July 1.

At half-past five received a letter from the Chairman, and the draft relative to the removal of the Governor from Calcutta. The Court wished to have it back to-day. That was impossible; but they have omitted words I inserted in the precis, and must restore, declaring that had the removal been legal, still the Members of Council would have been ordered back. I have now been obliged to give reasons for this addition, and the reasons will be so much worse, as matters of record, that I have suggested to the Chairman he had better substitute a draft containing the words.

I think we must detain the Pallas that it may take out both letters—this and the one relating to the leases which is not yet prepared, or we must have an overland dispatch.

Delay is one of the inconveniences attending the present system of Indian Government. I told the Chairman in my private note that if we allowed Lord W. Bentinck to emancipate himself in this manner we should really be abandoning all real control over the Government of India. I see clearly there is a Bentinck party in the Court.

July 2.

Saw Hardinge. We had some conversation upon the subject of the Government. He seems more alarmed than I am. I trust to the King's fears and the Duke's fortune; besides, we have the country.

Hardinge told me the King was very much out of humour. The admission of Lord Rosslyn had not answered. None followed. Lord Durham, Calthorpe, and others left Lord Lansdowne to coalesce with Lord Grey. Hardinge wished me to try Herries again, with the view of opening the Mint by making him Chancellor of the Exchequer in India; but I told him Herries said his domestic circumstances made it impossible, and the Duke did not seem to like it at all.

Herries thinks Lord Durham would be glad to be Minister at Naples; for my part I am sure nothing will win Lord Grey but a place for Lord Grey himself, and that, in the present state of the King's mind, the Duke is not in a condition to offer.

July 4.

Cabinet at half-past three.

The Duke read a list of the several points to be considered before the next Session. I cannot recollect half of them. East India Charter; Bank Charter; Usury Laws; East Retford; Duties on Sugar; Duties on Tobacco; Canada; West Indies; Education in Ireland; Irish and English Churches; Poor in Ireland; Public Works; Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts; Reform of English Courts; Reform of Welsh Judicature; Reform of Courts of Equity; Scotch Law of Entail; Salaries of Scotch Judges—increase; Salaries of English Judges—reduction; Grand Juries, Ireland; Militia Laws; Stamp Duties, &c., &c.

The only talk we had was about Irish Poor, and Public Works in Ireland. The feeling seemed against anything like Poor Laws, and against Public Works too. This is mine. The first productive of mischief, the second useless.

Undoubtedly it is a great hardship that the English parish should have the burden of Irish poor, but on the other hand in many cases the payers of poor's rates in these parishes have derived advantage from Irish labour.

Fitzgerald, Peel, and Goulburn are to look into this subject, and all connected with Ireland.

Fitzgerald, Peel, Lord Rosslyn, and, I think, either Herries or Goulburn seemed to think the opposition to the continuance of the China monopoly would be much greater than we expected. Fitzgerald seemed desirous the question of commerce should be reserved, and that of Government decided. I told him the two were inseparably connected.

July 6.

Wrote to Lord W. Bentinck telling him I much regretted the having been obliged to send the two letters, relative to the removal of the Government, and the leases—told him the Duke coincided in opinion with the Court.

I then expressed my surprise that the Local Government did not obey better. Said they seemed to forget the orders of the Directors were the King's orders transmitted through the channel of the Court and the Board. I added I should endeavour to introduce into every branch of Indian Government the subordination and the improvements now established in the King's service—depended on his co-operation, &c. I sent the letter to the Duke to ask him if I should send it.

July 7.

At quarter to six a messenger arrived from the Duke, to whom I sent yesterday my letter to Lord W. asking if I should send it? The Duke desires to see the despatches to which it refers. I have accordingly begged Jones to send them to him. I shall however be in town early myself to-morrow.

I told the Duke in my note I should stay in town till late to-morrow to sign the letter as to the six regiments if they passed it. I am glad to have an excuse for not going to Windsor to the Recorder's Report.

July 8.

Office at 2. Wilson absent, so I could not transact any military business. Carried the letters relative to the leases and the six regiments to the Duke. He said mine about the regiments was very good indeed.

The Emperor of Russia seems to have laid himself out most ably at Berlin to captivate the King, and the army, and the people.

Seymour's despatches are useful. He mentions small things, which show the character of men.

The Emperor does not disguise his desire of peace. He wants no garanties materielles at the Bosphorus for safe passage. He asks the principle of a pecuniary indemnity, but does not seem disposed to contest the details. Bernstorff observed truly, we could not get out of the Greek Treaty without the help of Russia, and Russia wanted us to get out of the way.

The Sultan begins to affect European manners. Calls upon ladies and talks about education! Dines with a merchant! After all, considering his education and his entourage, Sultan Mahmoud is the most remarkable man in Europe.

July 9.

Office at 2. Met Herries. Told him I should send him a statement of our Indian loans, and place Leach at his disposal. We could then talk them over, and see whether we could effect any financial operation. My idea is that by offering some little higher interest in. India we might induce the holders of the remittable loan to give up that privilege of receiving the interest in England if resident here.

Saw Major Cunningham. He looks more than forty, well, certainly, but I should doubt his doing much hard work. He does not think himself a good person to command Irregulars. His Rohillas were almost in as good order as Regulars.

He told me Lieutenant-Colonel Skinner was a man of large landed property. He had raised his corps very much from his own estate and neighbourhood, and was a sort of feudal chieftain. He has been educated like a native, though the son of a Colonel in the Company's service.

Saw Sir Murray Maxwell. [Footnote: He had commanded the 'Alceste,' which took out Lord Amherst as Ambassador to China twelve years before.] It seemed to me Sir Murray wanted to be sent with a frigate to try to open a commercial communication with Pekin. He thinks even Japan might be induced to trade. The instant the Chinese found the ship was gone and Lord Amherst meant to return by land they would have nothing to say to him. They probably took him for a spy.

Sir Murray thinks the Chinese might be led to give a port to the northward.

He describes the Spanish population of Manilla as being very small—the native population large. It is but four days' sail, with a good breeze, from Manilla to Canton. Always a favourable wind. The harbour magnificent.

I think the whole object of his visit was to get a ship, and a sort of half embassy.

July 10.

Received a letter from Lord Clare, who saw the Duke yesterday. He says the Duke was very kind and told him he should get all the information he could before the Committee of next year. I shall most willingly assist him.

July 11.

Cabinet. Talked of Ireland. The disposition to outrage seems increasing. The Duke said we were responsible for the success of the measure of this year, and we must put down the armed meetings. Warburton must be ordered to do so. The Duke said emphatically if we do not preserve the peace of Ireland we shall not be a Government. Peel is to write immediately. He thinks the first appearance of a determination to put down these meetings will have the effect of crushing them. We spoke of Poor Laws, Education, and Grand Juries. Lord F. Leveson despairs as to the two first. Upon both the Government will form its opinion. I am glad to see that the more the question of Poor Laws is considered the more the introduction of them appears unadvisable, or of any approach to them. I have ever held this opinion.

In Cabinet we again, having done so many weeks ago, considered whether any extension of time should be given to the Brazilians for the termination of their traffic in slaves.

Aberdeen seemed very indulgently inclined towards the slave dealers—not so Peel and Fitzgerald. They seemed first of all to think it would be an awkward Parliamentary case, and Peel protested against our becoming responsible, as we should, for the horrible consequences which might attend the continuance of the trade for six months. The Chancellor thought a vessel leaving the coast of Africa, that is, engaging in the slave trade, at such a period as would afford a reasonable probability of her arriving on March 13, should be safe. I think February 13 was, after much desultory discussion, fixed as the day after which no vessel should leave the coast of Africa.

The Brazilians had offered as an equivalent for six months an agreement that in future vessels fitted for the slave trade, even if they had no slaves on board, should be seizable. It seemed to be the opinion, a little exaggerated, I think, that no prospect of future prevention of slave- trading could justify us in permitting for an instant the immediate benefit we had within our grasp.

July 12.

The great day in Ireland; but I hope its happening on Sunday may break its effect. The orders for vigorous interposition, determined upon on Saturday, will have been of no use in preventing collision to-day, or even to-morrow, should the anniversary be postponed.

The Duke of Cumberland goes to Hanover, but he returns in October, and old Eldon meets him then in London. They had a regular Cabinet to decide whether he should go or not.

Read the court-martial of Lieutenant Lewis, of the Bombay Artillery, who struck an officer in the presence of his wife. The Chairs wish to restore him. It is impossible. There is an end of all moral and gentlemanlike feeling if it be not understood that a man's person is sacred in the presence of his wife. We presume a wife to have feeling, and a man to respect it. The blow alone would have been a good cause of dismissal.

Had a letter from the Bishop of Calcutta, who, on offering to execute episcopal functions at the Cape, was told by Hay, of the Colonial Office, that the cape was not in his Patent, and he could no do so. This is a mistake. He can exercise episcopal functions, but not episcopal jurisdictions.

Had a letter from Mr. Joliffe, of Merstham, [Footnote: The seat of the Joliffe family, near Reigate, in Surrey.] proposing steam-boat navigation to India. An application from Salisbury for a letter of recommendation to Lord W. Bentinck, in favour of Mr. Chester. Told him this was not a good time to ask a favour of Lord William, and it would be better to send the recommendation with the man, who does not sail till October.

July 15, 1829.

Office. Found a letter from Loch, suggesting the irregularity of my sending for his officers, and communicating with them on the subject of despatches to be sent to the Indian Government, and expressing a hope that nothing would occur to interrupt the harmony which existed between us.

I said in reply that I have expressed a wish to see Colonel Salmond, and afterwards to see Colonel Farant, merely from my desire to expedite business, and to do it well. That it was mentioned in conversation with Colonel Salmond and Mr. Wilson on Monday, that there was no irregularity in that course, and that I immediately determined to desist from it. That I believed I had so expressed myself at the time to Colonel Salmond.

I added that I could assure him I would not willingly, by endeavouring to extend the limits assigned by Parliament to the power of the Board, or by my manner of exercising that power, interrupt the harmony which so happily existed between the court and me.

Went to the Foreign Office. I fear the defeat of the Turks near Shumla was decisive; but still we have only Russian accounts, and they do so lie! It seems certain the Russians took the opportunity of opening a negotiation. The carelessness of the Turks in not keeping a good look-out towards Silistria seems unaccountable, and they dawdled sadly before Pravady. The new Vizier is very inferior to old Hussein Pacha, whose caution would have avoided this catastrophe.

Dined with the East India volunteers. The officers of the regiment are all clerks in the Company's service. The non-commissioned officers and privates serve in their warehouses.

There are now 600 men. During the war they had three regiments, each 800 strong—all their own servants.

When my health was drunk I spoke of the Duke of Wellington's natural fondness for India, of the high terms in which he always mentioned the gallantry of the Indian army, and the purity of the Civil Service. I said the Ministers were animated by his example, &c.

The Speaker told me he thought Mr. Stanley [Footnote: A curious instance of the failure of political prophecies, even by men of judgment and experience. Seventeen years later he was leader of a party, and twenty- three years afterwards Prime Minister.] would never rise higher than he was now. It had been a curious Session—all men endeavouring to avoid committing themselves.

July 16.

Loch showed me two letters of Sir J. Malcolm, in which he deprecates the sending of more writers, and says numbers may be diminished, but not salaries, especially in the higher ranks; and if writers are sent they must be provided for. I believe he is right. I had already suggested the non-appointment of writers this year, and the Chairs seemed to acquiesce— indeed, to have thought of it themselves.

Recorder's Report. Before the report Madame de Cayla, the Duchess D'Escars, &c., were presented to the King. I had some conversation with Rosslyn and Herries as to the Indian Question. Herries seemed to be afraid of the House of Commons. Rosslyn a little, too, of public opinion as to the opening of the China trade. They both seemed rather hostile to the continuance of the present system. I said I considered it to be a settled point that the patronage of India should be separated from the Government. The necessity of making that separation led to one great difficulty. The necessity of remitting home in goods 3,200,000L led to another difficulty, and to making the Government of India, wherever it might be placed, mercantile. The East India Company would not, and could not, without the monopoly carry on the concern.

Neither Herries nor Rosslyn seemed to admit the necessary separation of the patronage of India from the Government.

I said that, if it might not be separated, it would be easy to make a better and a cheaper government. I can see that Peel, Fitzgerald, Herries, Rosslyn—perhaps Sir G. Murray—will be against the Company.

The Duke said it was clear to him that the remittances must be made in goods, and could not be made by bills. He is for the monopoly.

In a few days the papers will be printed. A copy will then be furnished to each member of the Government, and I shall receive their observations.

The Recorder's Report was a very heavy one. All the cases bad, and seven ordered for execution.

The King seemed very well.

Stratford Canning and Lord Strangford were at the Court, to be presented on their return.

Before the report we read the last Irish papers. The Duke of Northumberland and Lord F. Leveson seem to think rather favourably of the condition of Ireland. The belief of Peel and Goulburn, and, I believe, of the Duke, is that one example would settle all.

Lord F. Leveson says that the Brunswickers are encouraged from St. James's to expect that the Relief Bill will be repealed. Many wish for an explosion, the Catholics less than the Protestants.

July 19.

Hardinge and Wood dined with me. Hardinge says the Duke of Cumberland has determined not to leave England, but to send for the Duchess and his son. The Duchess of Gloucester did not before, and will not now, receive the Duchess of Cumberland. Old Eldon wants a guarantee that no more Whigs will be admitted. I believe he would be satisfied with none but his own admission.

Hardinge seems to think we may not have a majority when Parliament meets. I think he is wrong. I trust to the Duke's fortune and to 'the being a Government,' which is much, and to the others not being able to form a Government, which is more.

July 22.

Had a letter from Loch. He does not like the disbanding of the six regiments, but he says he brings it before the Court again on Monday, having promised every possible information.

Read some of Colonel Tod's 'Rajastan.' I had rather see Rajastan or Rajpootana than any part of India. It would really be interesting. Colonel Tod seems to be an enthusiast about the country and the people. He was there apparently at least sixteen years. The story of the beautiful Princess of Oudeypore [Footnote: Krishna Komari. She was poisoned by her father to avoid the hostilities of the rival princes who demanded her hand. The father was still living when Colonel Tod wrote. The House of Oudeypore was the only native reigning family who disdained to intermarry even with the Emperors of Delhi. See Tod's Rajasthan, i. 066.] in Tod's book and Sir J. Malcolm's is the most romantic and the most interesting I know. That family of Oudeypore or Mewar seems to be the most ancient in the world. It far surpasses the Bourbons and the House of Hapsburg.

July 23.

Chairs at eleven. Told them of the danger in which they were, from the feeling of the mercantile districts and of the country; that we could not look Parliament in the face without having done all in our power to effect reductions in a deficit of 800,000L a year; that without a commanding case no Government, however strong, could venture to propose a renewal of the monopoly.

They were obliged to me for my information. I advised them to turn their attention immediately to all the great points.

On the subject of the six regiments the Court differ from the view I took. Loch gave me a long statement of facts, which I must read attentively, and then communicate with the Duke.

They are so enamoured of old habits that they hesitate about desiring their Indian Governments and the subordinate correspondents of these Governments to place upon the back of their voluminous letters a precis of their substance!

After the Chairs were gone I saw Bankes and Leach, and while they were with me Sir Archibald Campbell called. I saw him immediately. He is a fat, rather intelligent-looking man, well mannered, and sensible. I talked to him of the idea of exchanging Tenasserim. [Footnote: The furthest province of the British territory towards Siam, extending along the coast south of Pegu, and lately conquered from the Burmese Empire.] He did not like giving up his conquest. I gave him one secret letter, and he will make his observations upon it.

He left Lord William at the mouth of the Hooghly. They had found out the removal of the Government was contrary to law. They had intended to be itinerant for a year or two.

It is only in the Bengal army that the officers are old. There they rise by seniority. In the Madras army they are made from fitness.

The Madras army, though most gallant, was quite unequal, from deficiency of physical strength, to face the Burmese. The Burmese soldiers brought fourteen days' provisions. All men are liable to be called upon. They never had more than 120,000 in the field.

The English army took 2,000 cannon, and it was believed the Burmese had 2,500 left.

Sir A. Campbell says there have been 60,000 refugees from Ava—all now settled in Tenasserim. I had thought there had never been more than 10,000, and that some, about half, had returned.

Upon the whole, he seems enamoured of his conquests, but he did not adduce any good reason against exchanging it.

At the Cabinet room. Saw Lord Rosslyn there, as I used to be last year, desoeuvre and bored, as all Privy Seals will be. He seemed dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Ireland and in England. At Manchester there is a fear of a turn-out of some more cotton-spinners. Every thing depends upon the harvest.

The negotiations with the Turks came to nothing. The Grand Vizier's answer to Diebitch is excellent.

The sickness amongst the Russian troops continues, and Diebitch has not more than 40,000 men, even with Roth's corps.

The Ambassadors have been very well received at Constantinople. All are in good humour there, notwithstanding the losses near Shumla.

The Emperor does not go to the army.

Lord Heytesbury represents Russia as being the least formidable of the great Powers for the purpose of offensive operations, and seems to think she contains many elements of convulsion.

Metternich is trying to cajole the Russians by pretended fears of revolutionary principles.

They talk of a King in Columbia, and the French are intriguing to place a French prince on the throne, after Bolivar.

July 25, 1829.

Cabinet room. The Ambassadors seem to have been received most cordially at Constantinople. We know no more of the Grand Vizier's losses. That he experienced a complete defeat there can be no doubt.

In Columbia, the French seem rather inclined to place, after Bolivar, a Prince of the House of Orleans on the throne, and it does not seem unlikely that the Columbians may consider it their best arrangement.

The Emperor of Russia seems to be desirous of Peru, and the King of Prussia has, at his request, sent the Baron von Mueffling as his Minister to the Porte to mediate.

The Irish accounts are very bad. Lord F. Leveson seems now to think very seriously of the state of things. Doherty is come back much alarmed from Barris, where he has been with Blackie on a special commission.

July 28.

I recommended to the attention of the Chairs the establishment of steam communication with India by the Red Sea.

July 29.

Read precis relative to Kotah.

These precis will make me thoroughly acquainted with the history and circumstances of the Rajpoot States, which are by far more interesting than others.

There is a looseness and a vulgarity in the East India House writing, the literature of clerks which is quite disgusting. Our clerks write better than theirs, but they do not write concisely and correctly.

July 30.

Read Lord Heytesbury's letters. He is very Russian. They have certainly got the plague at Odessa, and in all the stations of the Russian army.

Met Peel at the Cabinet room. He said Ireland was in rather a better state. He agreed with me in thinking the Brunswickers were the cause of all the mischief. He believed the King had begged the Duke of Cumberland to stay, and that the Duchess was certainly coming over. They wish to attack the Ministry through the side of Ireland—to make a civil war rather than not turn out a Government.

He had written to the Duke suggesting that we ought to have a Cabinet respecting Ireland, and he thought the Duke would come to town on his letter.

August 1.

Had from Sir G. Murray papers relative to the Canada question, upon which he wishes to have the opinion of the Cabinet to-morrow. The immediate question is whether a Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature for altering the state of the representation shall be confirmed by the Crown.

The state of Canada is such that I am convinced we ought in prudence to place the revenue collected under the 14th Geo. II. at the disposal of the Chambers, retaining, as they are willing to retain, a fixed salary for the Government judges, independent of the annual vote.

Sunday, August 2.

Cabinet at 4. Irish question. Lord F. Leveson seems to be much alarmed. He wants to use the Bill of this year for the suppression of an expected meeting at Derry, which meeting is to be unarmed, sing songs, drink toasts, make speeches, and petition for a change of Ministers.

It was considered that the powers entrusted to Government by the Bill for the suppression of the Roman Catholic Association were never intended to be exercised for the putting down of such a meeting as that intended to be held at Derry. If the Brunswickers there come out of their houses and have a procession causing fear and threatening the peace, the common law can put them down. Care will be taken to have troops enough at Derry.

Lord F. Leveson likewise asks whether he shall proclaim martial law! Peel very properly asks him what martial law is. In fact it is the absence of all law—and can only be endured when a country is on the eve of rebellion or actually in rebellion. [Footnote: This was exactly the description given of it by Lord Beaconsfield with reference to Jamaica in 1866.]

It seems to me that Lord Francis is unequal to his situation. I wish we had Hardinge there. He would never go wrong.

Herries told me he thought, after reading the papers I had sent him, that there was more of care for the Company than he expected.

Peel has written a very good letter to Lord F. Gower, telling him that the first thing they must do is to establish an efficient police, to be paid for by Ireland—and of which the officers must be appointed by Government.

August 3.

Saw Hardinge. He has perfected a very excellent system in Ireland by which all the 30,000 pensioners are divided into districts, in each of which is a chief constable who pays them. If they move from one district to another they have a ticket, so that the residence and the movements of all are known. Of 30,000 about 10,000 are fit for duty. Blank orders are ready at the Castle, directing the march of these men upon five central points, where they would be incorporated with the regiments, so that in a few days the army could be reinforced by 10,000 men. There are others who are not very capable of doing anything but mischief if against us. These would be ordered to the garrisons.

I wish Hardinge was in Ireland instead of Lord Francis.

August 6.

Chairs at 11.

Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted, and successfully.

August 10.

The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of the Balkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force near Bourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enough not to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. Old Hussein never would have committed his fault.

R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.

Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were going to war with us.

August 11.

Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but an attache. They all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them quiet.

Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople. The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging the independence of the Greeks.

The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march on Adrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.

Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and judges from first appearances.

August 12.

A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum—that is, three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty miles of Erzeroum.

Wrote two letters to the Duke—one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the substance of the despatches which I enclosed.

We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body, incognito, to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.

Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of the Jaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.

The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.

August 13.

When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud, [Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lieven; the success of the Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted. It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do so alone.

He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet—if we did anything, she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour, at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.

As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into consideration. The former as to limits, the latter for delay. France had already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.

We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was to be submitted to? The answer was, No, to be opposed by war. It seemed to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.

I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to circumstances. It was replied that would be war. If war were to be declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt, not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us ridiculous.

As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the Turkish Empire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, for Constantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would be of no use to distress Russia.

Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance, we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.

It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any Power had a large force, we should have one—not a very wise principle, it seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed inclined to acquiesce.

Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me, 'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return before the Conference.'

I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think, Polignac might be brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting in keeping Stratford Canning.

We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was for adhering to the Morea. It was really the best line. It was what we had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.

Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and enable him to settle that question with eclat. He would then be supported by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.

However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at principles, at the minor objects rather than at the one great object, which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.

Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded in nothing.

The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and prudent.

It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should be dissolved, Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were only weakened, she would feel she suffered.

It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.

I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us—he would gradually let us down, not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke, occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.

Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the reports made to them.

August 19.

I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want the tanning, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them. He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and I have written to him.

August 22.

The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia is mine.

August 28.

The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation with Hardinge on Indian affairs.

August 29.

Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the 9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have saved Constantinople.

Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's and Mr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.

August 31.

Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz. Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.

The Sultan has acceded to the Treaty of London. This accession is qualified, but not in such a manner as to preclude negotiation. He has consented to treat with Russia, to give freedom to the navigation of the Black Sea, and to observe the Treaty of Akerman—but he stipulates for the integrity of the Ottoman dominions in Europe and Asia. He has not, however, sent Plenipotentiaries.

General Muffling, the Prussian, is arrived at Constantinople. He reports the moderate views of the Emperor Nicholas, and states them.

The French Government, from the information it derived from its Minister at Berlin, has instructed Count Guilleminot to declare to the Turks the terms on which Russia will make peace. Russia requires the execution of the Treaty of Akerman—indemnity—(but moderate) for the expenses of the war and the losses sustained by her commerce, for which indemnity, as it seems, she is willing to take Anapa.

She requires the free navigation of the Dardanelles for all nations. This cession to be secured by treaty, not by territorial occupation.

The terms of the Turks are not very dissimilar; but as Count Diebitch has orders to advance till preliminaries are signed, a catastrophe may take place still.

Mr. Gordon managed to get a paper into the Sultan's own hands, which may have led in some measure to this result. He naturally gave credit to the information contained in the Despatches of Count Guilleminot, but the French Government have no authority for their opinion as to the terms on which Russia will make peace. No communication to that effect has been made officially to them.

The French and Russian Ministers at the Conference said they could not act on Mr. Gordon's letter, which is as yet uncorroborated by Count Guilleminot. They could not yet act as if Turkey had acceded to the Treaty of London.

The Russians would now declare the independence of Greece within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta, and they wanted Aberdeen to take that instead of the treaty. He thought he could get them to declare the independence of Greece within the Morea—that they would be satisfied with that, and that, if they would, we had better secure that for the Turks now, than run the risk of the event of war and of the extension which might be given to the terms which might be forced upon them under the Treaty of London.

However, even admitting that the Russians would be content with the independence of Greece within the Morea (with Attica, [Footnote: Attica was still held by the Turks, having been reconquered after its first occupation by the Greeks.] by-the-bye), it was the opinion of the Duke and of every one (but Aberdeen) that it would neither be generous nor honourable to force upon the Turks in their distress terms which they, attaching much value to the suzerainete, might think less favourable than what they might obtain under the Treaty of London, and that we should be drawing ourselves into the embarrassment of what would be practically a new treaty at the moment that we were beginning to entertain hopes of getting out of that which had so long harassed us.

Upon the whole, I think the aspect of Eastern affairs is better than it has been since we have been a Government.

Diebitch is said to have 35,000 men, and a reserve of 40,000. I doubt the reserve being so strong. The 15,000 from Sebastopol have joined.

Paskewitz is made Grand Cross of St. George.

Diebitch will be so, of course.

The King, Peel said, is very blind. He has lost the sight of one eye. The Duke said when he was at Windsor last, the King was particularly civil to him, and Peel and the Duke were both of opinion that the King would be most cordial with the Government if the Duke of Cumberland were away, and was now more so than could be expected under his influence.

Aberdeen seems to have written the letter to Stuart, and Stuart to have communicated it to Prince Polignac. Stuart's idea is that Polignac has had too much to do in fixing himself to think much of foreign politics. He expressed himself, however, disposed to consult with England as to the measures which should be adopted if Russia should break her engagements.

Several representations have been made to France for the withdrawing of the French troops from the Morea—but hitherto without effect. These troops keep the country quiet, and enable the whole force of the Greek State to act offensively. Thus, assisted by French and Russian money, the Greeks have acquired possession of everything within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta, except the Island of Negropont.

September 1, 1829.

Read with attention a paper of Courtney's on Leach's observations. Wrote some memoranda upon it, which I shall send with it to the Duke, when I have got from Shepheard a statement of the benefit derived by the territory from the fixed rate of exchange. It is a valuable paper. I have written to thank him for it, and to ask him to give me the result of his considerations on the mode of transferring the Government of India from the Company to the King, without materially increasing the patronage of the Crown; and likewise the view he takes of the alterations it would be desirable to introduce, if the Company should continue to govern India, in the powers of the Board of Control and in its relations with the Court.

September 3.

The Directors are much afraid of the Russians. So am I, and the Russians begin to threaten us. They hint that they have open to them the route to Bagdad, and they announce the presence in Petersburg of an Afghan Chief, and of Ambassadors from Runjeet Singh.

I feel confident we shall have to fight the Russians on the Indus, and I have long had a presentiment that I should meet them there, and gain a great battle. All dreams, but I have had them a long time.

I have some idea of a secret letter to Bombay, directing the Government to take possession of the Island of Karak, [Footnote: A small island in the Persian Gulf to the north-west of Bushire.] and of any other tenable point to seal the Euphrates, in the event of the Russians moving down.

Loch wants to dethrone Runjeet Singh!

September 4, 1829.

Saw Colonel Willoughby Cotton, who commanded en second in Ava. He has lately visited, as Adjutant-General of King's troops, all the stations of the army in Bengal. He says no army can be in finer order. Lord Combermere has weeded all the old men. The regiments manoeuvre beautifully.

Lord C. wishes to have two King's regiments cantoned under the Himalaya Mountains, where the climate is as good as in England.

Runjeet Singh has conquered Cabul and Cashmere. He has French officers at the head of his infantry and cavalry, and about five others. His artillery he keeps under his own family. He has of regular troops 30,000 infantry, and 10,000 cavalry, about eighty guns. All these easily assembled near the capital.

He is old, and when he dies his two sons are likely to quarrel and call us in.

The two ex-Kings of Cabul are living at Ludeana on pensions. Zemaun Shah, the blind King, and his brother, who was King in Mr. Elphinstone's time.

Colonel Cotton speaks most highly of the Madras troops. They are more disposable than the Bengal troops, more free from prejudice of caste.

He regrets the reduction of the bodyguard which conducted itself nobly in Ava. I like a guard, and I would have an infantry as well as a cavalry guard, to be formed by picked men.

Colonel Willoughby Cotton says Colonel Skinner is about 55. His son is a merchant, and goes every year into Cashmere for shawls. Skinner has still about 1,300 men, and is quartered not far from Delhi. His people fire the matchlock over the arm at full gallop, and with correct aim. They strike a tent-peg out of the ground with their lances.

September 5.

Received an answer from the Duke. He thinks the question of the six regiments begins to be serious, as the Court throw upon the Government the responsibility of running the risk of a mutiny in the army—desires to see the paper, which I have sent him, and says it must go to the Cabinet.

I feel satisfied I am right. If the Cabinet give in to the Court, they weaken my hands so much that I shall be unable to effect any great reform. They make the Directors the real Ministers of India, and almost emancipate the Indian Government. So I told the Duke in my letter.

September 7.

Office. Saw Sir A. Campbell. He came to offer himself for a command in India. I spoke to him of his papers respecting war with the Burmese. He says large boats carrying 100 men could go up to Aeng, the troops need not land at Ramree. He was never an advocate for a diversion at Rangoon, and thinks they make too much fuss about the frontier of Munnipore.

Saw a Mr. Cotton, for a long time collector of Tanjore. He is against introducing the Ryotwaree settlement into that country, and by his account it seems very ill adapted to it, for according to him the Murassidars are there really proprietors, and with them the settlement is now made for the village.

I sent for him to tell me about the iron I had understood to be in the neighbourhood of Tanjore; but there is none, it is at Satara. He seems a sensible man, and I must see him again.

The Turks seem to have endeavoured to back out of their accession to the Treaty of London, or rather to clog it with insuperable objections. But Mr. Gordon has brought them back again, and on August 12 all was right, but no Plenipotentiaries sent. The Russians were said to be moving on Adrianople. They had not above 35,000 men. There is a very bad account from Smyrna of the state of the population in Asia. In fact the Duke of Wellington's prediction is fulfilled. The Turkish Empire is breaking to pieces. By Lord Heytesbury's account the Russians are very desirous of peace, and very apprehensive that a popular tumult may put an end to the Sultan. It is impossible to see the end of the calamities which would occur, complicated as they would be, if such an event as the dissolution of the Turkish Empire took place.

The new French Ministry is changing the municipalities. They hope to succeed at the next elections. Lord Stuart considers M. de la Bourdonnaye as the real head.

Polignac very prudently rests on his oars as to Greece, and properly observes it is idle to make protocols here when the march of events may have altogether changed the state of things before the protocols arrive.

September 8.

Office at 11. Went to the Duke. He read to me a long letter he had written on the question of the six regiments, in which he entered at length into the state of the Indian army such as he knows it to be, and concludes in favour of a revision of the line I had adopted with his approbation. He said the Government of India was wrong—every line of the proposed letter abstractedly right; but there was to be considered the expediency of writing it.

I have written a letter to Lord W. Bentinck, stating confidentially the grounds of the change of opinion as to the disbanding of the six extra regiments. I added, 'However, such an event will not happen in your time, nor I hope in mine,' or something to that effect.

September 11.

Chairs at 11. Read to them the Duke's letter on the six regiments. Told them I had written a private letter to Lord William to relieve his mind from the censure intended for former Governments (a very small portion of which is chargeable on him), and to caution him against similar errors. Gave them the alteration I had intended to make in the draft respecting pensions granted to King's soldiers enlisted into their army. They will consider it.

September 14.

Read the papers containing the correspondence with the local Governments respecting the provision of stores in India. It is hardly credible, yet it is true, that till within these few years the Medical Board indented upon England for drugs which were produced in India! From Madras as late at 1827 they indented for file handles and blacksmiths' tongs! From Bombay in 1826 for wooden canteens and triangles! It is evident the local Governments have never displayed any energy.

September 16.

Received from the Duke his ideas on the subject of a campaign against Ava. He would hold the great Dagon Temple at Rangoon, but only for the purpose of having vessels in the river to co-operate with the army.

September 17.

To-day has been an idle day. I have done nothing; but I have taken exercise, and so acquired health, without which I cannot do business.

September 20.

Met Mr. Conyngham of the Foreign Office. He told me the Turks were ready to make the required concessions. Of the disposition of the Russians nothing seems known. R. Gordon has of his own authority ordered up Sir Pulteney Malcolm from Vourla to the Dardanelles. I suppose to carry away Englishmen and their property in the event of an insurrection or of some terrible catastrophe at Constantinople.

Lord Stuart, as I suspected, gives no opinion as to the probable result of the political contest in France.

I had a letter from the Duke respecting half-Batta.

September 24.

Cabinet room. Read all the letters from Petersburg, Paris, Berlin, and Constantinople during the last fortnight, and the despatches sent during the last month.

R. Gordon seems to have done very well. He and Guilleminot have acted cordially together, and when they had induced the Porte to consent to make peace on the terms prescribed by the Russians, Gordon managed very prudently to get General Muffling to send his secretary to the Russian head-quarters with the Turkish Plenipotentiaries. Muffling would have gone with them to the Reis Effendi had he been well enough; as it was, he sent his secretary, who afterwards went to the Russian head-quarters and was thus enabled to state distinctly what had passed in the conference held with the Effendi. I think it very possible that without the intervention of the Prussian Minister, who was known to be acquainted with the feelings of the Emperor, General Diebitch would not have agreed to an armistice. The armistice seems to have been made on August 29. We know of it from Seymour at Berlin.

Polignac seems excellently well disposed. He would act cordially with us if he dared. At present he is obliged to cover all he does under the instructions given to Guilleminot by his predecessor under a different state of things, before the great Russian successes. He talks of a Congress of the Powers interested, and of a joint declaration if Russia should not adhere to her promise.

Russia may be kept to her promises by the fear of a revolutionary movement in France. The French Opposition desire the success of the Russians, the dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and the occupation of the Dardanelles by the Emperor Nicholas, because they know that such events would lead to a sotto sopra in Europe, a general scramble in which they would get the Rhine as their boundary. Generally, I have no doubt, young France wishes for confusion.

Austria is alarmed and would do nothing. The Prussians hold that the existence of the Ottoman Empire is not essential to the balance of power (that is, some of them do), and they would be glad to see Austria and Russia divide Turkey, Prussia having her compensation in Germany. However, Muffling, going rather beyond his instructions, has been made to do good.

I think all things tend to the preservation of peace if there should be no explosion at Constantinople or in France. The Ottoman Empire seems, however, to be falling to pieces. The Government has been so oppressive that the people will not fight for it. The Sultan has but 4,000 troops, and it is said the appearance of 10,000 Russians would lead to the capture of Constantinople.

Diebitch seems to dread the catastrophe which might ensue, and the ambassadors have placed before him in strong terms the fatal consequences of an explosion at Constantinople.

I must say R. Gordon has done ably and well.

The rascally Russians have been intriguing with our Ionian subjects, and Aberdeen has written a very strong letter to Lord Heytesbury on the subject.

Polignac, desirous as he is of withdrawing the French troops altogether from the Morea, is at present afraid of doing so.

Aberdeen told me things were not going on well here. The King has quite lost the sight of one eye, and the sight of the other is indistinct. It gives him pain, too, and the fear of blindness makes him nervous. The Duke of Cumberland is always about him, as mischievous as ever, but pretending not to be hostile.

The Duke of Wellington gives the King up as a bad job. He sees him very seldom. At first he liked seeing him and setting things to rights; but he says he found what he did one day was undone the next, and he is in despair. The King has no constancy. There is no depending upon him from one day to another.

Aberdeen says the accession of Rosslyn has not produced the effect we anticipated—that Lord Grey is very hostile. What we shall do for a majority next session I know not, but I think we shall stand, [Footnote: This might have been but for the events on the Continent in the year following, which formed a new starting-point in the politics of a large part of Europe.] although we shall not, I fear, be a strong Government. The Catholic Relief Bill has destroyed our unity and the spirit of party. It has likewise destroyed that of the Opposition, who have no longer any rallying point. Thus the formation of a strong Government is difficult. The Brunswickers cannot form one, and the King cannot be persuaded to make one out of the Opposition. Indeed, that the Duke of Cumberland would never advise. The Brunswickers will endeavour to make terms with us as a body—to make martyrs of some of the old Protestants, particularly of the Duke and Peel, and placing themselves at the head to go on as well as they could with the rest of us. This will not do.

September 26.

The Chairs, or rather the Court, somewhat impertinently object to the addition I made to a recent draft, recommending an enquiry by practical and scientific men as to the powers India may possess of producing many articles of stores now sent from England. They say this is liable to misconstruction, and then misconstrue it themselves. They suppose these practical men, not being servants of the Company, to sit in judgment upon the proceedings of the military Board. I have corrected their intentional misconstruction, and have acquiesced in the substitution of a draft they propose to send instead, which will, I hope, practically effect my object, and therefore I have said we are willing our object should be attained in the manner most agreeable to the Court of Directors.

It is very lucky I had just sent them my letter about stores. It will appear to be written subsequently to theirs. They think to humbug and to bully me. They will find both difficult.

September 30.

Read the collection respecting the health of the King's troops. It is incredible to me that so many things should remain to be done—nothing seems to have been done that ought to have been done. I fear our finances make the building of new barracks impossible at present. We could not build proper barracks for all the European troops in India much under a million. Still much may be done for their health.

October 5.

Arrived in London at 3. To the Cabinet room, where I found Lord Bathurst, come up to town for Seymour Bathurst's [Footnote: Hon. Seymour Bathurst, fourth son of third Earl Bathurst, married October 6, 1829, Julia, daughter of John Peter Hankey, Esq.] marriage, and afterwards Fitzgerald came in.

Fitzgerald was a fortnight in Ireland, and gives a bad account of it.

A letter from Metternich says peace was actually signed. Sir E. Gordon's despatches give every reason to expect it soon would be. The peace cannot last. I am inclined to think it would have been better for the Russians to have occupied Constantinople, and for the Ottoman Empire to have been overthrown that we might have known at once where we were, than to have had such a peace as this. It is practically present occupation (for a year) of more than they now hold, for they are to have the fortresses ceded to them. They exact 750,000L for the pretended losses of their merchants, and five millions for themselves. The indemnity to the merchants to be paid by three instalments. On the payment of the first, Adrianople and a few places on the coast to be given up. On the payment of the second everything to the Balkan, and on the third Bulgaria. These payments occupy a year.

The five millions are to be paid in ten years, or sooner if the Turks can manage it. The Principalities to be occupied till the payment. The Turks to confirm the Government established during the ten years, and not to impose any taxes for two years more.

All the fortresses on the left bank to be destroyed. None of the islands to belong to Turkey. No Turk to enter the principalities. The princes to be for life. All payments in kind from the Principalities to cease, and instead the Turks and the princes to agree upon a compensation! It is unnecessary to go through the other articles relative to the Principalities. The treaty contains a real cession of them to Russia.

The terms as to the navigation of merchantmen, their not being searched in a Turkish port, the refusal of acquiescence in the demands of the Russian Minister where any injury is pretended to have been done to a Russian, to be just ground for reprisal, &c., are of a nature intolerable to an independent Power, and not to be carried into execution.

On the side of Asia everything is ceded that can enable Russia to attack either Turkey or Persia with advantage.

The terms imposed with regard to indemnities are extravagant and altogether contrary to all the Emperor's promises. He has not deceived us; but he has lied to us most foully. Sir R. Gordon seems to have done all that could be done. Perhaps he has saved Constantinople from conflagration, and the Empire from dissolution. He has managed to settle the Greek question, Turkey consenting to everything the allies may determine under the protocol of March 22. Sir R. Gordon has taken upon himself to order up the English ships, and Guilleminot has ordered up the French ships, but they were still at Smyrna when the dispatch came away. These ships, it is hoped, may be some check on the Russians, and ostensibly they only go up to Constantinople to save Christians. However, if the Russians advance they will probably lead the Turks to fight. Gordon and Guilleminot have very properly told the Sultan they will remain by him in any case.

The Turks declare the terms are, as regards payment, such as they have really no means of complying with. The allies will make representations to Petersburg to obtain a relaxation of these conditions.

In the meantime, while this was doing at Constantinople, Lord Heytesbury was asking Nesselrode what the terms he intended to propose were, and Nesselrode would not tell him. Lord Heytesbury's despatch and Gordon's are both dated on September 10. The 12th was to be the day of signature. Lord Stuart by Aberdeen's directions has been pressing Polignac very hard to withdraw the French troops from the Morea, and Polignac has been obliged to plead the weakness of his Government, and to put off Lord Stuart by referring it to the Conference. I should say from what the papers show of Polignac that he will not stand. I do not know what his antagonists may be, but he is evidently not a powerful man.

A Liberal told Fitzgerald their object was now in France to make the King of the Netherlands King of France, and give Holland to Prussia, taking Belgium and everything to the Rhine to themselves.

I should say things looked ill everywhere, and unless we can make the Emperor of Russia fear a convulsion in France, and determine to recede from some of his stipulations with Turkey to satisfy the rest of Europe, we shall have war, and war under the most unfavourable circumstances—that is, if Austria be not as pusillanimous as she may be weak, for she ought never to consent to the establishment of the Russians on the Danube.

The only line for the Turks to pursue is to promise everything; to endeavour to perform everything, and to withdraw to Asia, leaving the rest of Europe to settle who shall have Constantinople. Now they could not do that, as they are too weak; but six months hence they may.

We dine with the Duke on Wednesday—and shall then, I suppose, determine what we are to do.

October 7.

Cabinet at 3. All present except Lord Melville.

Aberdeen read a paper he had written before the peace was known, the object of which was to show that the Ottoman Empire was dissolved, and that it could not be reconstituted; that our views with regard to Greece should now change with circumstances, and that we should endeavour to make it a substantive state. To Turkey it could no longer signify whether Greece had a more extended or more limited line of frontier, and our desire should be to place a fit man upon the throne. France is willing to propose in the Conference that to Turkey should be offered the alternative of a Greece with extended limits under Suzerainete, &c., according to the Protocol of March 22, or a Greece with narrower limits, entirely independent.

The Duke said we must first have satisfaction for the insertion of the Article in the treaty of peace which bound Turkey to the Protocol of March 22; Russia, as a party to the Treaty of London, having no right to settle that treaty herself. Next, we should insist on an armistice between the Greeks and Turks.

We must recollect that Turkey had bound herself to acquiesce in the decision of the Conference upon the Greek Treaty—that is, to defer to our mediation. Could we, as mediators, propose to Turkey to cede Attica, Negropont, and other possessions she now holds? and would we willingly bring the frontiers of the Greek state into contact with our Ionian Islands?

If Greece were to have a sovereign, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg would be the best man for us—Austria would prefer him. France admitted that the wishes of Austria ought to be consulted.

France, however, rather wished for Prince Charles of Bavaria. Russia for a Duke of Saxe-Weimar.

Aberdeen seemed to think there would be no great difficulty in carrying our point, and having Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg.

Peel said he thought we could not allow a treaty such as that signed by Turkey to pass without a remonstrance on our part. We referred to a letter of Dudley's, and to Aberdeen's recent instruction to Lord Heytesbury, and likewise to the various declarations of moderation put forth by the Emperor Nicholas. Several ways were started of expressing our opinion—a sort of circular to the Powers which signed the Treaty of the Congress—a declaration to Parliament.

The Duke suggested a remonstrance to the Emperor Nicholas to be communicated in the first instance only to Russia.

This seems likely to be adopted, but we are to have another Cabinet to- morrow.

In whatever we do we must endeavour to keep Austria out of the scrape, for there is nothing the Russians would like so much as the opportunity of marching to Vienna.

Not only it would be romantic for us alone to go to war to maintain the balance of power, but it would, in this case, be absurd indeed, for, if our armies had driven the Russians out of Turkey, we could not reconstitute the Turkish Empire. It is dissolved in its own weakness.

Great dissatisfaction was expressed, and justly, at the conduct of Lord Heytesbury, who has been humbugged by the Russians all along.

The King has run up a bill of 4,000L for clothes in six months. All the offices of the Household, except the Chamberlain's, which has 1,900L in hand, are falling into arrear, and if there should be an arrear upon the whole civil list, it must come before Parliament.

Fitzgerald gives a very bad account of trade generally.

The King does not like us better than he did, and the Duke of Cumberland means to keep his son in England, and educate him here, taking the 6,000L a year. He wants to drive the Government to make him Viceroy of Hanover.

The Cabinet dined with the Duke.

October 8.

Cabinet at 3. A great deal of conversation of which the result was that a remonstrance should be made to Russia on the subject of the terms of the peace. This remonstrance will temperately but strongly, more by statement of facts than by observations, show that the peace is not such as the Emperor had given us reason to expect he would require, and that it in reality threatens the existence of the Turkish Empire; that the destruction of that Empire would seriously affect the peace of Europe by changing the relative position of the several States.

Aberdeen wants a guarantee of the territorial possessions of Turkey, not of its Government. [Footnote: It is observable that this guarantee seems to have said nothing of the internal system of government, and so far to have been unconditional. It would therefore have gone considerably beyond the Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1878. It would also have applied to Europe as well as Asia. It is a commentary on the statement of Mr. Gladstone, in later days a colleague of Lord Aberdeen, that no statesman whom he had known in former times would ever have listened to the idea of such an engagement.] I think no one seems much inclined to agree with him. Such a guarantee would impose obligations without conferring rights upon us. It would be a guarantee which would give rise to infinite complications, and which would embarrass us very much.

Without a guarantee we may succeed in bringing the great States to an understanding that the distribution of the Turkish territories, in the event of the falling to pieces of that State, must be a subject for the decision of a Congress.

Austria has expressed herself very frankly. She is ready to do anything. She sees the danger and desires to know our view of it. The real view of France does not seem to be very different; but there is no dependence to be placed upon a Government trembling for its life. Prussia will be satisfied with the peace. Her sovereign is very weak, and the Prussians think their interest is served by the progress of Russia in a direction contrary to them, and in which she menaces Austria.

The smuggling case is said to tell against Lord Stuart. He writes unintelligibly, and the French will not trust him—so I shall not be sorry if we can get rid of him.

With Lord Heytesbury we are all dissatisfied, and have been from the beginning. There is a Council on Monday, and we have a Cabinet on Sunday at 3, when we are to hear Aberdeen's letter, and may probably have the Treaty.

There seems a determination to effect an armistice by force if the Conference will not order it in Greece.

We have nine good ships there. The Russians seven bad ones, and the French two.

Before the Conference can proceed the 10th Article of the Treaty of Peace must be declared non avenu—that which obliges the Porte to accept the Protocol of March 22—all negotiation upon that Protocol having been committed by Russia to the French and English Ambassadors, and it having been expressly reserved to the Porte by us, that her objections should be fairly weighed.

The French have taken advantage of the peace to order their troops home from the Morea.

October 9.

Read many of the Protocols of the early Conferences after the Russian, declaration of war. I shall to-morrow read these again carefully and sketch my State paper.

If I was in opposition I should describe the details relative to the Principalities, as showing the moderation of the thief who would stipulate that men should sleep with their doors open, till they have ransomed themselves by paying their uttermost farthing.

October 10.

Received a letter from Sir J. Malcolm. He seems pleased with the secret dispatches relative to Persia and the Pacha of Bagdad. He seems upon the whole very much gratified, and very grateful.

He strongly presses the appointment of an Indian as his successor, and mentions Sir Ch. Metcalfe and Jenkins. He likewise mentions a Mr. Chaplin, of whom I never heard. I take Jenkins to be a cleverer man than Sir Ch. Metcalfe, [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Metcalfe.] who rather disappoints me.

Had three letters by Petersburg from Colonel McDonald, the last dated in August. The Persians, thoroughly alarmed, are doing all they can to satisfy the Emperor Nicholas by punishing the persons engaged in the massacre of the Russian mission; but they had an insurrection to quell on banishing the High Priest, who was at the head of all. As they conclude all the bad characters had a hand in it they mean to take the opportunity of punishing them. Paskewitz is said to have from 20,000 to 22,000 men—to have sustained no loss in the late engagements, but to suffer from the plague. At Erzeroum the Mahometans are not only satisfied, but well pleased. The Government of a Russian general is better than that of a Turkish Pasha.

The Prince Abbas Mirza is at last doing something towards making an army. Major Hart, alone, however, keeps it together. The troops are as yet ill- armed, but they have their pay. McDonald thinks the King not likely to live long. He wants a cypher.

October 11, Sunday.

Came up from Worthing to a Cabinet. Before we met read the last letters from Lord Heytesbury, which show a degree of infatuation respecting the Russians, which is quite wonderful.

Before we began to talk Rothschild called out the Duke of Wellington, and offered at once all the money to pay the Russian Indemnity. He said he only wanted the guarantee of England!

If the Russians remained in the Principalities there would be a general war.

Irvine, an English loan jobber, saw the Duke yesterday with the same offer.

The joke is that Rothschild is to pay the money for the Turks, and to be made King of Jerusalem.

Aberdeen began by begging we would first settle the Greek question. He brought a paper the Russians were willing to deliver in containing a sort of apology for the 10th Article, and declaring that it by no means interfered with the powers of the Conference. We took a great deal of time in considering whether we should not suggest some alteration in this paper—some is to be proposed—not very essential.

We had a long discussion as to the name of the new State. At last it seemed to be thought 'Sovereign Prince of Greece' was the best. Aberdeen thinks he shall have little difficulty about the Prince. The Russians agree to the description given; but I dare say they imagine we mean to describe a different man. I suspect they think we want to give them Leopold.

Aberdeen read a letter he proposed sending to Lord Stuart, the purport of which was that we wanted to know what he meant to do towards redeeming France from the responsibility she had incurred and made us incur by giving instructions to Count Guilleminot, stating the terms of peace and the moderation of the Emperor—instructions which misled our Ambassador, and induced the two Ambassadors to give assurances to the Porte which events proved to be unfounded.

The letter, I think, likewise desired him to enquire in what form our joint representations as to the amount of the indemnity were to be made. To these the Ambassadors have pledged the two Cabinets.

There was a great deal more in the letter which is to be left out. It went into the details of the treaty, or rather of its effects.

The offer is to be made to the Turks of an independent Greece, from the Gulf of Volo to Missolonghi, or of a Greece under Suzerainete, with Negropont, and the line from Volo to the Gulf of Arta.

I think we are all agreed that at the commencement of the war it was our interest to take as little as possible from Turkey—that now it is our interest to make Greece a substantive State, which may hereafter receive the debris of the Ottoman Empire. [Footnote: This may explain the apparently illiberal views of many of the Cabinet as to the Greek boundaries. They saw the difficulty of any halting place outside the Isthmus of Corinth, short of a wider boundary even than that ultimately adopted.]

As to the really important matter, the remonstrance to Russia, nothing was done. Nothing is, I conclude, written, and Aberdeen does not like Cabinet criticism, nor do I think the Cabinet at all agreed as to what should be said. Dudley's letters used to occupy us for days, and certainly they were the better for it—although we lost a good deal of time occasionally.

Aberdeen said he would send it to me. I think I shall write an esquisse myself. We are to have no more Cabinets for some time. The Chancellor wishes to have the remaining fortnight of his holidays uninterrupted.

October 12.

Went to town at quarter-past one. To the Foreign Office. The treaty arrived last night. Lord Aberdeen took it with him to Windsor. It differs materially from the projet. The Articles respecting indemnity are relegues to a separate transaction. The payment of 100,000 ducats is to lead to the evacuation of Adrianople; 400,000 form the next payment, then 500,000, and 500,000, making the sum originally demanded for individual losses; but, as I understand Mr. Backhouse, eighteen months must elapse before Turkey can be evacuated to the Danube. I had much conversation with him as to other points. On looking into the Act of the Congress I find the Powers adhering to it may be considered as binding themselves not to disturb the territorial arrangements that Act establishes; but they are not bound to maintain them. Thus if France appropriated to herself Spain, she would violate the treaty, but no Power signing the treaty would be obliged, by virtue of that Act, to make war upon France for doing so.

That the general treaty contains no guarantee is evident from the specific guarantee of the cessions made by Saxony to Prussia, which would have been unnecessary if the spirit of the treaty had been that of existent guarantee.

October 13.

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. Read the treaty.

The King was very well yesterday. The Recorder's Report was so long that half was deferred.

The last dispatches from Persia, which arrived on Friday, were opened at the Foreign Office, and read by everybody. Aberdeen sent them to the Duke, who has probably taken them to Walmer in his carriage. The Chairs sent for them, and could not get them. I must put a stop to this. I have written to Lord Heytesbury to beg he will in future forward letters to their address.

Wrote a 'proposed draft' to Lord Heytesbury, directing him, if he should have reason to think the Russians intend to exact further concession from Persia, to intimate that such an attempt will be considered by his Majesty as unfriendly to himself as an Asiatic Power. I doubt my getting the Duke to agree to the sending of this despatch; but I shall try.

October 14.

Carried my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury to Aberdeen, who agrees to send it with a trifling alteration, at least one not very important. Read to him my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury on the Peace of Adrianople. He seemed to approve of great part of it. He has done nothing at his yet, and seems to think there is no hurry!

We shall stand very ill in Parliament if we have nothing to show. I think mine is a good cadre of a letter, but that specific instructions should be given to Lord Heytesbury as to what he shall endeavour to obtain in a separate despatch.

Read my drafts to Lord Rosslyn after dinner. He seemed to think the view I took was the right, and that much of what I had written was very good, but that it might be shortened. So I think.

October 15.

Henry copied the draft to Lord Heytesbury, for the Duke, to whom I sent it with a letter.

Showed the Chairs the draft to Lord Heytesbury on Persia. They were much pleased with it. So was old Jones. Sent it to the Duke. In little doubt his approving it.

Received from the Duke the Persian despatches which I gave to the Chairs. The Duke had not read them.

Received from him a letter on the subject of half-Batta. He says as an officer he should have thought there was a compromise in 1801. That it should be looked into as a question of economy. That above all things in dealing with an army you must be just.

The Duke thinks the publication of the letter of Lord Combermere's secretary indiscreet and wicked, and is very angry with Lord Combermere.

A letter will be written to the Government on the subject, directing enquiry.

October 19, Sunday.

Read McDonald's despatches from Persia, and sent them to the Duke, with a letter suggesting the heads of a letter to the Envoy.

The Russians have given up one of the two crores due, and allow five years for paying the other. They mean, therefore, to rule Persia by influence. However, there is a good Mahometan and Anti-Russian feeling beyond the Euphrates, and if mischief happens, it is our fault.

Received a letter from Hardinge respecting half-Batta. He is for standing firm and giving some general boon, as an addition to marching money, to the whole army. That is my idea. I am sure it is the safest course.

Wrote to Loch, suggesting it, and at the same time advised him to answer the paragraphs respecting half-Batta, and not give misrepresentations too much head.

October 20.

Two letters from the Duke, written very hastily. It is evident he did not like my making a sketch of a letter to Lord Heytesbury, and that he does not like any difference of opinion as to the Batta question.

On the first point I still think I was right. He mentions some ideas of Russia ordering Diebitch across the Balkan, and even the Danube, of her giving up the Principalities, &c. In short he says all we know is that there is a peace—we do not know what it is—and it would be ridiculous to remonstrate against we know not what.

My draft was written before these reports were spread; and I only, from anxiety to have the despatch well written and soon, sketched what I thought would do.

As to the reports, I have told Aberdeen I cannot believe Russia has on a sudden ceased to be ambitious, or to use perfidy as a mode of accomplishing ambitious ends. She may give out she will make these changes—she may make some—but her object is to prevent all combination on the part of Austria, France, and England. If we do not remonstrate against what is signed, we shall lose all credit, if that which is executed should be comparatively favourable, and we shall incur great blame if no relaxation takes place. A remonstrance might be so worded as to do no harm to Turkey or to Europe, and to do good to us.

The Duke's other letter was on the Batta question, upon which he does not like contradiction, yet I think his course would lead to continued demands on the part of all the armies. I have told him I shall be in town to see the Chairs on Saturday, and will try to see him on Friday, and, if he wishes, bring the Chairs to him on Saturday.

October 21.

Received a long confused letter from Fitzgerald upon my project of a draft to Lord Heytesbury. He was at Sudborn, [Footnote: Seat of Lord Hertford, in Suffolk] where the Duke was. The Duke was not so much inclined to think the Russians would make any considerable concessions as Aberdeen, but he thought, and had made Fitzgerald think, it would be premature to remonstrate. I have written to Fitzgerald and told him my opinion more at length than I told Aberdeen yesterday.

October 23.

Cabinet room. Read the despatches from Petersburg and Paris. All the hints of the Emperor of Russia's intention of not retaining his army in Turkey come through Paris, Nesselrode having on September 29 spoken thus specifically to the Duke de Mortemart, and merely talked about taking less money and making some change in the guarantees to Lord Heytesbury. I did not see Aberdeen, who was engaged with the Spanish Minister.

I do not depart from my original idea that Russia does all this to gain time, and with as much perfidy as she has shown throughout.

Polignac would take a loyal view if he durst.

I cannot see the Duke till Monday, as he does not return to London till Sunday evening.

I saw Hardinge and had a long talk with him about Batta, &c.

October 24.

Chairs at 11.

The Chairs say the Court have the matter entirely in their hands as to Batta. They wish to have the opinion of the Cabinet, and to be governed by that. I have written to the Duke to tell him so.

I am glad there is to be a Cabinet, because I think a Cabinet will take a more popular view of the question than the Duke, and, as I think, a juster view. I am for standing firm.

The Duke's letter on Persian affairs arrived while I was with the Chairs. I read it to them. The Duke suggests that McDonald should raise his escort in Persia—an excellent idea. He objects to Major Hart having an assignment of land. He thinks Willock may be recalled. The officers not; but if the prince will pay them, so much the better. I think the Duke may be right as to the assignments of land. Upon all the other points I entirely agree with him. Read last night a letter of Lushington's, or rather a minute, which shows he is determined to remain.

Cabinet room. Cunningham came in and showed me a draft of Aberdeen's to our Minister in Spain on the recognition by Spain of Don Miguel—finding excuses for Spain, and saying we cannot do it. What I saw was the brouillon which had been sent to the Duke. It had his observations in pencil, and it seems Aberdeen sends all his proposed despatches to him and alters them at his suggestion. Certainly Aberdeen, left to himself, would be a very incautious writer.

October 26.

Office early. Saw Captain Hanchett on the subject of the navigation of the Red Sea. He was there two years and a half. He says in going in you should make Aden and wait there for a wind. Water can be had there. Avoid Mocha, where the anchorage is dangerous and the water bad, and go to the Island of Cameran, then straight up in mid channel. All the dangers are visible, and in the mid channel there are none. Cosseir a good little harbour, the danger is going up to Suez; but that easy for a steamer. He worked with topgallant sails against the north-west monsoon. There is a breeze along shore at all times. The danger has been occasioned by the timid sailing of the Arabs, who always hug the shore, and anchor at night.

October 27.

I omitted yesterday to mention that at the Foreign Office I saw some despatches just received from Sir R. Gordon. I think the date of the first was October 2. He had the day before at last got the Turks to ratify the treaty, but it seems there was a hitch, and until the ratification the officers did not set off to stop hostilities in Asia. A Pasha had advanced on Philippopoli and General Geismar on Sophia. Diebitch threatened to advance on Constantinople. However, the day after he wrote his threatening letter he must have received the ratifications. The Sultan is very anxious to get the Egyptian fleet to Constantinople, probably as a pledge for the allegiance of the Pasha, and to show his greatest vassal obeys him. The Turks say it is the moral effect of the presence of the fleet on their own subjects that they want, that they have no idea of not acting faithfully. Sir R. Gordon assures me they mean to preserve the peace and must.

He has written the representation the Turkish ambassador is to present to the Emperor. It would be a good remonstrance for us, but it is not a good one for the Turks. It is very well written, but it is quite European in its style, and the Russians will at once know, as I did, the author.

The Turks intended to send a splendid embassy to Petersburg, and Halil Pasha, once the slave of the Seraskier, now the Sultan's son-in-law, was to have been the ambassador. He is their least officer. However, Diebitch tells them they must not send it till they have the Emperor's consent. The Turks have ready the first 100,000 ducats, to get the Russians out of Adrianople.

I should say from these despatches that things do not look peaceful.

October 28.

Had a letter yesterday from Mr. Elphinstone on Nazarre. It appears to be a fine on descents, &c., of Jaghire lands. I think his opinion will be different from Sir J. Malcolm's—the latter wishing to make the Jaghires hereditary, or rather to give a fee simple interest to the actual proprietor. Mr. Elphinstone, on the contrary, thinking they should be resumed on death without heirs.

October 29.

Read a work just published by Colonel de Lacy Evans, on the practicability of a Russian invasion of India. The route would be first to China, across a desert from the shores of the Caspian—from China by water up the Oxus, to within 550 miles of Attock. The great difficulty is between the end of the river, and the southern side of the Hindoo Koosh. This difficulty, however, has been often surmounted, and the road is constantly travelled by caravans.

I think it is clear that the invasion of India could not be attempted till the third year; but when should we begin to take precautions? A Government wholly Asiatic would not be still if the Russians took possession of China; but ours, chained by European politics, would hardly move if they entered Cabul.

We ought to have full information as to Cabul, Bokhara, and China.

My letter of last year directed the attaining of information; but I dare say nothing has been done.

October 30.

Received a Memorial from Mr. Fullerton, asking some remuneration beyond his salary for past services. He has a claim if we were rich. I think he should have 10,000 dollars. I dare say he thinks 20,000. Thoughtless extravagance is the destruction of generosity and even of justice.

Upon the subject of the invasion of India my idea is that the thing is not only practicable, but easy, unless we determine to act as an Asiatic Power. On the acquisition of Khiva by the Russians we should occupy Lahore and Cabul.[Footnote: It may be remembered that Lord Ellenborough strongly disapproved of any occupation of Afghanistan, or interference with its internal affairs, in 1840-42. At that time Russia had not advanced to Khiva. It is clear that he would not have held the same opinion as to our policy towards Afghanistan after the events of 1873-74.] It is not on the Indus that an enemy is to be met. If we do not meet him in Cabul, at the foot of the Hindoo Koosh, or in its passes, we had better remain in the Sutlege. If the Russians once occupy Cabul they may remain there with the Indus in their front, till they have organised insurrection in our rear, and completely equipped their army. I fear there are passes from Balkh upon Peshawur. If these could be closed and the enemy poured upon Cabul we should know where to meet him. Now we, being at Cabul, might be cut off from its resources by the descent of the enemy upon Peshawur.

There is some road from Roondorg through Cashmere, but I do not fear that. The road an enemy would choose would be that by the Valley of the Cachgu.

We know nothing of these passes, nothing of the country beyond them, nothing of the course of the Indus—but we should have full information so as to be able to crush an advancing enemy, by making the whole country hostile, which money would do.

To meet an invasion we must raise every regiment to 1,000 men.

168 Regiments 360 " ——- 1,008 504 ——— 60,480 Men, besides Artillery. 4,000 King's Inf. raised to 1,000 each Reg. 1,000 Do. four Regiments of Cavalry. 4,000 Four new Regiments. 2,000 Two new Cavalry. Besides King's Artillery. ——— 71,480

Besides the increase which would take place in the Irregular Corps, particularly in Skinner's.

A smaller increase than this would not be sufficient; for we should require 20,000 men at Delhi, 20,000 in Lahore, and 60,000 in Cabul. I speak of enrolled, not effectives—but with these augmentations the Regular Army would only be

148,000 N.I. 24,000 King's. ———- 172,000 20,000 Native Cavalry. 6,000 King's. ———- 198,000

The out provisional battalions, local corps, &c., of 198,000, I do not think above 100,000 could possibly be disposable, and there would not be 70,000 effectives. The Artillery must be very numerous. I omitted the Company's English Regiments, about 3,000 men.

Of all nations the Russians are the least adapted for an enterprise of this nature. They have neither medical staff nor commissariat, and the men are without resource. A French army would be the best. I doubt the possibility of Russia bringing more than 20,000 men to Cabul, and these could not descend the mountains till the third year, if Cabul was occupied. What I fear is an occupation of Khiva unknown to us. No preparation on our part— no marching forward—so that in three or four months from leaving Khiva the enemy might be at Cabul. I am sure we can defeat the enterprise. We ought to defeat it before the enemy reaches the Indus. If 20,000 Russians should reach the Indus, it will be a sharp fight.