined or were rejected. Prince Emilius of Hesse Darmstadt was an aide-de-camp of Bonaparte, and the King would not have him, and with regard to the last, Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the Duke showed the King he was much more nearly connected with Prussia, and so with Russia, than with England. The King admitted this, and seemed to have been brought into good humour, when he became so ill that he was obliged to beg the Duke to leave him, and soon after sent him word he would see him in two days. The Duke says he was really unwell, and in fact was taking physic all the time he was with him.

The Duke showed the King that he alone had not the power of nomination. He had one voice out of three, and there were ten candidates.

'At any rate,' said the King, 'Claremont reverts to the Crown.' The Duke, fearing he might wish to give it to the Duke of Cumberland, or somebody, asked the Chancellor to-day to look at the Act of Parliament and tell us what becomes of Claremont in the event of Leopold's being made King of Greece. The Chancellor looked and thought Claremont would certainly remain to Leopold, and if he died or gave it up go, not to the Crown, that is, not to the King, but, by specific enactment, become a portion of the revenue under the Woods and Forests. Of course Leopold will give up Claremont, which is in fact a source of expense. The Duke said Leopold would be at least innocuous, and he might be of use. The King asked how we could be such fools as to think he would be of any use.

While the Duke was with the King the Duke of Cumberland was with Lady Conyngham, and told her, amongst other things, that the 'Times' was the Duke of Wellington's paper.

The 'Morning Journal' is his paper, and uses the expressions he puts into the King's mouth.

Aberdeen says Leopold is quite aware of all he will have to go through.

He has written to Lord Stuart to ascertain whether there is any truth in the report of his being engaged to the daughter of the Duke of Orleans.

I cannot help thinking that is so, and that the French proposition originates in that.

January 16.

Read last night a very interesting report by Captain Wade of his mission to Runjeet Singh in 1827.

Received a box from the Duke with a circular note saying the King is not well enough to see him before Tuesday. He has seen no one since he saw the Duke, and the Duke hears he was not mistaken in his judgment of the effect he thought he had produced upon the King's mind; so I suppose this matter, which looked threatening at first, may be considered as settled, although not yet formally terminated.

The King will, I dare say, make another plunge when he finds Claremont will not be at his personal disposal, as he seems to have imagined.

January 19.

Read all day Sir Thomas Munro's Life, which contains a great deal of interesting and valuable information. He was a very great man.

Talked to Hardinge of various matters. He was at Stowe when Lord Chandos in the middle of the night received a note from his father, communicating one from Sir. W. Fremantle, which informed him that the King was going to turn us all to the right about. Lord Chandos said to Hardinge he would never belong to a Government of which the Duke of Wellington was not a member.

January 19.

Read the rest of the 'Life of Sir Thomas Munro,' a most valuable book. I believe there are no books so really useful as the lives of great and good men.

On my arrival in town, found a note from Hardinge, who thinks the despatch as to watching the Russians and navigating the Indus quite perfect.

The Duke went to-day to Windsor. About eight he sent round a box containing a note, saying that the King consented to Prince Leopold's being King of Greece. So for the present, at least, we are safe again. I never had much apprehension.

January 20.

Cabinet dinner. Lord Bathurst not there. We had very little talk upon public matters. The Duke had a bad cold. The opinion seemed to be that the press of the session would be upon domestic matters, for the reduction of establishments and taxation.

The King wrote to the Duke and grumpily acceded to Leopold's appointment. Leopold is very uppish upon the subject. He was at Cobham to-day and yesterday.

I am to see Peel on Sunday at half-past one on Indian matters.

January 22.

At one, Privy Council to consider the petition of the E. I. C. for the recall of Sir J. P. Grant. The Lord President, Lord Chief Baron, and Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas present. The committee reported that they did not consider themselves warranted at present in advising Sir J. P. Grant's removal, but they thought it right he should be directed to proceed home that the several matters objected to him might be investigated.

I took the opportunity of the presence of two judges to get a legal opinion as to Sir J. Malcolm's conduct in resisting the service of the Habeas Corpus ad testificandum.

I took the opportunity likewise of laying before the two judges the change of circumstances since the institution of the Supreme Court, and the present reasons for making their jurisdiction without the limits of the Presidency the exception and not the rule.

The judges seemed to enter into my view. The Lord Chief Baron suggested that there might be a previous enquiry before the Country Court, which might for that purpose be a sort of grand jury. [Footnote: I.e. when the case was to be transferred to the Supreme Court.]

Lord Hill showed me a letter from Sir F. Watson addressed to Sir B. Taylor, as the King's first aide-de-camp, and directing him as such, by the King's command, to intimate to Lord Hill the pleasure it would give His Majesty to know that Lord Hill had given Captain Scarlett, the son of the Attorney- General, an opportunity of purchasing a majority. Captain Scarlett is a very young captain—and Lord Hill feels the thing asked cannot be done. He was going to see the Duke of Wellington about it. Not very long ago the King gave away a regiment without asking Lord Hill—however, that was settled; but it is clear that, unless Lord Hill is allowed to exercise the fair patronage of his office, he will resign.

January 26.

Cabinet. It seems the French have acceded to the proposals of the Pasha of Egypt, and finding 50,000 men would be required to take Algiers, prefer his operating with 40,000 of his own. He pretends to have made arrangements which will secure an easy conquest, and promises to place Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers under regular governments, nominally under the Sultan, whose consent he reckons upon, and capable of preserving the relations of peace with other Mediterranean Powers.

The Pasha's army is commanded by French officers, and the annexation of these States to Egypt would be their practical annexation to France. When his army is disseminated along the coast of Africa, I might realise my dream of taking Egypt from India.

We considered the proposed order in Council relative to the slave regulations of the King's own ceded colonies. The Duke was evidently not well, and he was rather out of humour. We were three hours and a half in Cabinet. He made various objections to the proposed regulations. He impressed upon us the danger of tampering with the rights of property. We were doing that with property of an odious character, which we should not do in England. He pressed the effect in the West Indies and the example everywhere. He seemed to complain that the regulations were different from those agreed to in the summer. Sir G. Murray was very quiet. He is a very sensible man, but he is overawed by the Duke, having been under him so long.

Poor old Tierney is dead, for which I am very sorry. He was a very good friend of mine.

January 27.

Cabinet at four. There can be no Council to-morrow, as Greville has the gout and Buller is in Cornwall.

There is to be an intimation sent to the Pasha to the effect that we disapprove of the proposed attempt to conquer Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers. France is to be told the same. I wished conditional orders to be given to the Fleet, and that the Pasha should be told orders had been given. It being doubtful whether French vessels might not convoy the Egyptian fleet and transports, I thought we had better now consider what we should do in that event; that we had better not threaten without determining to execute our threat, and that we should consider how we should deal with the French ships if we stopped the Egyptian—in short not take a first step which might make a second necessary, without knowing in our own minds what that second step should be. The Duke thinks the French will back out when they know our disapprobation, and that at any rate the Pasha would. I rather doubt this of either of them.

The French say they have a sort of quarrel with Tripoli, but none with Tunis, and they enter into a scheme for conquering both as stepping-stones to Algiers. Tunis in their hands would be more dangerous than Algiers.

Hardinge told me he had had a long conversation with Peel the other day on the state of the country. He thought Peel seemed to have apprehensions, and to think that if the King, through some intrigue of the Brunswickers, got rid of the Duke, things would go very ill indeed; that the authority of the Duke alone kept things quiet. England is in a bad state, because the country gentlemen have ill-paid rents; but Scotland and Ireland do very well, and the trade of the country is not depressed.

Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke of Montrose there, as it was to have been a dinner for the sheriffs. I told the Duke of my notion of altering the law of succession to property in India, and enabling all existing proprietors to leave their estates as they please.

January 28.

The 'Times' publishes my letter to Malcolm to-day, with comments.

Upon the whole I am glad the letter has been published. I think no one can read it without seeing I am actuated only by public views, and that I am determined to do my duty.

The editor of the 'Courier' called at the Indian Board and saw Bankes, and asked whether he should say anything. Bankes said he would see me before he gave an answer. I do not care about the publication, and the letter will defend itself.

January 29.

Chairs have received very bad accounts of the temper of the Madras army, which has no cause of complaint. Lord W. Bentinck has been at last obliged to lay his hand upon the press, and, as might have been expected, is much more abused than if he had done so at first. The Radicals had begun to consider him one of themselves, and so think him a traitor when he refuses to go any further with them.

I went to the Duke and told him what they said. He is, as usual, sanguine, and thinks it will blow over.

I told the Duke I thought he had better look out for a Governor-General, for it might be necessary to recall Lord W. Bentinck. The objection to making Malcolm provisional successor is that he would stay till he died in order to be Governor-General one day. Otherwise his provisional appointment would strengthen the local Government very much.

At the Cabinet they had all read my letter in the 'Times,' except the Chancellor. I told him to read it.

Peel was indignant at the publication. Lord Rosslyn said Joseph Hume had had the letter some time in his possession, and must have sent it to the 'Times.'

Peel said it was a very good letter. I said I was not ashamed of it.

They all laughed very much at the simile of the elephants.

Cabinet. Much discussion as to the terms of the speech. Aberdeen's part was very ill done indeed. It underwent much alteration and was improved. That regarding distress and remedies was postponed. There is no remedy, and it is best to say so.

In the meantime the export of almost all manufactures is increased largely in quantity, but the value is diminished. Still this proves continued and increased employment, although at low wages. This is a state of things in which we cannot try to make corn dearer or wool either. Nothing but the extreme cheapness of our manufactures makes their export possible.

Aberdeen read his letter to Consul Barker respecting the. Pasha's designs. The last paragraph, which intimated that the Pasha's persistence 'would too probably lead to our decided opposition,' was omitted. It was thought that the recommendation, 'to weigh well the serious consequences of a measure highly objectionable to us, and to which other Powers could not but be unfavourable,' was thought sufficient to stop the Pasha.

If the first words had stood, we must have used the same to France, and the threat might have led to collision. In any case the Pasha would have communicated the expressions to France.

The Duke and the Chancellor were to see Leopold to-morrow.

Another Cabinet to-morrow at four for going on with the Speech.

January 30.

Hardinge called. He told me all was not settled as to Lord Chandos having the Mint. He referred to the Duke of Buckingham, [Footnote: He had, as appears from the Wellington correspondence, pressed for years his claims to a seat in the Cabinet, with an importunity to which the Duke of Wellington expressed his objection. His large parliamentary interest, which almost made him the chief of a party of his own, made him appear entitled to expect it.] who would rather have it himself, with a seat in the Cabinet.

Lord MountCharles goes out to annoy his father, and force him to give him a larger allowance, unaccompanied by the condition of constant attendance in the House of Commons.

Read the Duke of Northumberland's letter to Peel on the state of Ireland. The Duke represents the Catholic Relief Bill as having produced none of the evils anticipated by its opposers, if it has not produced all the benefits expected by its supporters—as having upon the whole worked better than could have been expected in so short a time and under such circumstances.

The disturbances he thinks confined to the counties of Tipperary, Clare, and Roscommon; in the first produced by too high rents; in the second by late collision and the want of proper management on the part of the gentlemen; in the last by attempts to convert the Catholics, and the zeal of new converts. The Catholic Union is dissolved. The great body of the Catholics have abstained from the ostentation of triumph.

Monday, February 1.

Bankes called this morning, but I did not see him. He saw Henry. He came to say he was out, and S. Wortley in his place. When he understood Lord Chandos did not take the Mint, he went to the Duke and offered to remain, thinking his going out, with Lord Chandos's declining to come in, might, taken together, embarrass the Government. However, the arrangement was already made.

Read Lushington's minute on the Neilgherry hills. He wants to make an English colony there. If he had, every man would make some excuse, desert his duty in the hot months, and go to the Neilgherry hills.

Read the first volume of Gamba's 'Travels in South Russia.' He was Consul of France, but writes like a Russian. He talks of restoring the commercial communication with Asia by the Phasis, Caspian, and Oxus. All this is absurd. Unless indeed the Russians, after occupying China, turn the Oxus into its old course, and thus enable themselves to carry goods by water carriage to the foot of the Himalaya, or rather within 250 miles of Cabul.

February 5.

Received last night a note from the Duke asking me, if I could, to have a Cabinet to-day on Batta. If I could not, to send Peel the letters of Malcolm, &c.

I determined to have the Cabinet. Peel had not read till the day before yesterday the Batta papers, and, although inclining to the opinion that the present orders must be maintained, he thinks it, as it is, a serious question for the Government to decide after the minutes of Lord William Bentinck and the members of council, with the apprehension of a mutiny as the possible result of our standing firm. I said if we gave way the other armies would bring forward their demands—that it was a question, not only between the Home Authorities and the army, but the Home Authorities and the Local Government which had for sixteen years resisted the orders sent to them.

The Duke cautioned the Cabinet as to the character of the Indian army, which he said was a mercenary army, retained in obedience by nothing but the wish to return to England; but he thought after what had taken place we must resist, and adhere to our present orders. Peel wished all the members of the Cabinet to read the minutes before they decided, and there is to be a Cabinet on Sunday.

It was determined that if a question should be asked to-night, Peel should say 'the orders had not been countermanded.' Peel observed very justly on the state of things which seemed to exist in India. An army sending such memorials to the Government, and the members of the Government writing pamphlets against each other. In point of fact, years will be required to restore a proper tone to the Government of India.

I mentioned to the Duke the mission of two Russian Poles to India and Manilla, and that I suspected Russia of a wish to purchase Manilla. Neither the Duke nor Aberdeen seemed to think the Spaniards would or could sell the Philippines. However, Aberdeen will write to the man at Madrid to find out whether any proposal to that effect has been made by the Russian Government.