Rhodes, Samos, Lesbos, Thrace: also in Euboea, Attica, and Boeotia. In process of time they were enabled to make settlements in other parts, particularly in Epirus and Illyria: and to occupy some considerable provinces in Italy as high up as the Padus. Wherever they passed they left behind them numberless memorials: but they are to be traced by none more plainly than by their rites, and worship. As they occupied the greatest part of Syria, that country was particularly addicted to this species of idolatry. Many temples were erected to the Ophite God: and many cities were denominated from him. Both [1156]Appian and Stephanus Byzantinus mention places in Syrophenicia called Oropus. Upon the Euphrates also in Mesopotamia were the cities [1157]Amphipolis, and [1158]Dura, both called of old Oropus. The chief Syrian God had the title of Bel, Baal, and Belial: which last the Greeks rendered [Greek: Beliar]. Hence Clemens instead of saying, what agreement can there be between Christ and Belial, says [1159][Greek: Tis de sumphonesis Christou pros BELIAR]. This Belial, or Beliar, was the same as Belorus, and Osiris, who were worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Hence Hesychius explains the term Beliar by a serpent. [Greek: Beliar—drakon.] Beliar is the same as a dragon or serpent. The Cadmians are said to have betaken themselves to Sidon, and Biblus: and the country between these cities is called Chous at this day. To the north is the city, and province of Hama: and a town, and castle, called by D'Anville Cadmus; by the natives expressed Quadamus, or [1160]Chadamus. The Cadmians probably founded the temple of Baal Hermon in Mount Libanus, and formed one of the Hivite nations in those parts. Bochart has very justly observed, that an Hivite is the same as an [1161]Ophite: and many of this denomination resided under Mount Libanus, and Anti-Libanus; part of which was called Baal Hermon, as we learn from the sacred writings. [1162]Now these are the nations, which the Lord left to prove Israel, namely, five Lords of the Philistines, and all the Canaanites, and the Sidonians; and the Hivites that dwell in Mount Lebanon from Mount Baal Hermon unto the entering in of Hamath. There were other Hivites, who are mentioned by Moses among the children of [1163]Canaan. But the Cadmonites, and many of the people about Mount Libanus were of another family. The Hivites of Canaan Proper were those, who by a stratagem obtained a treaty with [1164]Joshua. Their chief cities were Gibeon, Cephirah, Beeroth, and Kirjath Jearim. These lay within the the tribe of [1165]Judah, and of Benjamin, who possessed the southern parts of Canaan. But the other Hivites, among whom were the Cadmonites, lay far to the north under Libanus, at the very extremities of the country. The sacred writer distinguishes them from the Canaanites, as well as from the other Hivites, by saying, the Hivites of Baal Hermon. And he seems to distinguish the Sidonians from the genuine Canaanites, and justly: for if we may credit prophane history, the Cadmians had obtained the sovereignty in that city: and the people were of a mixed race. [1166][Greek: Kadmos—Turou kai Sidonos ebasileuen.] The Cadmians extended themselves in these parts quite to the Euphrates, and westward to the coast of Greece, and Ausonia; and still farther to the great Atlantic. They went under the name of Ellopians, Oropians, [1167]Cadmonites, Hermonians, Ophitae, and wherever they settled there will be always found some reference to their antient history, and religion. As they were particularly styled Ophitae, or Hivites, many places whither they came, were said to swarm with [1168]serpents. Rhodes was under this predicament, and had the name of Ophiusa: which name was given on account of the Hivites, who there settled, and of the serpent-worship, which they introduced. But the common notion was, that it was so called from real serpents, with which it was infested. The natives were said to have been of the giant race, and the [1169]Heliadae or offspring of the Sun; under which characters the antients particularly referred to the sons of Chus, and Canaan. Their coming to the island is alluded to under the arrival both of Danaus and Cadmus, by whom the rites, and [1170]religion of the Rhodians are supposed to have been introduced. In Greece were several cities named Oropus, by which is signified Ori Serpentis civitas. One of these was near [1171]Tanagia upon the border of Attica, and Boeotia. This is the very spot where the Cadmians first resided: and the city was undoubtedly built by them. It stood near the warm baths of Amphiaraus, whose temple belonged to the Oropians; and who was particularly worshipped by them. We are informed by Strabo, that the temple of Amphiaraus was built either in imitation, or in memory, of one called Cnopia at [1172]Thebes. Cnopia is a contraction for Can-Opia; and the temple was certainly founded by people from Egypt. It took its name from Can-ope, or Can-opus, the Ophite God of that country; and of the people likewise, by whom the building was erected. The natives of Boeotia had many memorials of their having been originally Ophites. The history of their country had continual references to serpents and dragons. They seem to have been the national insigne: at least they were esteemed so by the people of Thebes. Hence we find, that upon the tomb of Epaminondas there was figured a shield with a serpent for a device, to signify that he was an Ophite, or [1173]Theban. The Spartans were of the same race: and there is said to have been the same device upon the shield of [1174]Menelaus, and of [1175]Agamemnon. The story of Cadmus, and of the serpent, with which he engaged upon his arrival in Boeotia, relates to the Ophite worship, which was there instituted by the Cadmians. So Jason in Colchis, Apollo in Phocis, Hercules at Lerna, engaged with serpents, all which are histories of the same purport; but mistaken by the later Grecians.

It will not, I think, be amiss to take notice of some of those countries westward, to which Cadmus is said to have betaken himself. From Boeotia he is supposed to have passed to Epirus and Illyria; and it is certain, that the Cadmians settled in many places upon that coast. In Thesprotia was a province of the Athamanes; who were denominated from their Deity Ath-Man, or Ath-Manes. Here were the rivers Acheron, and Cocytus, the lake Acherusia, and the pestiferous pool [1176]Aornon Here was the city Acanthus similar to one of the same name about forty miles above [1177]Memphis: and a nation of people called [1178]Oreitae: all which have a reference to Egypt. The oracle at Dodona was founded by people from the same country, as we are assured by [1179]Herodotus and others. And not only colonies from that country, but people from Canaan must have betaken themselves to these parts, as is evident from names of places. This will appear from the city [1180]Phoenice: and from another near Oricum, called Palaeste; and from the coast and region styled Palaestina. This was the spot where Caesar landed, before he marched to Pharsalia. [1181]Postridie terram attigit Cerauniorum saxa inter, et alia loca periculosa, quietam nactus stationem. At portus omnes timens, quod teneri ab adversariis arbitrabatur, ad eundem locum, qui adpellatur Palaeste, omnibus navibus incolumibus, milites exposuit. Lucan takes notice of the same circumstance, and the coast Palaestina.

[1182]Inde rapi coepere rates, atque aequora classem Curva sequi; quae jam, vento fluctuque secundo Lapsa, Palaestinas uncis confixit arenas.

Here was the haven Comar, or [1183]Comarus, near the pool Aornus: and a city [1184]Oropus, similar to the Oropus of Syria, and Boeotia. And higher up was a region Europa, styled Europa Scythica by Festus Rufus. It is observable that there was a city in Epirus called [1185]Tecmon, similar to one in Canaan, as we may infer from the chief of David's captains being styled the [1186]Tecmonite.

Some of this family proceeded to the western part of the Adriatic gulf, and settled upon the Eridanus, or Po. Here were the Orobians, the same as the Oropians, whose chief city was Comus: near which the consul Marcellus overthrew the [1187]Galli Insubres. The story of Phaethon, who was supposed to have fallen into the Eridanus, is manifestly of Egyptian original; as the fable of Cycnus is from Canaan. Phaethon is by some represented as the first king, who reigned in [1188]Chaonia, and Epirus. He was in reality the same as Osiris, the Sun; whose worship was in there very early, as well as upon the Padus. The names of the Deities in every country are generally prefixed to the list of kings, and mistaken accordingly. Cycnus is supposed to have resided not only in Liguria, but in AEtolia, and Phocis. There was in these parts a lake [1189]Conope, from Cycnus called also [1190]Cycnea; which names undoubtedly came from Egypt, and Canaan. The colonies upon the Padus left many memorials of their original; especially those, who were from the Caphtorim of Palestina. Some of them had carried on a great work upon the part of the river, where they settled; which from them was called [1191]Fossa Philistina; and Fossiones Philistinae. Of this I have made mention [1192]before.

It is said of Cadmus, that at the close of his life, he was, together with his wife Harmonia, changed to a serpent of stone. This wonderful metamorphosis is supposed to have happened at Encheliae, a town in Illyria, which circumstance is taken notice of by Lucan.

[1193]Tunc qui Dardaniam tenet Oricon, et vagus altis Dispersus sylvis Athamas, et nomine prisco Encheliae, versi testantes funera Cadmi.

The true history is this. These two personages were here enshrined in a temple, or Petra: and worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Scylax Caryandensis, speaking of this part of Illyria, says, [1194][Greek: Kadmou kai Harmonias hoi lithoi eisin entautha, kai hieron.] In this region are two stones sacred to Cadmus, and Harmonia: and there is likewise a temple dedicated to them. Lucan, who calls the place Encheliae, speaks of the name as of great antiquity. It undoubtedly was of long standing, and a term from the Amonian language. Encheliae, [Greek: Encheliai], is the place of En-Chel, by which is signified the fountain of heaven; similar to Hanes, Anorus, Anopus in other parts. The temple was an Ophite Petra: which terms induced people to believe, that there were in these temples serpents petrified. It is possible, that in later times the Deity may have been worshipped under this form: whence it might truly be said of Cadmus, and Harmonia, that they would one day be exhibited in stone.

[1195][Greek: Laineen emellon echein ophiodea morphen.]

But the notion in general arose from a mistake; and was owing to a misinterpretation of the word Petra. On this account many personages were said to have undergone this change. Pollux, who was of a character superior to what is generally imagined, was said to have been turned to a stone.

[1196][Greek: Eis lithon autoteleston emorphothe Poludeukes.]

Ariadne underwent the like [1197]change. Also Battus, Atlas, [1198]Alcmena, and others. All these histories relate to personages, enshrined in temples styled Petra, who had a [Greek: stulos] or rude pillar erected to their honour. This was the usage in all parts, before the introduction of images. There are allusions to these Ophite temples, and to these pillars, upon the coins of Syria, and Tyre. Upon these the Deity is represented between two rough stones, with two [1199]serpents on each side of him. A temple of this sort, which betrayed great antiquity, stood in the vicinity of Thebes, and was called the serpent's head. Pausanius speaks of it as remaining in his [1200]time. The same author affords another instance in his account of Achaia; which is attended with some remarkable circumstances. He tells us, [1201]that at Pherae, a city of that region, was a fountain sacred to Hermes; and the name of it was Hama. Near this fountain were thirty large stones, which had been erected in antient times. Each of these was looked upon as a representative of some Deity. And Pausanias remarks, that instead of images, the Greeks in times of old universally paid their adoration to rude unwrought [1202]stones.

That the Cadmians were the people, whom I suppose them, may I think be proved from many other circumstances. There are some particulars in the history of these emigrants, by which they may be as effectually distinguished, as by any national mark of feature, or complexion. I have taken notice in a former treatise of the Cuthites, who came from Babylonia and settled in Egypt; and who were afterwards expelled the country. They came under different titles; and were styled Phenicians, Arabians, and Ethiopians; but they were more particularly distinguished by the name of Oritae, and of shepherds. These appellations must be carefully kept in remembrance, for they will be found to occur in almost every part of the world, wherever any of this family settled. In the histories above given of Osiris, Dionusus, and others, we find, that the sons of Chus are represented as great travellers, and at the same time general benefactors: and it is to be observed, that the same characters occur in every history: the great outlines are the same in all. They appear to have been zealous worshippers of the Sun; and addicted to the rites of fire: which mode of worship they propagated, wherever they came. They are described as of superior stature, and were reputed the sons of Anac, and Urius, from Canaan, and Babylonia. In respect to science, they seem to have been very eminent, if we consider the times when they lived. They were particularly famed for their knowledge in astronomy, architecture, and music. They had great sagacity in finding [1203]mines, and consequently were very rich. Lastly, there continually occurs in their history some allusion to shepherds. Every one of these particulars may be met with in the accounts given of the Cadmians: but it was the turn of the times to make every thing centre in their imaginary leader, Cadmus. He is supposed to have found out mines in Cyprus, and Thrace: and to have been the inventor of letters, and the introducer of science. To him are ascribed the temples at Rhodes; and the buildings in Attica and Boeotia. We find him celebrated as a great [1204]theologist and astronomer: and it is reported of Cadmus, as it was also of Orpheus, that he left behind him many valuable remains, which [1205]Bion Proconnesius is said to have translated. But all these gifts, so lavishly bestowed upon one person, should be transferred to a people, who went under the name of Cadmians: and in whom all these requisites are to be found. If we make this allowance, the history will be found to be true. This people, in their migrations westward, were accompanied by others from Canaan, and Syria. I have shewn that they settled at Rhodes, where they were called Ophites, or Hivites. Another of their titles was Heliadae, or children of the [1206]Sun. They were looked upon as adepts in every branch of science, and particularly famed for their skill in astronomy. They were the first navigators of the seas; and the division of time, with the notification of seasons, is ascribed to them. [1207][Greek: Hoi de Heliadai diaphoroi gegonotes ton allon en paideiai dienenkan, kai malista en Astrologiai; eisegesanto de kai peri tes nautilias polla, polla de kai peri tas horas dietaxan.] All these arts, if we may believe Herodotus, took their rise in [1208]Babylonia: from whence they were carried by the Oritae into Egypt: and from Egypt westward to Rhodes, and to various parts besides. The Oritae, or Auritae, were the same as the Heliadae, denominated from the great object of their worship, the Sun. He was among other titles styled [1209]Orites: as we learn from Lycophron: which is by his Scholiast interpreted the Sun. [1210][Greek: Oriten theon, ton auton Helion.] The Deity, which is termed Orites, is no other than the Sun. These Heliadae were Ophitae; and introduced at Rhodes, and in other places, the worship of the serpent. Hence they occur in Greece under various titles, such as Ellopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, and the like, being so denominated from places which they consecrated to Ops, and Opis, the serpent. The Cadmians settled in Euboea, which was called Ellopia from Ellops, a supposed brother of [1211]Cothus. Plutarch gives an account of Cothus himself coming to Euboea in company with another named Arclus. [1212][Greek: Kothos, kai Arklos, hoi Xouthou paides eis Euboian hekon oikesantes.] By Cothus and Arclus are meant Cuthites and Herculeans, people of the same family, who settled in this island. The Oritae of Egypt were also styled Arabians; and the Arabian nome was denominated from them. The Cadmians, who settled in Euboea, may be traced under the same names. Strabo calls the people, who were supposed to attend Cadmus, Arabians, [1213][Greek: Arabes, hoi sun Kadmoi.] One district in the island was denominated from them, AEthiopium: [1214][Greek: Aithiopion, onoma choriou en Euboiai.] This is more particularly described by Stephanus, as the passage is happily corrected by Salmasius. [Greek: Aithiopion, chorion Euboias para Deliou, plesion tou Euripou.] There is a part of Euboea hard by Delium, and near to the Euripus, called Ethiopium. But the most critical mark, by which any of these islands were distinguished, was that of [1215]Oritae. This is the express title of the shepherds in Egypt; which they assumed both on account of the Deity, whom they worshipped, and in reference to the city Ur in Chaldea, from whence they were in part derived. They founded a city of the same name in Euboea, which the Greeks expressed [1216]Oria: whence came the provincial title of Oritae. Here Orion was supposed to have been [1217]nursed, whose history we know was from Babylonia. The natives had a tradition, that he was the son of [1218]Urieus, and of the gigantic race: the purport of which, I think, cannot be mistaken. They passed, as I have shewn, from Euboea to Attica, and Boeotia. Here also was a city [1219]Ur, like that in Chaldea, and a tradition about Orion being born in these parts. They likewise pretended to shew his [1220]tomb. This city Ur, or Uria, was in the district of Tanagra, and stood directly opposite to the province of Ethiopia in Euboea, being separated only by the narrow frith of the [1221]Euripus. They settled also at Traezen, where Orus is said to have resided: by which we are to understand his worshippers, the Oritae. [1222][Greek: Phasi de Oron genesthai sphisin en gei proton; emoi men oun Aiguption phainetai, kai oudamos Hellenikon onoma Oros einai. Basileusai d' oun phasin auton, kai Oraian ap' autou kaleisthai ten gen.] The people of Traezen, says Pausanias, give out, that one Orus was the first in their country. But the name Orus to me seems to have been of Egyptian original. They farther relate, that this Orus was a king, and that the province was from him called Oraia. Uria above, and Oraia here, however differently expressed, signify literally the land of Ur. In all these places the Cuthites went under various appellations, but particularly of Cyclopians, Ellopians, and [1223]Europians from their worship. Agreeably to the account which has been above given, we find, that the Heroum of Cadmus at Sparta was built by Europus, and his brethren: and they likewise are represented as the sons of [1224]Uraeus. As we are acquainted with the eastern manner of speaking; and know that by the daughter of Tyre, the daughter of Jerusalem, the children of Moab, the children of Kedar, the children of Seir, the children of the east, are meant the inhabitants of those places: may we not be assured that by Europus and the sons of Urius and Uraeus, are pointed out a people styled Europians of Babylonish extraction, who were ab origine from Ur in Chaldea? And is it not plain, that the history of Cadmus is founded upon terms ill understood, and greatly misapplied? Yet the truth is not totally defaced, as I hope, that I have made appear. By Moses Chorenensis Cadmus is represented as of the giant race; and he is said to have come from [1225]Babylonia. Nonnus mentions his planting in Greece a colony of giants.

[1226][Greek: Kai stachus autolocheutos aneexeto Giganton.]

Hence the Cadmians were styled [Greek: Anakes], and [1227][Greek: Anaktes]; and the temples of their Gods, [Greek: Anaktoria], Anactoria. These terms were imported from the Anakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who brought them, were Oritae, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have come from Babylonia. Here astronomy, and the other sciences first commenced; and the worship of the Sun was first instituted: where the priests, and professors were styled Oritae, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed says, that astronomy was not derived to the Greeks either from the Egyptians, or the Ethiopians; but from [1229]Orpheus. This however intimates, that the Ethiopians, under which name the sons of Chus are mentioned by the [1230]Greeks, were supposed to have introduced science into this country; otherwise this caveat had been unnecessary. But we shall in the end shew, that Orpheus was from the same quarter. And to put the matter out of all doubt, we find Herodotus maintaining very determinately, that the knowledge of the heavens, and every thing relating to the distribution of time, was imported from [1231]Babylonia. As these Babylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestly came to Greece by the way of Egypt, it appears pretty evident, that they were the sons of Chus, of the shepherd race, who so long held the sovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it is, that throughout the whole mythology of the Grecians there are continual allusions to shepherds; a title, which we know was peculiar to the Auritae of Egypt. Nonnus, in his allegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral habit, playing upon an instrument, and reclining himself under the shade of an oak.

[1232][Greek: Klinas geitoni noton hupo drui phorbados hules,] [Greek: Kai phoreon agraulon aetheos heima Nomeos.]

He gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed to Orpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon the mountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calm the ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters.

[1233][Greek: Thelxo dendrea panta, kai ourea, kai phrena theron;] [Greek: Okeanon speudonta palindineton eruxo.]

Almost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology of Greece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus, Apollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus, Ericthonius, Eumolpus, Aristaeus, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, and Osiris, are represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we find altars, and inscriptions to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styled [Greek: Nomeus], and [Greek: Poimnios]; and was said to have been educated in [1235]Arabia. When Rhea produced to the world Poseidon, she gave him to the care of a [1236]shepherd to bring him up among the flocks. Atlas, the great astronomer, is represented as a shepherd. [1237][Greek: Atlas mathematikos en Libus aner.—Polueidos de ho dithurambopoios ton Atlanta touton POIMENA Libun phesin.] Atlas the great mathematician, was a person of Libya. The Dithyrambic poet Polueidos says, that Atlas was a Libyan shepherd. There was a tradition that the temple of Ammon in Libya was built by a shepherd, from whom it received its name; [1238][Greek: apo tou hidrusamenou poimenos.] It is reported of the Muses, that they were of shepherd extraction, and tended flocks, which they entrusted to their favourite Aristaeus.

[1239][Greek: Kai min heon melon thesan eranon, hoss' enemonto] [Greek: Ampedion Phthian Athamantion, amphi t' erumnen] [Greek: Othrun, kai potamou hieron rhoon Apidanoio.]

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristaeus. Zethus and Amphion are described as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240][Greek: Zethos de kai Amphion adelphoi esan poimenes.] Even the monster Polyphemus is taken notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, that among the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral [1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by Hyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii filius, [1243]Pastor. This was also one of the titles out of many conferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed the invention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus, the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the Dionusiaca of Nonnus.

[1244][Greek: Astrochiton Herakles, anax puros, Orchame kosmou,] [Greek: Eelie, broteoio biou dolichoskie POIMEN.]

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd [1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the Egyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the persons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of reputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity of Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a shepherd. [1246][Greek: To oros eis timen tou Poimenos Kaukason metonomasas.] Mount Cithaeron in Boeotia was called Asterius; but received the former name from one Cithaeron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I have mentioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of [1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her worship. And there is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of this by Hesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of a particular family, called [Greek: Poimenidai], or the Shepherd race. [Greek: Poimenidai, genos, ex hou ho Demetros hiereus.] The Cadmians therefore, from whom this priesthood came, must have been in a peculiar manner shepherds. The mountain Apaesantus in Argolis is said to have been named from [1249]Apaesantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near Haemus, in Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable history: [Greek: ekalounto proteron Nomaioi]. The author does not say, that they were shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not so much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria, and Latium; in which last province stood the city Praeneste, of which I have before spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was founded by Coeculus,

[1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem, Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit aetas.

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and the reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he was, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by which is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the character of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a shepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He likewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in Boeotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria, [1254][Greek: Poimandria]; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is said to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by interpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the title of [Greek: Poimen laou], so frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellent Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: and has continual references to the antient history of Egypt, and to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere superstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they enriched his verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one occurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus, as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence the writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as we may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation of the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.

Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took in their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians and Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre and Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts of Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256][Greek: Kasos, kai Belos, Inachou paides, pros toi Orontei potamoi ten nun Antiocheian tes Surias polin ektisan.] Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is now called Antioch upon the river Orontes. By Casus is meant Chus; and Belus is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, who are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and from thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, and particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: but more especially from the similitude of language, person, and manners, which subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon this head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, and shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258][Greek: Hoide ge paides tou Cham ten apo Surias kai Abanou kai Libanou ton oron gen kateschon, kai hosa pros thalassan auton etetrapto, mechris okeanou, kateilephasi.] In respect to the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from Syria, and particularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the region, which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean. Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as well as those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte AEgypti potitos, ac mox [1260]proprias urbes, Hebraeasque terras, et propiora Syriae coluisse. As the Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it to have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and Egypt. It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been just seven days in its passage; and the whole was performed [Greek: theiei nautiliei], by a voyage truly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria came in great measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon his account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the pompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the neighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.

These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove the great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from whence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some particular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among numberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others, that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and Canaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to differ from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that the true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with great pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest, that they were for the most part the Auritae, those shepherds of Egypt. This people had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in time forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In consequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were probably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites, and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and Gedrosia, under the name of Oritae. They are to be found in Boetica upon the Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace, Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per aequora vecti.

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote in a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed [Greek: peri ton Aiguption apoikias]. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus Siculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the Egyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the earth. [1266][Greek: Ho de oun Aiguptioi phasi kai meta tauta apoikias pleistas ex Aiguptou kata pasan diasparenai ten oikoumenen.] Of these migrations there were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerning whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhat later than the former. The author above takes notice of both these occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein he does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of these emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account is very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated. [1267][Greek: Euthus oun hoi xenolatoumenon ton alloethnon hoi epiphanestatoi, kai drastikotatoi sustraphentes exerrhiphesan, hos tines phasin, eis ten Hellada, kai tinas heterous topous, echontes axiologous hegemonas; hon hegounto Danaos, kai Kadmos, ton allon epiphanestatoi. Hode polus leos exepesen eis ten nun kaloumenen Ioudaian.] Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminent and enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged to leave the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also to other regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leaders for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the province called now [1268]Judea.

When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can carry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we may accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269][Greek: Ek Chaldaion gar legetai phoitesai tauta pros Aigupton kakeithen pros Hellenas.] All these things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to the Greeks. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrival of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is true, there are accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antient kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica, just as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It was therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by the Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country, and of the wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of their histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271][Greek: Kekropos te, kai Erechtheos, kai Erichthoniou, kai Erisichthonos, ton te allon.] For instance, the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others. [Greek: Kai ta ton Gunaikon kai tauta.] The names also of their women were the same. In reality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped by the very people who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved from Athenagoras. [1272][Greek: Athenaios Erechthei Poseidoni thuei.] The Athenian sacrifices to Erectheus the same as Poseidon. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion.

What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges, and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument can possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long obscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the first principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these great truths determined.

This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the principal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a foundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be previously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand foremost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little consideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing the high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by shewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was the repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius, Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in their computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the aera when they flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken notice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons lived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very precarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed state things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance. But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile writer, instead of carrying the aera of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done; for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but nothing certain could have ensued.

END OF VOL. II.

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Poenus, and Punicus.

[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan. Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.

[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.

[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.

[5] Zachlas adest AEgyptius, propheta primarius,—et cum dicto juvenem quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et adusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.

[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleae, palmae victricis foliis intextae. Ibid. l. 11. p. 241.

[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.

[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.

[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.

[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l. 3. c. 6.

[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. [Greek: Hieron Heliou to phuton, ageron te on]. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.

[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. [Greek: Peribeblemenoi stolas leukas, kai Phoinikes en tais chersin auton.]

[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[14] [Greek: Hekkaidekate dunasteia Poimenes Hellenes Basileis.] Syncellus. p. 61.

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1 Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.

[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.

[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.

[18] Herodotus brings the Phoenicians from the Mare Erythraeum; by which he means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.

[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and the Amalekites, adds: [Greek: nemontai d' auten Phoinikes]. De V. Mosis. vol. 2. p. 115.

[Greek: Phoinikon kome], in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.

[20] Phoenicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.

[21] [Greek: Aphroi Phoinikes]. Glossae.

[22] [Greek: Kata Bouthroton Phoinike]. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.

Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. [Greek: Olumpos polis megale kai oros homonumon, ho kai Phoinikous kaleitai]. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes Phoenic and Phoenices ([Greek: Phoinikes]) to be derived from Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the sons of Anac: but how can this be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy, however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a principal part, I am countenanced by that learned man.

Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.

[23] Hesychius.

[24] A city and mountain in Boeotia, called Phoenice: the natives, Phoenicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.

[25] Chron. p. 27.

[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.

[27] [Greek: Belos ap' Euphretao. ktl.] Nonnus.

[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.

[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.

[30] Gellius. Ibidem.

[31] Iliad [psi]. v. 454.

[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.

[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.

[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.

[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.

[37] AElian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.

He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.

[38] [Greek: Ethnos einai phasin Aithiopon, hopou, kuon basileuei, kai basileus prosagoreutai, kai hiera kai timas echei basileon. Andres de prassousin, haper hegemosi poleon prosechei, kai archousin.] Plutarch adversus Stoicos. vol. 2. p. 1064.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Lycophron. v. 439.

[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.

[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.

[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.

[Greek: Hexes de estin ho kunopolitis nomos, kai Kunon polis, en hei Anoubis timaitai, kai tois kusi time, kai sitis tetaktai tis hiera.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1166.

[44] [Greek: Selenen de graphontes, E OIKOUMENEN, e grammatea, e hierea, e orgen, e kolumbon, kunokephalon zographousi.] l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.

[45] [Greek: Hierogrammatea te palin, e propheten, e osphresin, e ptarmon, e archen, e dikasten, boulomenoi graphein kuna zographousin.] l. 1. c. 39. p. 52.

[46] [Greek: Eo gar tous Aiguptious, hoiper kai deisidaimonestatoi eisi panton; homos tois theiois onomasin eis koron epichromenous; schedon gar ta pleista EX OURANOU estin.] Lucian de imaginibus.

See Observations on Antient History. p. 166.

Solebant autem AEgyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque imponere.—Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce Evangelica diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.

[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6. v. 20.

[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. [Greek: Chenosiris].

[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in Greece. They changed it to [Greek: koes], and [Greek: koies]; but still supposed it to signify a priest. [Greek: Koies, hiereus Kabeiron, ho kathairomenos phonea.] Hesychius. [Greek: Koiaitai hieraitai.] Ibid.

It was also used for a title of the Deity. [Greek: Koias, ho strongulos lithos]; scilicet [Greek: Baitulos]. Moscopulus. p. 5. The Baetulus was the most antient representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l. 1. v. 919.

[50] [Greek: Ou, kathaper ta loipa zoa en hemerai miai teleutai, houto kai toutous: alla meros auton kath' hekasten hemeran nekroumenon hupo ton Hiereon thaptesthai. ktl.]

[Greek: Heos d' an hai hebdomekonta kai duo plerothoisin hemeras, tote holos apothneskei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.

[51] [Greek: Eis hieron epeidan prota komisthe Kunokephalos, delton autoi paratithesin ho Hiereus, kai schoinion, kai melan, peirazon, ei ek tes epistamenes esti sungeneias grammata, kai ei graphei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 28.

[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. [Greek: Dodekatis tes hemeras kath' hekasten horan ourei; tode auto kai tais dusi nuxi poiei. ktl.] Speaking of the two Equinoxes.

[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.

Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.

[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vita Isidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.

[55] By Strabo expressed [Greek: Keipos], who says, that it was reverenced by the people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Keipon de Babulonioi hoi kata Memphin (sebousi)].

[56] Babun, [Greek: Babun], of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenaeus. l. 15. p. 680. called Bebon, [Greek: Bebon], by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 371, 376. Babon was thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some esteemed a female, and the wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.

The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and likewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus mentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda. Historia Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples, called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a religious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.

[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.

Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.—Per immensa spatia seculorum, ne profana loquacitate vulgarer, AEgyptiorum clausa adytis occulebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.

[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat. anno 1639.

He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have understood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary, in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides AEgyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos studii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suae totam fere praeripuerint gloriam.

[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.

[Greek: Kuna sebeis; tupto d' ego.] Anaxandrides apud Athenaeum. l. 7. p. 300.

[Greek: Hermen kuna.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.

[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Kunokephalon de (timosin) Hermopolitai.]

[61] [Greek: Hermopolitike phulake]. Strabo. ibid.

[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade, whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled [Greek: athanatos], immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.

It consisted of ten thousand men.

[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.

[64] [Greek: Dodekatis hemeras kath' hekasten horan OUREI Kunokephalos.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16.

[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

Upon the Mare Erythraeum, [Greek: hidruma Kunoskephalon kaloumenon]. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in Ethiopia and India.

[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon inquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to this etymology. [Greek: Kunoskephale, LOPHOS tis Thessalias.] Stephanus Byzant. from Polybius. l. 17.

[Greek: Kunonkephalai] near Scotiussa. [Greek: LOPHON puknon parallelon AKRAI.] Plutarch in Flaminino, of the same place.

The citadel at Thebes was called [Greek: Kunoskephale] by Xenophon. Those who speak of the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers. Megasthenes per diversos Indiae montes esse scribit nationes caninis capitibus. Solinus. c. 52.

A promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned above from Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. l. 3. c. 27.

[68] Solinus. c. 4. and Isidorus. Origi l. 9. de Portentis.

[69] Steph. Byzantinus.

[70] Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 15.

[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Lacedaemon, [Greek: Phule Lakonike]: and Cunosouroi, the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. l. 1. c. 17.

[72]

Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. l. 3. v. 107.

[73] L. 3. p. 207.

[74] V. 99.

[75] Palaephatus [Greek: peri epheureseos konchules.]. p. 124.

[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littore projecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliter humorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et ut est mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exempla meditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. l. 9. c. 36.

See also Chronicon Paschale. p. 43. Achilles Tatius. l. 3. Julius Pollux. l. 1. c. 4. p. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. l. 9. c. 36.

[77] Cyrus Prodromus [Greek: epi apodemoi tei philiai].

[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 40. p. 1034.

[79] Etymologicum Magnum.

[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purple was the discovery [Greek: kunos poimenikou] which in the original history was undoubtedly a shepherd king.

[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.

[82] [Greek: Oude Sokrates ton kuna kai ton chena omnus epaizen.] Porphyry de Abstinentia. l. 3. p. 286.

It is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: [Greek: Ekeleuse (Rhadamanthus) kata chenos, kai kunos, kai kriou omnunai.] Eustathius upon Homer. Odyss. [Upsilon]. p. 1871.

See Aristophan. [Greek: Ornithes.] Scholia, v. 521. [Greek: Omnunai keleusai (Rhadamanthun) chena, kai kuna, ktl.] from Socrates. l. 12. de Rebus Creticis.

The antient Abantes of Euboea styled Zeus himself Cahen; called in aftertimes Cenaeus. There was a promontory of the same name: [Greek: Kenaion akroterion (Abanton)] Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to have sacrificed after his conquest of AEchalia.

Victor ab AEchalia Cenaeo sacra parabat Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 9 v. 136.

Sophocles in Trachin. v. 242, mentions, [Greek: Bomous, telet' enkarta Kenaioi Dii].

[83] Plato in Gorgia. vol. 1. p. 482.

[84] Porphyry. l. 3. p. 286. so corrected by Jablonsky. l. v. c. 1. p. 10

[85] Clementis Cohortatio. p. 32.

[86] Pliny. l. 8. p. 446.

[87] Anthologia. l. 1. Epigram. 144.

[88] Theophrast. Charact.

[89] Hesychius.

[90] Diodorus Siculus de pompa Isiaca. l. 1. p. 78.

[91] Huetius. Praep. Evang. p. 86. from Cornutus de natura Deorum.

A like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, [Greek: peri thaumasion akousmaton]: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands of Diomedes.

[92] Nonni Dionysica. l. 3. p. 94.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Homer. Odyss. l. 8. v. 92.

[95] [Greek: Ton Kuna ton chruseon apedeixen (ho Zeus) phulattein to hieron en Kretei]. Antoninus Liberalis. c. 35. p. 180.

[96] Pausanias of Taenarus. l. 3. p. 275.

[97] —— of Troezen. l. 2. p. 183.

[98] —— of Hermione. l. 2. p. 196.

[99] Dionys. [Greek: Perieges]. v. 791. This temple stood, according to Diodorus Siculus and Arrian, in the country of the Cimmerians, near the Acherusian Chersonese. See Scholia to Dionysius above.

[100] Oppida tota canem venerantur. Juvenal. Sat. 15. v. 8. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 16.

[101] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 66.

[102] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 368.

[103] [Greek: Exo kunes] was a proverbial expression among the Jews.

[104] Deuteronomy. c. 23. v. 18.

[105] In this golden cup Hercules was supposed to have passed over the ocean. [Greek: Chruseon —— depas, en hoi ton okeanon dieperasen Herakles.] Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.

There was likewise in the same place a story about a golden belt. Philostratus: Vita Apollon. l. 5. p. 212.

[106] Palaephatus. Edit. Elz. 1642. p. 76. the author would not say [Greek: sphodra plousioi], but keeps to the antient term [Greek: chrusoi], though it is scarce sense.

[107] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 2. [Greek: stroph. d.] p. 25.

[108] [Greek: Chrusophorousi d' ek tou Kaunasou pollai pegai psegma aphanes.] Appian de Bello Mithridat. p. 242. Salauces, an antient king of Colchis, was said to have abounded with gold. Pliny. l. 33. c. 15. p. 614. Arrian supposes that they put fleeces into the river, to intercept ([Greek: psegma aphanes]) this imperceptible mineral; and that hence arose the fable of the Golden Fleece.

[109] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. p. 64.

[110] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 34.

In like manner there was a shower of gold at Thebes, in Boeotia. Pindar speaks of Jupiter [Greek: Chrusoi mesonuktion niphonta]. Isthm. Ode 7. p. 746.

[111] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 260.

[112] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 135.

[113] [Greek: Peukes eidos heteron; leibesthai d' haimati, kathaper toi chrusoi ten Heliada aigeiron.] Philostratus. l. 5. p. 211. AEschylus mentions the Arimaspians as living upon a golden stream:

[Greek: Hoi Chrusorrhuton ] [Greek: Oikousin amphi nama Platonos porou.] Prometheus. p. 49.

[114] Hence the celebrated city in Egypt had the name of Cherchusora. Some traces of Orcus may be found in Zeus Hircius, and Orcius, mentioned by Pausanias. l. 5. p. 442. He supposes the name to be from [Greek: horkos], an oath, and mentions a legend to that purpose.

[115] Hesiod. Theog. v. 281.

[116] [Greek: Chrusaoris, polis Karias——Epaphroditos de ten Karian pasan Chrusaorida legesthai (phesi).] Steph. Byzant.

[117] Strabo. l. 14. p. 975. Zeus was a title conferred upon more than one of the family.

[118] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 15. Also c. 17. and 97. called by Strabo [Greek: Kerkesoura]. l. 17. p. 1160.

[119] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Praep. Evan. l. 1. p. 35.

[120] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 224.

[121] Hesiod. Theog. v. 287.

[Greek: Trisomaton boter' Erutheias.] Euripides. Hercules Furens. v. 423.

[122] Homer. Iliad. [Omicron]. v. 256.

[123] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 123.

[124] Second Hymn to Diana. v. 3.

Perseus is styled [Greek: Chrusaoros] in Orpheus de Lapid. c. 15. v. 41.

[125] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 131.

[126] Ibid. v. 126.

[127] Apollo was represented as the author of the lyre, called among the oriental nations Kinor, and Cuthar: from the latter of which came [Greek: kitharis], and cithara in the west.

[128] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 1.

[129] [Greek: Chruse, he polis tou Apollonos engus Lemnou—kai tes Lesbias topos; kai Panephaistia tes Lemnou akroterion—kai en Bithuniai, kai peri Chalkedona, kai tes Karias; kai en tei Halikarnasidi Dorion pedion; kai en Hellespontoi; esti kai alle Cherrhonesos tes Indikes; en de tei ektos Gangou Indikei.] Stephanus Byzant.

See also [Greek: Chrusopolis] ibidem.

[130] Cedrenus. p. 12.

[131] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095.

[132] Hoffman Lexic.

[133] Plutarch de fluminibus. p. 1151. The original name was Chrusaor, which had no relation to a golden stream: at least that part of it was so named which ran through the city Mastaura. See Stephanus Byzant. [Greek: Mastaura.]

[134] [Hebrew: KTM] of of the Hebrews.

[135] Dionysius [Greek: perieges]. v. 589. Scholia ibidem.

[136] The antients, as I have before observed, were not consistent in their theology. The Sun was properly Cham, styled also Orus, but, as a title, was bestowed upon more persons than one.

[137] Josephus of Salatis, the first Shepherd King; [Greek: Houtos en tei Memphidi kategineto.] Contra Apion. l. 1. Sec.. 14.

[138] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 88.

[139] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 14.

[140] Justin Martyr mentions this: [Greek: Egno gar kai temenos Chruses Aphrodites en Aiguptoi legomenon, kai pedion Chruses Aphrodites onomazomenon.] Cohort, p. 28. Chruse Aphrodite is plainly the Cuthite Venus; the Deity of the Cuthim.

[141] Pocock's and Norden's Travels, and maps of the country about Cairo.

[142] Colchis, near Comar. Arrian Periplus maris Erythraei. Geog. Vet. vol. 1. p. 33.

[143] [Greek: Kataschein de phasi kai es Pegadas tes ton Oreiton choras. Hoide Oreitai, chalkai men autois hai petrai, chalke de he psammos, chalkoun de psegma hoi potamoi agousi. Chrusitin hegountai ten gen dia ten eugeneian tou Chalkou.] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. p. 155.

[144] The Petra and Pagoda were the same: both names for temples.

[145] This mistake arose from Cal-Chus being styled the region of the Cuthim.

[146] Scholia upon Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 259.

[147] Ibid. Isth. Ode 5. p. 462.

[148] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb: Praep. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.

[149] Ibid.

[150] Lucian de Electro. vol. 2. p. 523. Edit. Salmurii.

[151] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 751.

[152] Homer. Odyss. l. [lambda]. v. 15. Phaethon was universally allowed to be the Sun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal, and not to the Roman poets. Orpheus says,

[Greek: Eelion Phaethonta eph' harmasi poloi agousi.] de Lapid. v. 90.

And in another place;

[Greek: Euthus hot' ek peraton gaies Phaethon anorouson, kl.]

Phaethon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious in his character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: [Greek: Protogonos Phaethon perimekeos Eeros huios]—Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium Deorum parentem; quorum causa coelum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, ut haberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: [Greek: Ektisen Athanatois domon aphthiton.] Lactantus de falsa religione. l. 1. c. 5. p. 15. His history will be explained hereafter.

[153] Phoenices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati, navibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojanae cladis condiderunt. Justin. l. 18. c. 3. See Isaiah. c. 23. v. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was a city before: for it is mentioned Joshua. c. 19. v. 29. as the strong city Tyre.

[154] Porphyry de Abstinentia. l. 2. p. 158.

[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis.

[156] Argonautica. v. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. p. 12.

[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 19. p. 520.

[158] Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 5. p. 563.

[159] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 9.

[160] 1 Esdras. c. 9. v. 52, 53.

[161] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 11.

[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their great sweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom he makes a person, and the inventress of harmony. [Greek: Apo de Pontou ginetai Sidon, he kath' huperbolen euphonias prote humnon oides heuren.] Apud Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

[163] Stephanus Byzant.

[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[165] [Greek: Uk kath' hieran glossai basilea semainei]. Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.

[166] Osiris, [Greek: Usiris], according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside et Osiride.

[167] Verse 129.

[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. v. 92.

[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere.

[Greek: Achnai polis Thessalias—esti kai polis Boiotias]. Steph. Byzant.

[Greek: Arachnaion oros Argous]. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan, or the Canaanitish mount.

[170] See Radicals. p. 106.

[171] Pliny. l. 3. p. 173.

[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. l. 1. v. 416. See also Ezekiel. c. 8. v. 14.

[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. p. 266. not. 7. [Greek: Heteroi de phasi, dikaiotaton auton einai Neilon.] Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37.

[174] [Greek: Kaleitai de hupo ton enchorion Buchernos. Aiguptioi de phasi Neilon einai ton katesterismenon.] Scholia in Aratum. p. 48.

[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. vol. 2. p. 1154.

[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. v. 239. See Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Aiguptos.]

[177] Plutarch [Greek: peri ton ekleloipoton chresterion.] vol. 1. p. 409.

[178] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person in Thessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; which was so called from his mother.

Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycneia Tempe, Quae subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. l. 7. v. 371.

Uria was also a river in Boeotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have been the son of Poseidon. Pausan. l. 10. p. 831.

[179] [Greek: Erasthenta de Pasiphaes Dia genesthai men Tauron; nun de aeton kai kuknon.] Porphyry de Abstin. l. 3. p. 285.

[Greek: Pou nun ekeinos ho aetos? pou dai ho kuknos? pou dai autos ho Zeus.] Clemens. Alex. Cohort. p. 31.

[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 24. p. 626.

[181]

[Greek: Pros Gorgoneia pedia Kisthenes, hina] [Greek: Hai phorkides naiousi, denaioi korai,] [Greek: Treis kuknomorphoi, koinon omm' ektemenai.] AEschyli Prometheus. p. 48.

[Greek: Hai men phorkides treis—eichon eidos Kuknon]. Scholia ibidem.

[Greek: Phorkun en aner Kurenaios; hoide Kurenaioi kata genos men eisin Aithiopes.] Palaephatus. Edit. Elz. p. 76.

[182] [Greek: Tate ota, kai tous ophthalmous hoi demiourgountes ex hules timias kathierousi, tois Theois anatithentes eis tous neos; touto depou ainissomenoi, hos panta theos horai, kai akouei.] Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 671.

See Diodorus. l. 3. p. 145. This may have been one reason, among others, why the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: [Greek: ton mounopa straton Arimaspon]. AEschylus Prometh. p. 49. The Arimaspian history was written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled [Greek: Arimaspeia epe.]

[183] Plutarch. [Greek: Ei.] vol. 2. p. 387.

[184] Porph. de Abst. l. 3. p. 286.

[185] Aristophanes. Aves. [Greek: Kuknoi Puthioi kai Delioi.] v. 870.

[186] Plato de Republica. l. 10. p. 620. vol.2.

[187] Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 364.

[188] Lycophron. v. 426. Scholia Ibidem.

[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 249.

[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. p. 112.

[191] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 14. v. 509.

[192] Plato in Phaedone. vol. 1. p. 84. Plutarch. in [Greek: Ei.] v. 2. p. 387.

Cicero Tusc. Quaest. l. 1. Pliny. l. x. c. 23.

AElian de Animal. l. 2. c. 32. l. x. c. 36.

Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. c. 23.

[193] De Animalibus. l. 9. [Greek: Kai tines ede pleontes para ten Libuen perietuchon en tei thalattei pollois adousi phonei goodei; kai touton heoron apothneskontas enious.] vol. 2. p. 423.

[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. l. 3. c. 27.

[195] [Greek: Ho de Mundios phesin Alexandros pollois teleutosi parakolouthesas ouk akousai adonton.] Athenaeus. l. 9. c. 11.

[196] Epigram. in Erinnam. l. 3. p. 280. H. Steph.

[197] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 182.

[198] See Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 88. p. 1212. and Pierius de Cygnis. p. 254.

[199] Herod. l. 2. c. 109.

[Greek: Geometrias te au heuretai gegonasin (hoi Aiguptioi.)] Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.

[200] L. 4. v. 279.

[201] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 279.

[202] Dionys. [Greek: Periegesis]. v. 688.

[203] Clem. Alexand. speaks [Greek: Peri te tes Kosmographias kai Geographias ktl.—Chorographias te tes Aiguptou, kai tes tou Neilou diagraphes.] Strom. 6. p. 757.

[204] [Greek: Sesostris de, phasin, ho Aiguptios, pollen perieleluthos gen pinaxi te dedoke ten periodon, kai tes ton pinakon anagraphas ouk Aiguptiois monon, alla kai Skuthais eis thauma metadounai exiosen.] Eustath. Praef. Epist. to Dionys. p. 12.

[205] AEgyptios primos omnium tam coelum quam terram esse dimensos: ejusque rei scientiam columnis incisam ad posteros propagasse. Petavii Uranalogia. p. 121. taken from Achilles Tatius.

[206] Homer. Odyss. l. [alpha]. v. 52.

[207] The Atlantians were styled [Greek Ouraniones], or sons of heaven. The head of the family was supposed to be the brother of Saturn. Diodorus. l. 3. p. 193.

[208] Euseb. [Greek: Historion sunagoge]. p. 374. c. 2.

[209] L. 3. 194.

[210] Strabo. l. 1. p. 13.

[211] Diog. Laert. Anaximander.

[212] Laertius. l. 1. p. 74.

[213] In Pherecyde.

[214] Josephus cont. Apion. l. 1. c. 2.

[215] Clemens. Strom. l. 6. p. 741.

[216] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 12.

[217] Ibid. l. 1. p. 17.

[218] P. 30.

[219] Chron. Paschale. p. 34. Zonaras. p. 16.

See Salmasius upon Solinus. c. 35. concerning Ogen. Also, Windelini Admiranda Nili. p. 12. and 16.

[220] Metamorph. l. 2. v. 9.

[221] V. 119.

[222] Iliad. l. 18. v. 483. and v. 606.

[223] Nonni Dionus. l. 40. p. 1040.

[224] Catull. Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis. v. 47.

[225] Plutarch. Life of Theseus.

[226] Add to this, what I have before taken notice of, the great absurdity of making the Grecian Argo the first ship which sailed upon the seas: Illa rudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten: when the poet, at the same instant, is describing Theseus, previous to the Argo, in a ship, and attended with fleet of ships.

Namque fluentisono prospectans littore Diae Thesea cedentem celeri cum classe tuetur, Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores.

Catulli. Epithal. Pel. et Thet. v. 52. See Famiani Stradae Prolus. l. 3. p. 285.

[227] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1070.

[228] Orphica ex Macrobio Saturn. l. 1. c. 18. p. 202.

[229] Maps, and books too, when writing was introduced, were made of skins, called [Greek: diphtherai]. [Greek: Tas biblous diphtheras kaleousi apo tou palaiou hoi Iones.] Herodot. l. 5. c. 58.

A Zone, of curious imagery, is given by Homer to Hercules. Odyss. l. [Lambda]. v. 609.

[Greek: Chruseos en telamon, hina theskela erga tetukto.]

A remarkable passage, from Isidorus Basilidis, quoted by Clemens Alexandrin. [Greek: Kai gar moi dokei tous prospoioumenous philosophein, hina mathosi, ti estin he hupopteros drus, kai to ep' autei pepoikilmenon PHAROS. Panta hosa Pherekudes allegoresas etheologesen, labon apo tes tou Cham propheteias.] Strom. l. 6. p. 767.

In the former verses from Nonnus we may see the method of deviation. Pharos, a tower, is taken for Pharos a garment; and this altered to [Greek: Chiton]: and, after all, the genuine history is discernible, notwithstanding the veil which is spread over it. The author says, that, at the bottom, [Greek: eueklostoio Chitonos], of the well-woven garment, flowed the Ocean, which surrounded the world. This is certainly a misinterpretation of the term [Greek: pharos]: and, in the original writings, whence these verses were copied, the history related to a tower: and it was at the foot [Greek: PHAROU EUKLUSTOIO] that the ocean beat, by which the earth was encircled.

[230] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 228. p. 524. of [Hebrew: TWR].

[231] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1110.

[232] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 231.

[233] Strabo. l. 11. p. 762.

[234] [Greek: Tundarioi skopeloi]. Ptolemaeus. p. 122. See Strabo. l. 17. p. 1150.

[235] Dionysius. v. 688. Pliny styles them oppida.

Oppida—in ripa celeberrima, Tyndarida, Circaeum, &c. l. 6. c. 4.

[236] The Minotaur was an emblematical representation of Menes, the same as Osiris; who was also called Dionusus, the chief Deity of Egypt. He was also the same as Atis of Lydia, whose rites were celebrated in conjunction with those of Rhea, and Cybele, the mother of the Gods. Gruter has an inscription, M. D. M. IDAE, et ATTIDI MINOTAURO. He also mentions an altar of Attis Minoturannus. vol. 1. p. xxviii. n. 6.

[237] Diodor. Sicul. l. 16. p. 411.

[238] Meen was the moon: and Meno-Taurus signified Taurus Lunaris. It was a sacred emblem, of which a great deal will be said hereafter.

[239] See Paruta's Sicilia nummata.

[240] [Greek: Turis, ho peribolos tou teichous]. Hesych. From whence we may infer, that any place surrounded with a wall or fortification might be termed a Tor or Turris.

[Greek: Tarchonion polis Turrhenias.] Stephan. Byzant.

[241] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 717.

[242] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1242.

The Poet says of AEneas, [Greek: Palin planeten dexetai Tursenia.] v. 1239.

[243] Lycophron. v. 1248.

[244] [Greek: Tarkunia polis Turrhenidos apo Tarchonos; to ethnikon Tarkunios.] Steph. Byzant.

[245] Strabo. l. 5. p. 336. [Greek: Tarkona, aph' hou Tarkunia he polis.]

[246] Lycophron. v. 116.

[Greek: He Torone, gune Proteos.] Scholia ibidem.

[247] [Greek: Turrhenoi salpinga]. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243.

[248] L. 17. p. 468.

[249] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 754.

[250] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.

[251] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 524.

[Greek: Deime de toi mala kalon Anaktoron.] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 77.

[252] Homer. Odyss. [lambda]. v. 105. Strabo supposes Trinakis to have been the modern name of the island; forgetting that it was prior to the time of Homer. l. 6. p. 407: he also thinks that it was called Trinacria from its figure: which is a mistake.

[253] Hymn to Diana. v. 56. I make no doubt but Callimachus wrote [Greek: Trinakia].

[254] Pliny. l. 5. c. 31.

[255] Etymolog. Magn.

[256] Stephanas Byzant.

[257] [Greek: Trachin, he nun Herakleia kaloumene.] Hesych. or, as Athenaeus represents it, more truly, [Greek: Herakleian, ten Trachinian kaleomenen.] l. 11. p. 462.

[258] [Greek: Triaina topos Argous; entha ten triainan orthen estesen ho Poseidon, sunginomenos te Amumone, kai euthus kat' ekeino hudor aneblusen, ho kai ten epiklesin eschen ex Amumones.] Scholia in Euripidis Phoeniss. v. 195.

[259] Eusebius. Praep. Evan. l. 3. c. 11. p. 113.

[260] Palaephatus. p. 56.

[261] Ibid. p. 96.

[262] Palaephatus. p. 20.

[263] Iliad. [Sigma]. v. 486.

[264] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 324.

[265] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 243.

[266] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 306.

[267] Chron. Paschale. p. 36.

[Greek: Nebrod——kalousin Oriona]. Cedrenus. p. 14.

[268] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 571.

[269] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.

[270] Alorus was the first king of Babylon; and the same person as Orion, and Nimrod. See Radicals. p. 10. notes.

[271] [Greek: Heloros, entha psuchron ekballei poton.] Lycophron. v. 1033.

[Greek: Rheithron Helorou prosthen.] Idem. v. 1184. [Greek: Ho potamos ho Heloros esche to onoma apo tinos basileos Helorou.] Schol. ibid. There were in Sicily many places of this name; [Greek: Pedion Helorion]. Diodorus. l. 13. p. 148. Elorus Castellum. Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 2.

Via Helorina. [Greek: Heloros polis.] Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua. l. 1. c. 13. p. 186.

[272] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 284.

[273] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 13. p. 356.

[274] [Greek: Kata mesen de ten polin he akropolis, hen ekaloun bursan, ophrus hikanos orthia.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.

See also Justin. l. 18. c. 5. and Livy. l. 34. c. 62.

[275] [Greek: Zankle polis Sikelias—apo Zanklou tou gegenous.] Stephanus Byzant.

[276] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 328.

[Greek: Orion—kata tropen tou ou eis o apo tou ourion estin apo historias tou ouresai tous theous en tei bursei, kai genesthai auton.] Etymolog. Mag. [Greek: Orion.]

[277] [Greek: Titthe, titthos, titthion, mastos.] Hesychius.

[278] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 878.

[279] [Greek: Oros—ho de Tittheion onomazousin eph' hemon, tenikauta de ekaleito Murtion.] Pausan. l. 2. p. 170.

[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. v. 48. [Greek: Mastoi], often taken notice of by Xenophon. [Greek: Anabas]. l. 4. p. 320. A hill at Lesbos. [Greek: En Lesboi kleines Eresou perikumoni MASTO.] Athenaeus. l. 3. p. 111. [Greek: Echei d' en autoi kai maston.] Polyb. l. 1. p. 57.

[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, [Greek: Amathous polis—kai oros mastoeides Olumpos]. l. 14. p. 1001.

[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for, the bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. [Greek: Titonion te cheuma]. v. 1275. Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they flowed.

[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large.

[284] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1080. Azara signified a treasure.

[285] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1106.

[286] Bell. Jud. l. 7. p. 417.

[287] Canticles. c. 8. v. 10.

[288] Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 27.

[289] Amos. c. 1. v. 7.

[290] Ibid. c. 1. v. 10.

[291] Ibid. c. 1. v. 14.

[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there was a tradition of their having suffered by lightning.

[293] Canticles. c. 8. v. 8.

[294] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3.

[295] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[296] Canticles. c. 7. v. 4.

[297]

Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam, Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Phaedrus. l. 4. Fab. 18.

See Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. of dragons guarding treasures.

[298] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 405.

[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 14. p. 408.

[300] Nonni Dionys. l. 33. p. 840.

[301] Ibid. l. 35. p. 876.

[302] Ibid. l. 6. p. 186.

[303] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1183.

[304] [Greek: En de tois edeixe kai zoon huperphues, Dionusou agalma, hoi Indoi ethuon. Drakon en, mekos pentaplethron; etrepheto de en chorioi koiloi, en kremnoi bathei, teichei hupseloi huper ton akron peribeblemenos; kai aneliske tas Indon agelas. ktl.] Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 6. p. 85.

[305] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[306] [Greek: Makra pedion. En toutoi de Poseidonios historei ton Drakonta peptokota horathenai nekron, mekos schedon ti kai plethriaion, pachos de, hosth' hippeas hekaterothen parastantas allelous me kathorain; chasma de, host' ephippon dexasthai, tes de pholidos lepida hekasten huperairousan thureou.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095. The epithet [Greek: peptokos] could not properly be given to a serpent: but to a building decayed, and in ruins nothing is more applicable. A serpent creeps upon its belly, and is even with the ground, which he goes over, and cannot fall lower. The moderns indeed delineate dragons with legs: but I do not know that this was customary among the antients.

[307] Virgil. AEneis. l. 6. v. 595.

[308] Homer. Odyss. l. [Lambda]. v. 575.

Quintus Calaber styles him [Greek: poulupelethros].

[Greek: Poulupelethros ekeito kata chthonos eurupedoio.] l. 3. v. 395.

[Greek: Tituon megan, hon rh' eteken ge] [Greek: Di' Helare, threpsen de kai aps elocheusato Gaia.] Apollon. Rhodius. l. 1. v. 761.

[309] [Greek: Aiguptos—eklethe Musara—kai Aeria, kai Potamitis, kai AETIA, apo tinos Indou Aetou.] Stephanus Byzant.

Eustathius mentions, [Greek: Kai Aetia, apo tinos Indou Aetou. ktl.] In Dionysium. v. 239. p. 42.

[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner [Greek: Eth]. l. 1. c. 7. p. 10. [Greek: Tode Eth kardia].

[311] [Greek: Aigupton de graphontes, thumiaterion kaiomenon zographousi, kai epano kardian.] l. 1. c. 22. p. 38. It also signified an eagle.

[312] See the whole in Nonnus. l. 5. p. 148. It seems to have been a winged machine, which is called [Greek: Kemos], from Cham the Sun. Hence the notion of the chariot of the Sun, and horses of the same.

[313] [Greek: Kaukasou en knemoisi, Tuphaonie hote petre.] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 1214.

[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed to be thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1090. Here was [Greek: Numphaion, spelaion ti hieron.] p. 1091.

[315] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of the river Orontes called Paradisos: [Greek: Mechri kai ton tou Orontou pegon, hai plesion tou te Libanou kai tou Paradeisou.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[316] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 283.

[317] Servii Comment. in Virgil. AEneid. l. 2. v. 204.

[318] Nonni Dionys. l. 25. p. 668.

[319] Tot jugera ventre prementem. Ovid of the Pytho of Parnassus. Met. l. 1. v. 459.

See Pausanias. l. 10. p. 695. He says, the extent related to the place, [Greek: entha ho Tituos etethe].

[320] [Greek: Hos de authis epanekein (ton Kleonta) es ta Gadeira, andra heurein thalassion EKPEPTOKOTA es ten gen; touton plethra men pente malista epechein, keraunothenta de hupo tou theou kaiesthai.] Pausan. l. 10. p. 806.

[321] Diogenes Laertius. Prooem. p. 5.

[322] [Greek: Temenos; hieron chorion aphorismenon Theoi.] Scholia in Homer. Il. l. [Gamma]. v. 696.

[Greek: Kai temenos peripuston Amuklaioio Kanobou]. Dionysius. [Greek: Perieges.] v. 13.

[Greek: Asulon temenos] at Daphne upon the Orontes. See above. p. 428.

[323] Lycophron. v. 6l3.

[324] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 56.

[325] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1176.

[326] [Greek: Be d' ep' eran Dias pheugon ophiodea Kupron.] Parthenius, as corrected by Vossius. See Notes to Pompon. Mela. p. 391.

[327] Lycophron. v. 110.

[328] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 707.

[329] Hyginus. Fab. 140.

[330] Plutarch de Oraculoram defectu. v. 1. p. 417.

[331] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.

[332] Prolegomena to the Pyth. Odes of Pindar.

[333] P. 39.

[334] Silius Ital. l. 3. v. 29.

[335] [Greek: Luchnon asbeston.] Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 410.

[336] Porphyr. de Abstinentia. l. 2.

[337] L. 1. p. 63.

[338] [Greek: To de luchnion en Prutaneioi.] Theoc. Idyll. 21. v. 36.

[Greek: Puros te phengos aphthiton keklemenon.] AEsch. [Greek: Choephoroi.] v. 268.

[339] See Hyde Relig. Vet. Persarum: and Stanley upon the Chaldaic religion.

[340] [Greek: Aei de toi aenaon pur.] Callimach. Hymn to Apollo. v. 84.

[341] Vol. 2. p. 84.

[342] Clima. 4. p. 213.

[343] Leviticus. c. 6. v. 13. Hence the [Greek: xulophoria]; a custom, by which the people were obliged to carry wood, to replenish the fire when decaying.

[344] It is said in the Scriptures, that there were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that. Genesis. c. 6. v. 4. The word in the original for giants is Nephelim.

[345] C. 2. p. 6.

[346] V. 22.

[347] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 395.

[348] De Venatione. p. 972.

[349] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 244.

[350] Ibid. p. 246.

[351] Justin. Martyr de Monarchia. p. 42.

[352] De Venat. p. 972.

[353] AEsculapius was of Egypt. Cephalus is said to have lived in the time of Cecrops [Greek: autochthon]: or, as some say, in the time of Erectheus; many centuries before Antilochus and Achilles, who were at the siege of Troy.

[354] AEsculapius was the Sun. Euseb. Praep. Evang. l. 3. p. 112.

[355] Oratio in Herculem. vol. 1. p. 64. Oratio in AEsculapium. p. 67.

[356] Homer. Iliad. [Lambda]. v. 831.

[357] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.

[358] [Greek: Monimos de historei, en tei ton thaumasion sunagogei, en Pellei tes Thettalias Achaion anthropon Pelei kai Cheironi katathuesthai.] Clementis Cohort. p. 36.

[359] Pocock's Travels. v. 1. p. 65.

[360] Ibid.

[361] [Greek: Para ten limnen ten kaloumenen Acherousian]. Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 86.

[362] In Phrygia—juxta specus est Acherusia, ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius. Mela. l. 1. c. 19. p. 100.

[363] River Acheron, and lake Acherusia in Epirus. Pausan. l. 1. p. 40. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499. Thucydides. l. 1. p. 34.

[364] Near Corinth Acherusia. Pausan. l. 2. p. 196.

In Elis Acheron. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530.

[365] Celsae nidum Acherontiae. Horat. l. 3. Ode. 4. v. 14.

[366] Near Avernus. In like manner there were [Greek: pedia Elusia] in Egypt, Messenia, and in the remoter parts of Iberia. See Plutarch in Sertorio, and Strabo. l. 3. p. 223.

[367] Also Libri Tarquitiani Aruspicum Hetruscorum, so denominated from Tar-Cushan. Marcellinus. l. 25. c. 2. p. 322.

[368] Herodot. Vit. Hom. c. 3.

[369] Hesychius.

[370] L. 1. p. 77.

[371] Fleetwood's Inscript. p. 42.

[372] P. 319. n. 2.

[373] Sat. 14. v. 259.

[374] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l6l, 162.

There was a hill called Anakeion: [Greek: Anakeion; oros, e ton Dioskouron Hieron.] Suidas.

It is said of the celebrated Polygnotus, that he painted [Greek: tas en toi thesauroi kai en toi Anakeioi graphas.] Harpocration. The treasury we may suppose to have been a part of the temple.

[375] Homer. Iliad. [Gamma]. v. 237.

[376] Homer. Odyss. [Mu]. v. 323.

[377] Cicero in Verrem. Orat. 7. sect. ult.

[378] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 741.

[379] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 154.

[380] Hyginus. fab. 68, and 75.

[381] Antonin. Liberalis Metamorph. c. 22.

[382] Hymn. in Dian. v. 204.

[383] Cicero de Nat. Deorum. l. 3. 23.

She is supposed to be the same as Diana. [Greek: Kalousi de ten Artemin Thrakes Bendeian, Kretes de Diktunan, Lakedaimonioi de Oupin.] Palaephatus. c. 32. p. 78.

[384] Scholia in Callimach. Hymn. in Dianam. v. 204.

[Greek: Opin, kai Hekaergen—ek ton Huperboreon.] Pausan. l. 5. p. 392.

Metuenda feris Hecaerge, Et Soror, optatum numen venantibus, Opis. Claudian in Laudes Stilic. l. 3. v. 253.

[385] 2 Kings. c. 23. v. 10. 2 Chron. c. 28. v. 3.

[386] C. 7. v. 31. and c. 19. v. 5. There was a place named Tophel (Toph-El) near Paran upon the Red Sea. Deuteron. c. 1. v. 1.

[387] Zonar. vol. 2. p. 227. [Greek: Touphan kalei ho demodes kai polus anthropos.]

[388] Bedae. Hist. Angliae. l. 2. c. 16.

[389] De legibus specialibus. p. 320.

The Greek term [Greek: tuphos], fumus, vel fastus, will hardly make sense, as introduced here.

[390] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. v. 1. p. 359.

[391] Virgil. AEn. l. 2. v. 713.

[392] [Greek: Ten taphen (Dionusou) einai phasin en Delphois para ton Chrusoun Apollona.] Cyril. cont. Julian. l. 1. p. 11.

[393] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 8.

[Greek: Hode megas keitai Zan, hon Dia kikleskousi.] Porphyr. Vita Pythagorae. p. 20.

[394] Hence Hercules was styled [Greek: Triesperos]. Lycoph. v. 33.

[Greek: Zeus treis hesperas eis mian metabalon sunekatheude tei Alkmenei.] Schol. ibid.

[395] Abbe Banier. Mythology of the Antients explained. vol. 4. b. 3. c. 6. p. 77, 78. Translation.

[396] Plaut. Amphitryo. Act. 1. s. 3.

[397] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.

[Greek: Alla kai taphon autou (Zenos) deiknuousi]. Lucian. de Sacrificiis. v. 1. p. 355.

[398] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 38. p. 85.

[399] Clementis Cohort. p. 40.

[400] Arnobius contra Gentes. l. 4. p. 135. Clem. Alexand. Cohort. p. 24.

[401] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 14.

[Greek: Peusomai de sou kai 'go, o anthrope, posoi Zenes heuriskontai.] Theoph. ad Autolyc. l. 1. p. 344.

[402] Newton's Chronology. p. 151.

[403] Pezron. Antiquities of nations. c. 10, 11, 12.

[404] Virgil. AEn. l. 7. v. 48.

[405] Sir Isaac Newton supposes Jupiter to have lived after the division of the kingdoms in Israel; Pezron makes him antecedent to the birth of Abraham, and even before the Assyrian monarchy.

[406] Arnobius has a very just observation to this purpose. Omnes Dii non sunt: quoniam plures sub eodem nomine, quemadmodum accepimus, esse non possunt, &c. l. 4. p. 136.

[407] Antiquus Auctor Euhemerus, qui fuit ex civitate Messene, res gestas Jovis, et caeterorum, qui Dii putantur, collegit; historiamque contexuit ex titulis, et inscriptionibus sacris, quae in antiquissimis templis habebantur; maximeque in fano Jovis Triphylii, ubi auream columnam positam esse ab ipso Jove titulus indicabat. In qua columna gesta sua perscripsit, ut monumentum esset posteris rerum suarum. Lactant. de Falsa Relig. l. 1. c. 11. p. 50.

(Euhemerus), quem noster et interpretatus, et secutus est praeter caeteros, Ennius. Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.

[408] Lactantius de Falsa Relig. l. 1. c. 11. p. 52.

[409] Varro apud Solinum. c. 16.

[410] Epiphanius in Ancorato. p. 108.

Cyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. See Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1194.

[411] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 6.

[412] [Greek: Taphon theas axion]. Pausan. l. 2. p. 161.

[413] Diodor. Sicul. l. 1. p. 23. [Greek: Taphenai legousi ten Isin en Memphei.]

Osiris buried at Memphis, and at Nusa. Diodorus above. Also at Byblus in Phenicia.

[Greek: Eisi de enioi Bublion, hoi legousi para sphisi tethaphthai ton Osirin ton Aiguption.] Lucian. de Syria Dea. v. 2. p. 879.

[Greek: Ta men oun peri tes taphes ton Theon touton diaphoneitai para tois pleistois.] Diodor. l. 1. p. 24.

[414] Procopius [Greek: peri ktismaton]. l. 6. c. 1. p. 109.

[Greek: Aiguptioi te gar Osiridos pollachou thekas, hosper eiretai, deiknuousi.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 358. He mentions [Greek: pollous Osiridos taphous en Aiguptoi.] Ibid. p. 359.

[415] L. 1. p. 79. [Greek: Peri tes Bousiridos xenoktonias para tois Hellesin enischusai ton muthon; ou tou Basileos onomazomenou Bousiridos, alla tou Osiridos taphou tauten echontos ten prosegorian kata ten ton enchorion dialekton.] Strabo likewise says, that there was no such king as Busiris. l. 17. p. 1154.

[416] Bou-Sehor and Uch-Sehor are precisely of the same purport, and signify the great Lord of day.

[417] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 144.

[418] Altis, Baaltis, Orontis, Opheltis, are all places compounded with some title, or titles, of the Deity.

[419] 2 Chron. c. 33. v. 14.

[420] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3. On the wall ([Hebrew: CHWMT]) of Ophel he built much: or rather on the Comah, or sacred hill of the Sun, called Oph-El, he built much.

[421] Apollon. Rhodii Argonaut. l. 2. v. 709. Apollo is said to have killed Tityus, [Greek: Boupais eon]. Apollon. l. 1. v. 760.

[422] [Greek: Ton de tou Aiputou taphon spoudei malista etheasamen—esti men oun ges choma ou mega, lithou krepidi en kukloi periechomenon.] Pausan. l. 8. p. 632.

[Greek: Aipution tumbon], celebrated by Homer. Iliad. [beta]. v. 605.

[Greek: Aiputos], supposed to be the same as Hermes. [Greek: Naos Hermou Aiputou] near Tegea in Arcadia. Pausan. l. 8. p. 696. Part of Arcadia was called [Greek: Aiputis].

[423] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 11. [Greek: Anestemmenoi tois ophesin epololuzontes Euan, Euan ktl.]

[424] Porphyrii Vita Pythagorae.

[425] Clement. Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.

[426] The Scholiast upon Pindar seems to attribute the whole to Dionusus, who first gave out oracles at this place, and appointed the seventh day a festival. [Greek: En hoi protos Dionusos ethemisteuse, kai apokteinas ton Ophin ton Puthona, agonizetai ton Puthikon agona kata Hebdomen hemeran.] Prolegomena in Pind. Pyth. p. 185.

[427] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.

[428] Ibid. l. 2. p. 155.

[429] Strabo. l. 9. p. 651.

[430] Ibid.

[431] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 376.

[432] Ibid. l. 10. p. 806.

[433] Ibid. l. 1. p. 87.

[434] At Patrae, [Greek: mnema Aiguptiou tou Belou.] Pausan. l. 7. p. 578.

[435] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 179.

[436] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 150. and l. 6. c. 54.

Plato in Alcibiad. 1^{mo}. vol. 2. p. 120.

Upon Mount Maenalus was said to have been the tomb of Arcas, who was the father of the Arcadians.

[Greek: Esti de Mainalie duscheimeros, entha te keitai] [Greek: Archas, aph' hou de pantes epiklesin kaleontai.] Oraculum apud Pausan. l. 8. p. 616.

But what this supposed tomb really was, may be known from the same author: [Greek: To de chorion touto, entha ho taphos esti tou Arkados, kalousin Heliou Bomous.] Ibid.

[Greek: Taphos, e tumbos, e semeion.]. Hesych.

[437] Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. [Greek: En de toi pedioi PETRAN TINA proschomati sumplerosantes eis bounoeides schema ktl.]

[438] Typhon was originally called [Greek: Gegenes], and by Hyginus Terrae Filius. Fab. 152. p. 263. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 79. he is styled [Greek: Ges huios exaisios.] Antoninus Liberal. c. 25.

[439] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 380.

[440] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 460.

[441] Porphyry de Abstinen. l. 2. p. 223.

There was [Greek: Petra Tuphaonia] in Caucasus. Etymolog. Magnum. [Greek: Tiphos; Tuphaonia Petra estin hupsele en Kaukasoi.]

[Greek: Kaukasou en knemoisi, Tuphaonie hoti Petre.] Apollon. l. 2. v. 1214.

[442] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 79.

[443] [Greek: Paregorousi thusiais kai prauenousi (ton Tuphona)], Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 362.

[444] Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 338.

[445] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 362. [Greek: Isaiakou tou Herakleous ho Tuphon].

[446] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 762.

[447] [Greek: Enioi de hupo tou Tuphonos, hupo de Atlantos Xenagoras eireken.] Schol. Apollon. l. 4. v. 264.

[448] Hesiod. Theogon. v. 824.

[449] Ibid. v. 826. Typhis, Typhon, Typhaon, Typhoeus, are all of the same purport.

[450] Nonni Dionys. l. 1. p. 24.

[451] [Greek: Opheis—timaisthai ischuros]. Philarchus apud AElian: de Animal. l. 17. c. 5.

[452] See Justin Martyr above.

[Greek: Semeion Orgion Bakchikon Ophis esti tetelesmenos.] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 11. See Augustinus de Civitate Dei. l. 3. c. 12. and l. 18. c. 15.

[453] [Greek: Anestemmenoi tois ophesin.] Clemens above.

[454] In mysteriis, quibus Sabadiis nomen est, aureus coluber in sinum dimittitur consecratis, et eximitur rursus ab inferioribus partibus. Arnobius. l. 5. p. 171. See also Clemens, Cohort. p. 14. [Greek: Drakon dielkomenos tou kolpou. k. l.]

Sebazium colentes Jovem anguem, cum initiantur, per sinum ducunt. Julius Firmicus. p. 23. [Greek: Sabazios, eponumon Dionusou.] Hesych.

[455] [Greek: Tous Opheis anestemmenoi, euazontes to Oua, Oua, ekeinen ten Euan eti, ten dia tou Opheos apatetheisan, epikaloumenoi.] Epiphanius. tom. 2. l. 3. p. 1092.

[456] Cohortatio. p. 11.

[457] Ibid.

[458] Plutarch. Alexander. p. 665.

[459] [Greek: Opheis megalous cheiroetheis epheilketo tois thiasois (he Olumpias), hoi pollakis ek tou kittou kai ton mustikon liknon paranaduomenoi, kai perielittomenoi thursois ton gunaikon, kai tois stephanois, exepletton tous andras.] Plutarch. ibid.

[460] [Greek: Tous opheis tous Pareias thlibon, kai huper tes kephales aioron, kai boon, Euoi, Saboi, kai eporchoumenos Yes Attes, Attes Yes.] Demosth. [Greek: Peri stephanou.] p. 516.

[461] Hesych.

[462] [Greek: Tes Isidos agalmata anedousi tautei, hos tini diademati basileioi.] AElian. Hist. Animal. l. 10. c. 31.

[463] [Greek: Tous Basileis—chresthai pilois makrois epi tou peratos omphalon echousi, kai periespeiramenois ophesi, hous kalousin aspidas.] l. 3. p. 145.

[464] Priscian. l. 5. and l. 6.

[465] Pausan. l. 10. p. 859.

[466] Bochart supposes this term to signify a father, and the purport of the name to be Pater magnificus. He has afterwards a secondary derivation. Sed fallor, aut Abdir, vel Abadir, cum pro lapide sumitur, corruptum ex Phoenicio Eben-Dir, lapis sphaericus. Geog. Sac. l. 2. c. 2. p. 708.

[467] See Radicals. p. 59. and Deuteronomy. c. 18. v. 11.

[468] [Greek: Echousai basilea eph' hanton ton Angelon tes Abussou; onoma autoi Hebraisti Abaddon, en de te Hellenikei onoma echei Apolluon.] Revelations. c. 20. v. 11.

[469] Revelations. c. 20. v. 2. Abadon signifies serpens Dominus, vel Serpens Dominus Sol.

[470] Daniel Heinsius. Aristarchus. p. 11.

[471] Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 41, 42.

[472] Euseb. ibidem. [Greek: Tade auta kai Ostanes ktl.]

[473] Herod. l. 2. c. 189. also Ptolemy.

[474] M. Maimonides in more Nevochim. See Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c. 3. p. 49.

[475] [Greek: Oubaion, ho estin Hellenisti Basiliskon; honper chrusoun poiountes Theois perititheasin.] Horapollo. l. 1. p. 2.

[Greek: Oubaion] is so corrected for [Greek: Ouraion], from MSS. by J. Corn. De Pauw.

[476] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.

[477] Praep. Evan. l. 1. p. 41.

[478] Euseb. supra.

[479] L. 6. p. 345.

[480] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. It was supposed to have had its name from Ellops, the Son of Ion, who was the brother of Cothus.