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[803] [Greek: Ourion ek prumnes tis hodegetera kaleito] [Greek: Zena, kata protanon histion ekpetasas.] [Greek: Eit' epi Kuaneas dinas dromos, entha Poseidon] [Greek: Kampulon heilissei kuma para psamathois,] [Greek: Eite kat Aigaiou pontou plaka, noston ereunon] [Greek: Neistho, toi de Balon psaista para xoanoi.] [Greek: Ton de gar euanteton aei theon Antipatrou pais] [Greek: Stese philon agathes sumbolon euploies.]
Great Urian Jove invoke to be your guide: Then spread the sail, and boldly stem the tide. Whether the stormy inlet you explore, Where the surge laves the bleak Cyanean shore, Or down the Egean homeward bend your way, Still as you pass the wonted tribute pay, An humble cake of meal: for Philo here, Antipater's good son, this shrine did rear, A pleasing omen, as you ply the sail, And sure prognostic of a prosperous gale.
The Iapygian promontory had a temple to the same God, whose name by Dionysius is rendered [Greek: Hurios].
[804][Greek: Psulat' Iepugion tatanusmena, mesph' Hurioio] [Greek: Parrhalias, Huriou, tothi suretai Hadrias halme.]
The more difficult the navigation was, the more places of sanctity were erected upon the coast. The Bosporus was esteemed a dangerous pass; and, upon that account, abounded with Cippi, and altars. These were originally mounds of earth, and sacred to the Sun: upon which account they were called Col-On, or altars of that Deity. From hence is derived the term Colona, and [Greek: Kolone]. It came at last to denote any ness or foreland; but was originally the name of a sacred hill, and of the pillar which was placed upon it. To say the truth, there was of old hardly any headland but what had its temple or altar. The Bosporus, in particular, had numbers of them by way of sea-marks, as well as for sacred purposes: and there were many upon the coast of Greece. Hence Apollonius says of the Argonauts:
[805] [Greek: Eri de nissomenoisin Atho anetelle kolone.]
In another place of the Bosporus—
[806] [Greek: Phainetai eeroen stoma Bosporou, ede kolonai] [Greek: Musiai.]
The like occurs in the Orphic Argonauts, where Beleus is pointing out the habitation of the Centaur Chiron:
[807][Greek: O philoi, athreite skopies prouchonta kolonon,] [Greek: Messoi eni preoni kataskion, entha de Cheiron] [Greek: Naiei eni spelungi, dikaiotatos Kentauron.]
These Colonae were sacred to the Apollo of Greece; and, as they were sea-marks and beacons, which stood on eminences near the mouths of rivers, and at the entrances of harbours, it caused them to be called [Greek: oria], [Greek: ourea], and [Greek: hormoi]. Homer gives a beautiful description of such hills and headlands, and of the sea-coast projected in a beautiful landscape beneath, when, in some ravishing poetry, he makes all these places rejoice at the birth of Apollo:
[808][Greek: Pasai de skopiai toi adon, kai proones akroi] [Greek: Hupselon oreon, potamoi th' ala de proreontes,] [Greek: Aktait' eis hala keklimenai, limenes te thalasses.]
In that happy hour The lofty cliffs, that overlook the main, And the high summits of the towering hills, Shouted in triumph: down the rivers ran In pleasing murmurs to the distant deep. The shelves, the shores, the inlets of the sea, Witness'd uncommon gladness.
Apollo, from this circumstance, was often called [Greek: epaktios], or the tutelary God of the coast; and had particular offerings upon that account.
[809][Greek: Peismata t' hapsamenoi porsunomen hiera kala] [Greek: Zeni Panomphaioi, kai epaktioi Apolloni.]
It was not only upon rocks and eminences that these Cippi and Obelisks were placed by the antients: they were to be found in their temples, where for many ages a rude stock or stone served for a representation of the Deity. They were sometimes quite shapeless, but generally of a conical figure; of which we meet with many instances. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice of this kind of [810]worship: and Pausanias, in describing the temple of Hercules at Hyettus in [811]Boeotia, tells us, that there was no statue in it, nor any work of art, but merely a rude stone, after the manner of the first ages. Tertullian gives a like description of Ceres and Pallas. Pallas Attica, et Ceres [812]Phrygia—quae sine effigie, rudi palo, et informi specie prostant. Juno of Samos was little better than a [813]post. It sometimes happens that aged trees bear a faint likeness to the human fabric: roots, likewise, and sprays, are often so fantastic in their evolutions, as to betray a remote resemblance. The antients seem to have taken advantage of this fancied similitude, which they improved by a little art; and their first effort towards imagery was from these rude and rotten materials. Apollonius Rhodius, in his account of the Argonauts, gives a description of a monument of this sort, which was by them erected in a dark grove, upon a mountainous part of [814]Bithynia. They raised an altar of rough stones, and placed near it an image of Rhea, which they formed from an arm or stump of an old vine.
[Greek: Eske de ti stibaron stupos ampelou, entrephon hulei] [Greek: Prognu gerandruon, to men ektamon ophra peloito] [Greek: Daimonos oureies hieron bretas; exese d' Argos] [Greek: Eukosmos, kai de min ep' okruoenti Kolonoi] [Greek: Idrusan, phegoisin eperephes akrotatesin;] [Greek: Hai ra te pasaon panupertatai errhizonto] [Greek: Bomon d' au cherados paraneneon, amphi de phullois] [Greek: Stepsamenoi druinoisi thuepolies emelonto.]
A dry and wither'd branch, by time impair'd, Hung from an ample and an aged vine, Low bending to the earth: the warriors axe Lopt it at once from the parental stem. This as a sacred relick was consigned To Argus' hands, an image meet to frame Of Rhea, dread Divinity, who ruled Over Bithynia's mountains. With rude art He smooth'd and fashion'd it in homely guise. Then on a high and lonely promontory Rear'd it amid a tall and stately grove Of antient beeches. Next of stones unwrought They raise an altar; and with boughs of oak Soft wreaths of foliage weave to deck it round. Then to their rites they turn, and vows perform.
The same circumstance is mentioned in the Orphic Argonautics[815]; where the poet speaks of Argus, and the vine branch:
[Greek: Amphiplakes ernos] [Greek: Ampelou aualies oxei apekerse sideroi,] [Greek: Xesse d' epistamenos.]
The Amazonians were a very antient people, who worshipped their provincial Deity under the character of a female, and by the titles of Artemis, Oupis, Hippa. They first built a temple at Ephesus; and according to Callimachus [816]the image of the Goddess was formed of the stump of a beech tree.
[Greek: Soi kai Amazonides polemou epithumeteirai] [Greek: Ek kote parrhaliei Ephesou bretas hidrusanto] [817][Greek: Phegoi hupo premnoi, telesen de toi hieron Hippo;] [Greek: Autai d', Oupi anassa, peri prulin orchesanto.]
Instead of an image made of a stump, the poet Dionysius supposes a temple to have been built beneath the trunk of a decayed tree.
[Greek: Entha Theei pote neon Amazonides tetuchonto] [Greek: Premnoi hupo ptelees, periosion andrasi thauma.] v. 827.
It is observable, that the Chinese, as well as the people of Japan, still retain something of this custom. When they meet with an uncouth root, or spray of a tree, they humour the extravagance: and, by the addition of a face, give it the look of a Joss or Bonzee, just as fancy directs them.
The vine was esteemed sacred both to Dionusus, and Bacchus; for they were two different personages, though confounded by the Grecians: indeed the titles of all those, who were originally styled Baalim, are blended together. This tree had therefore the name of Ampel, which the Greeks rendered [Greek: Ampelos], from the Sun, Ham, whose peculiar plant it was. This title is the same as Omphel before mentioned, and relates to the oracular Deity of the Pagan world; under which character Ham was principally alluded to. The Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks had some imperfect traditions about Ham, and Chus: the latter of which they esteemed Bacchus. And as the term Ampelus did not primarily relate to the vine, but was a sacred name transferred from the Deity, they had some notion of this circumstance: but as it was their custom out of every title to form a new personage, they have supposed Ampelus to have been a youth of great beauty, and one whom Bacchus particularly favoured. Hence Nonnus introduces the former begging of Selene not to envy him this happiness.
[818][Greek: Me phthoneseis, hoti Bakchos emen philoteta phulassei.] [Greek: Hotti neos genomen, hoti kai philos eimi Luaiou.]
The worship of Ham was introduced by the Amonians in Phrygia and Asia Minor: and in those parts the Poet makes Ampelus chiefly conversant.
[819][Greek: Ede gar Phrugies hupo deiradi kouros athuron] [Greek: Ampelos eexeto neotrephes ernos eroton.]
He speaks of his bathing in the waters, and rising with fresh beauty from the stream, like the morning star from the ocean.
[820][Greek: Paktoloi pore kai su teon selas, ophra phaneie] [Greek: Ampelos antellon, hate phosphoros—] [Greek: Kosmesei seo kallos holon Paktolion hudor.]
In all these instances there are allusions to a history, which will hereafter be fully discussed. Ovid seems to make Ampelus a native of Thrace; and supposes him to have been the son of a satyr by one of the nymphs in that country:
[821] Ampelon intonsum, Satyro Nymphaque creatum, Fertur in Ismariis Bacchus amasse jugis.
But however they may have mistaken this personage, it is certain that in early times he was well known, and highly reverenced. Hence wherever the Amonians settled, the name of Ampelus will occur: and many places will be found to have been denominated from the worship of the Deity under this sacred title. We learn from Stephanus Byzantinus, [822]that, according to Hecataeus, in his Europa, Ampelus was the name of a city in Liguria. There was likewise a promontory in the district of Torone called Ampelus: a like promontory in Samos: another in Cyrene. Agroetas mentions two cities there, an upper, and a lower, of that name. There was likewise a harbour in Italy so called. We read of a city [823]Ampeloessa in Syria, and a nation in Lybia called Ampeliotae: [Greek: Ampeliotai de ethnos Libues]. Suidas. Also, Ampelona in Arabia; and a promontory, Ampelusia, near Tingis, in Mauritania. In all these places, however distant, the Amonians had made settlements. Over against the island Samos stood the sacred promontory, Mycale, in Ionia. This, too, was called Ampelus, according to Hesychius, as the passage is happily altered by Albertus and others. [Greek: Ampelos, mechane, kai akra Mukales, egoun orous.] From the words [Greek: egoun orous] one might infer, that Ampelus was no uncommon name for a mountain in general: so far is certain, that many such were so denominated: which name could not relate to [Greek: ampelos], the vine; but they were so called from the Deity to whom they were [824]sacred. Many of these places were barren crags, and rocks of the sea, ill suited to the cultivation of the [825]vine. And not only eminences were so called, but the strand and shores, also, for the same reason: because here, too, were altars and pillars to this God. Hence we read in Hesychius: [Greek: Ampelos—aigialos—Kurenaiois aigialos.] By Ampelus is signified the sea shore; or Ampelus, among the people of Cyrene, signifies the sea shore.
From what has been said, we may be assured that Ampelus and Omphalus were the same term originally, however varied afterwards and differently appropriated. They are each a compound from Omphe, and relate to the oracular Deity. Ampelus, at Mycale, in Ionia, was confessedly so denominated from its being a sacred[826] place, and abounding with waters; by which, people who drank them were supposed to be inspired. They are mentioned in an antient oracle quoted by Eusebius[827]: [Greek: En Didumon gualois Mukalesion ENTHEON hudor.] I have mentioned that all fountains were esteemed sacred, but especially those which had any praeternatural quality, and abounded with exhalations. It was an universal notion that a divine energy proceeded from these effluvia, and that the persons who resided in their vicinity were gifted with a prophetic quality. Fountains of this nature, from the divine influence with which they were supposed to abound, the Amonians styled Ain Omphe, sive fontes Oraculi. These terms, which denoted the fountain of the prophetic God, the Greeks contracted to [Greek: Numphe], a Nymph; and supposed such a person to be an inferior Goddess, who presided over waters. Hot springs were imagined to be more immediately under the inspection of the nymphs: whence Pindar styles such fountains, [828][Greek: Therma Numphan loutra]. The temple of the Nymphae Ionides, in Arcadia, stood close to a fountain of great [829]efficacy. The term Nympha will be found always to have a reference to [830]water. There was in the same region of the Peloponnesus a place called [Greek: Numphas], Nymphas; which was undoubtedly so named from its hot springs: [831][Greek: Katarrheitai gar hudati—Numphas]: for Nymphas—abounded with waters. Another name for these places was Ain-Ades, the fountain of Ades, or the Sun; which, in like manner, was changed to [Greek: Naiades], Naiades, a species of Deities of the same class. Fountains of bitumen, in Susiana and Babylonia, were called Ain-Aptha, the fountains of Aptha, the God of fire; which by the Greeks was rendered Naptha, a name given to [832]bitumen. As they changed Ain Omphe to Numpha, a Goddess, they accordingly denominated the place itself [Greek: Numpheion], Nymphaeum: and wherever a place occurs of that name, there will be found something particular in its circumstances. We are told by [833]Pliny that the river Tigris, being stopped in its course by the mountains of Taurus, loses itself under ground, and rises again on the other side at Nymphaeum. According to Marcellinus, it seems to be at Nymphaeum that it sinks into the earth. Be it as it may, this, he tells us, is the place where that fiery matter called naptha issued: from whence, undoubtedly, the place had its name. [834]Bitumen nascitur prope lacum Sosingitem, cujus alveo Tigris voratus, fluensque subterraneus, procursis spatiis longis, emergit. Hic et Naptha gignitur specie picea. In his pagis hiatus conspicitur terrae, unde halitus lethalis exsurgens, quodcunque animal prope consistit, odore gravi consumit. There was an island of the like nature at the mouth of the river Indus, which was sacred to the Sun, and styled Cubile [835]Nympharum: in qua nullum non animal absumitur. In Athamania was a temple of the Nymphs, or [836]Nymphaeum; and near it a fountain of fire, which consumed things brought near to it. Hard by Apollonia was an eruption of bituminous matter, like that in Assyria: and this too was named [837]Nymphaeum. The same author (Strabo) mentions, that in Seleucia, styled Pieria, there was alike bituminous eruption, taken notice of by Posidonius; and that it was called Ampelitis: [838][Greek: Ten Ampeliten gen asphaltode, ten en Seleukeiai te Pieriai metalleuomenen]. The hot streams, and poisonous effluvia near Puteoli and lake Avernus are well known. It was esteemed a place of great sanctity; and people of a prophetic character are said to have here resided. Here was a [839]Nymphaeum, supposed to have been an oracular temple. There was a method of divination at Rome, mentioned by [840]Dion Cassius, in which people formed their judgment of future events from the steam of lighted frankincense. The terms of inquiry were remarkable: for their curiosity was indulged in respect to every future contingency, excepting death and marriage. The place of divination was here too called [841]Nymphaeum. Pausanias takes notice of a cavern near Platea, which was sacred to the Nymphs of Cithaeron: [Greek: Huper de tes koruphes, eph' hei ton bomon poiountai, pente pou malista kai deka hupokatabanti stadious NYMPHON estin antron Kithaironidon—MANTEUESTHAI de tas Numphas to archaion autothi echei logos.] We find that the Nymphs of this place had been of old prophetic. Evagrius mentions a splendid building at Antioch called Nymphaeum, remarkable [842][Greek: Namaton ploutoi], for the advantage of its waters. There was a Nymphaeum at Rome mentioned by Marcellinus. [843]Septemzodium celebrem locum, ubi Nymphaeum Marcus condidit Imperator. Here were the Thermae Antonianae. As from Ain Ompha came Nympha; so from Al Ompha was derived Lympha. This differed from Aqua, or common water, as being of a sacred and prophetic nature. The antients thought, that all mad persons were gifted with divination; and they were in consequence of it styled Lymphati.
From what has preceded, we may perceive that there once existed a wonderful resemblance in the rites, customs, and terms of worship, among nations widely separated. Of this, as I proceed, many instances will be continually produced. I have already mentioned that this similitude in terms, and the religious system, which was so widely propagated, were owing to one great family, who spread themselves almost universally. Their colonies went abroad under the sanction and direction of their priests; and carried with them both the rites and the records of their country. Celsus took notice of this; and thought that people payed too little attention to memorials of this nature. He mentions particularly the oracular temples at Dodona, at Delphi, at Claros, with those of the Branchidae and Amonians: at the same time passing over many other places, from whose priests and votaries the whole earth seemed to have been peopled[844]. [Greek: Ta men hupo tes Puthias, e Dodonion, e Klariou, e en Branchidais, e en Ammonos, hupo murion te allon theopropon proeiremena, huph' hon epieikos pasa ge katoikisthe, tauta men oudeni logoi tithentai.] As colonies went abroad under the influence and direction of their tutelary Deities; those Deities were styled [Greek: Hegemones], and [Greek: Archegetai]: and the colony was denominated from some sacred title of the God. A colony was planted at Miletus; of which the conducting Deity was Diana. [845][Greek: Se gar poiesato Neleus Hegemonen.] This Goddess is styled [Greek: poluptolis], because this office was particularly ascribed to her: and she had many places under her patronage. Jupiter accordingly tells her:
[846][Greek: Tris deka toi ptoliethra, kai ouk hena purgon opasso.]
Thrice ten fair cities shall your portion be, And many a stately tower.
Apollo likewise was called [Greek: Oiktistes] and [Greek: Archegetes], from being the supposed founder of cities; which were generally built in consequence of some oracle.
[847][Greek: Phoiboi d' espomenoi poleas diemetresanto] [Greek: Anthropoi; Phoibos gar aei poliessi philedei] [Greek: Ktizomenais; autos de themeilia Phoibos huphainei.]
'Tis through Apollo's tutelary aid, That men go forth to regions far remote, And cities found: Apollo ever joys In founding cities.
What colony, says [848]Cicero, did Greece ever send into AEtolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily or Italy, without having first consulted about every circumstance relative to it, either at Delphi, or Dodona, or at the oracle of Ammon. And Lucian speaks to the same purpose. [849][Greek: Oute poleas oikizon, oude teichea perieballonto—prin an de para Manteon akousai hekasta.] People would not venture to build cities, nor even raise the walls, till they had made proper inquiry among those, who were prophetically gifted, about the success of their operations.
* * * * *
PATOR AND PATRA.
I cannot help thinking that the word [Greek: pater], pater, when used in the religious addresses of the Greeks and Romans, meant not, as is supposed, a father, or parent; but related to the divine influence of the Deity, called, by the people of the east, Pator, as I have [850]shewn. From hence I should infer, that two words, originally very distinct, have been rendered one and the [851]same. The word pater, in the common acceptation, might be applicable to Saturn; for he was supposed to have been the father of all the Gods, and was therefore so entitled by the antient poet Sulpitius.
[852]Jane pater, Jane tuens, Dive biceps, biformis, O! cate rerum sator; O! principium Deorum.
But, when it became a title, which was bestowed upon Gods of every denomination, it made Jupiter animadvert with some warmth upon the impropriety, if we may credit Lucilius:
[853]Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin pater optimus Divom est: Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars, Janus, Quirinus, pater, omnes dicamur ad unum.
And not only the Gods, but the Hierophantae, in most temples; and those priests, in particular, who were occupied in the celebration of mysteries, were styled Patres: so that it was undoubtedly a religious term imported from Egypt, the same as Pator, and Patora, before mentioned. I have taken notice, that the Paterae of Curtius were the priests of Hamon: but that writer was unacquainted with the true meaning of the word, as well as with the pronunciation, which seems to have been penultima producta. The worship of Ham, or the Sun, as it was the most antient, so it was the most universal, of any in the world. It was at first the prevailing religion of Greece, and was propagated over all the sea coast of Europe; whence it extended itself into the inland provinces. It was established in Gaul and Britain; and was the original religion of this island, which the Druids in aftertimes adopted. That it went high in the north is evident from Ausonius, who takes notice of its existing in his time. He had relations, who were priests of this order and denomination; and who are, on that account, complimented by him, in his ode to Attius Patera [854]Rhetor.
Tu Boiocassis stirpe Druidarum satus, Si fama non fallat fidem, Beleni sacratum ducis e templo genus, Et inde vobis nomina, Tibi Paterae: sic ministros nuncupant Apollinares Mystici. Fratri, Patrique nomen a Phaebo datum, Natoque de Delphis tuo.
He mentions, that this worship prevailed particularly in Armorica; of which country his relations were natives.
[855]Nec reticebo Senem, Nomine Phoebicium, Qui Beleni AEdituus, Stirpe satus Druidum, Gentis Armoricae.
Belin, the Deity of whom he speaks, was the same as [856]Bel and Balen, of Babylonia and Canaan; the Orus and Apollo of other nations. Herodian takes notice of his being worshipped by the people of Aquileia; and says, that they called him Belin, and paid great reverence, esteeming him the same as [857]Apollo.
The true name of the Amonian priests I have shewn to have been Petor, or Pator; and the instrument which they held in their hands was styled Petaurum. They used to dance round a large fire, in honour of the Sun, whose orbit they affected to describe. At the same time they exhibited other feats of activity, to amuse the votaries who resorted to their temples. This dance was sometimes performed in armour, especially in Crete: and, being called Pyrrhic, was supposed to have been so named from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. But, when was he in Crete? Besides, it is said to have been practised by the Argonautic heroes before his time. It was a religious dance, denominated from fire, with which it was accompanied.
[858][Greek: Amphi de daiomenois eurun choron estesanto,] [Greek: Kalon Iepaieon', Iepaieona Phoibon] [Greek: Melpomenoi.]
It was originally an Egyptian dance, in honour of Hermes, and practised by the Patarae, or Priests. In some places it was esteemed a martial exercise, and exhibited by persons in armour, who gave it the name of Betarmus. We have an instance of it in the same poet:
[859][Greek: Amudis de neoi Orpheos anogei] [Greek: Ekairontes Betarmon enoplion orchesanto,] [Greek: Kai sakea xipheessin hupektupon.]
[Greek: Betarmos] Betarmus, was a name given to the dance, from the temple of the Deity where it was probably first practised. It is a compound of Bet Armes, or Armon, called, more properly, Hermes, and Hermon. Bet, and Beth, among the Amonians, denoted a temple. There is reason to think that the circular dances of the Dervises, all over the east, are remains of these antient customs. In the first ages this exercise was esteemed a religious rite, and performed by people of the temple where it was exhibited: but, in aftertimes, the same feats were imitated by rope-dancers and vagrants, called Petauristae, and Petauristarii; who made use of a kind of pole, styled petaurum.—Of these the Roman writers make frequent mention; and their feats are alluded to by Juvenal:
[860]An magis oblectant animum jactata petauro Corpora, quique solent rectum descendere funem?
Manilius likewise gives an account of this people, and their activity; wherein may be observed some remains of the original institution:
[861]Ad numeros etiam ille ciet cognata per artem Corpora, quae valido saliunt excussa petauro: Membraque per flammas orbesque emissa flagrantes, Delphinumque suo per inane imitantia motu, Et viduata volant pennis, et in aere ludunt.
I have shewn, that the Paterae, or Priests, were so denominated from the Deity styled Pator; whose shrines were named Patera, and Petora. They were oracular temples of the Sun; which in aftertimes were called Petra, and ascribed to other Gods. Many of them for the sake of mariners were erected upon rocks, and eminences near the sea: hence the term [Greek: petra], petra, came at length to signify any rock or stone, and to be in a manner confined to that meaning. But in the first ages it was ever taken in a religious sense; and related to the shrines of Osiris, or the Sun, and to the oracles, which were supposed to be there exhibited. Thus Olympus near Pisa, though no rock, but a huge mound, or hill ([862][Greek: Peri gar ton Kronion LOPHON agetai ta Olumpia]) was of old termed Petra, as relating to oracular influence. Hence Pindar, speaking of Iaemus, who was supposed to have been conducted by Apollo to Olympia, says, that they both came to the Petra Elibatos upon the lofty Cronian mount: there Apollo bestowed upon Iaemus a double portion of prophetic knowledge.
[863][Greek: Hikonto d' hupseloio Petran] [Greek: Alibatou Kroniou,] [Greek: Enth' hoi opase thesauron] [Greek: Didumon MANTOSYNAS.]
The word [Greek: Elibatos], Elibatos, was a favourite term with Homer, and other poets; and is uniformly joined with Petra. They do not seem to have known the purport of it; yet they adhere to it religiously, and introduce it wherever they have an opportunity. [Greek: Elibatos] is an Amonian compound of Eli-Bat, and signifies solis domus, vel [864]templum. It was the name of the temple, and specified the Deity there worshipped. In like manner the word Petra had in great measure lost its meaning; yet it is wonderful to observe how industriously it is introduced by writers, when they speak of sacred and oracular places. Lycophron calls the temple at Elis [865][Greek: Leuran Molpidos petran]: and the Pytho at Delphi is by Pindar styled Petraessa: [866][Greek: Epei Petraessas elaunon hiket' ek Puthonos]. Orchomenos was a place of great antiquity; and the natives are said to have worshipped Petra, which were supposed to have fallen from [867]heaven. At Athens in the Acropolis was a sacred cavern, which was called Petrae Macrae, Petrae Cecropiae.
[868][Greek: Akoue toinun, oistha Kekropias petras,] [Greek: Prosborrhon antron, as Makras kikleskomen.]
I have shewn that people of old made use of caverns for places of worship: hence this at Athens had the name of Petra, or temple. [869]It is said of Ceres, that after she had wandered over the whole earth, she at last reposed herself upon a stone at Eleusis. They in like manner at Delphi shewed the petra, upon which the Sibyl Herophile at her first arrival sat [870]down. In short, there is in history of every oracular temple some legend about a stone; some reference to the word Petra. To clear this up, it is necessary to observe, that when the worship of the Sun was almost universal, this was one name of that Deity even among the Greeks. They called him Petor, and Petros; and his temple was styled Petra. This they oftentimes changed to [Greek: lithos]; so little did they understand their own mythology. There were however some writers, who mentioned it as the name of the Sun, and were not totally ignorant of its meaning. This we may learn from the Scholiast upon Pindar. [871][Greek: Peri de tou Heliou hoi phusikoi phasin, hos lithos kaleitai ho Helios. Kai Anaxagorou genomenon Euripiden matheten, Petron eirekenai ton Helion dia ton prokeimenon.]
[Greek: Ho gar Makarios, k' ouk oneidizo tuchas,] [Greek: Dios pephukos, hos legousi, Tantalos,] [Greek: Koruphes hupertellonta deimainon PETRON,] [Greek: Aeri potaitai, kai tinei tauten diken.]
The same Scholiast quotes a similar passage from the same writer, where the Sun is called Petra.
[872][Greek: Moloimi tan ouranou mesan] [Greek: Chthonos te tetamenan aioremasi petran,] [Greek: Alusesi chruseais pheromenan.]
If then the name of the Sun, and of his temples, was among the antient Grecians Petros, and Petra; we may easily account for that word so often occurring in the accounts of his worship. The Scholia above will moreover lead us to discover whence the strange notion arose about the famous Anaxagoras of Clazomenae; who is said to have prophesied, that a stone would fall from the Sun. All that he had averred, may be seen in the relation of the Scholiast above: which amounts only to this, that Petros was a name of the Sun. It was a word of Egyptian original, derived from Petor, the same as Ham, the Iaemus of the antient Greeks. This Petros some of his countrymen understood in a different sense; and gave out, that he had foretold a stone would drop from the Sun. Some were idle enough to think that it was accomplished: and in consequence of it pretended to shew at AEgospotamos the very [873]stone, which was said to have fallen. The like story was told of a stone at Abydus upon the Hellespont: and Anaxagoras was here too supposed to have been the prophet[874]. In Abydi gymnasio ex ea causa colitur hodieque modicus quidem (lapis), sed quem in medio terrarum casurum Anaxagoras praedixisse narratur. The temples, or Petra here mentioned, were Omphalian, or Oracular: hence they were by a common mistake supposed to have been in the centre of the habitable globe. They were also [Greek: Elibatoi Petrai]; which Elibatos the Greeks derived from [Greek: baino] descendo; and on this account the Petra were thought to have fallen from the [875]Sun. We may by this clue unravel the mysterious story of Tantalus; and account for the punishment which he was doomed to undergo.
[876][Greek: Koroi d' helen] [Greek: Atan huperoplon,] [Greek: Tan hoi pater huperkremase,] [Greek: Karteron autoi lithon] [Greek: Ton aei menoinon kephalas balein] [Greek: Euphrosunas alatai.]
The unhappy Tantalus From a satiety of bliss Underwent a cruel reverse. He was doom'd to sit under a huge stone, Which the father of the Gods Kept over his head suspended. Thus he sat In continual dread of its downfal, And lost to every comfort.
It is said of Tantalus by some, that he was set up to his chin in water, with every kind of fruit within reach: yet hungry as he was and thirsty, he could never attain to what he wanted; every thing which he caught at eluding his efforts. But from the account given above by [877]Pindar, as well as by [878]Alcaeus, Aleman, and other writers, his punishment consisted in having a stone hanging over his head; which kept him in perpetual fear. What is styled [Greek: lithos], was I make no doubt originally Petros; which has been misinterpreted a stone. Tantalus is termed by Euripides [Greek: akolastos ten glossan], a man of an ungovernable tongue: and his history at bottom relates to a person who revealed the mysteries in which he had been [879]initiated. The Scholiast upon Lycophron describes him in this light; and mentions him as a priest, who out of good nature divulged some secrets of his cloister; and was upon that account ejected from the society[880]. [Greek: O Tantalos eusebes kai theoseptor en Hiereus, kai philanthropiai ta ton theon musteria tois amuetois husteron eipon, exeblethe tou hierou katalogou]. The mysteries which he revealed, were those of Osiris, the Sun: the Petor, and Petora of Egypt. He never afterwards could behold the Sun in its meridian, but it put him in mind of his crime: and he was afraid that the vengeance of the God would overwhelm him. This Deity, the Petor, and Petora of the Amonians, being by the later Greeks expressed Petros, and Petra, gave rise to the fable above about the stone of Tantalus. To this solution the same Scholiast upon Pindar bears witness, by informing us, [881]that the Sun was of old called a stone: and that some writers understood the story of Tantalus in this light; intimating that it was the Sun, which hung over his head to his perpetual terror. [882][Greek: Enioi akouousi ton lithon epi tou heliou—kai epeoreisthai autou (Tantalou) ton helion, huph' oi deimatousthai, kai kataptessein]. And again, [Greek: Peri de tou heliou hoi phusikoi legousin, hos lithos] (it should be [Greek: petra]) [Greek: kaleitai ho helios]. Some understand, what is said in the history about the stone, as relating to the Sun: and they suppose that it was the Sun which hung over his head, to his terror and confusion. The naturalists, speaking of the Sun, often call him a stone, or petra.
By laying all these circumstances together, and comparing them, we may, I think, not only find out wherein the mistake consisted, but likewise explain the grounds from whence the mistake arose. And this clue may lead us to the detection of other fallacies, and those of greater consequence. We may hence learn the reason, why so many Deities were styled [Greek: Petraioi], Petraei. We read of[883] [Greek: Mithras, ho theos ek petras], Mithras, the Deity out of the rock; whose temple of old was really a rock or cavern. The same worship seems to have prevailed, in some degree, in the west; as we may judge from an antient inscription at Milan, which was dedicated[884] Herculi in Petra. But all Deities were not so worshipped: and the very name Petra was no other than the sacred term Petora, given to a cavern, as being esteemed in the first ages an oracular temple. And some reverence to places of this sort was kept up a long time. We may from hence understand the reason of the prohibition given to some of the early proselytes to Christianity, that they should no more[885] ad petras vota reddere: and by the same light we may possibly explain that passage in Homer, where he speaks of persons entering into compacts under oaks, and rocks, as places of[886] security. The oak was sacred to Zeus, and called Sar-On: and Petra in its original sense being a temple, must be looked upon as an asylum. But this term was not confined to a rock or cavern: every oracular temple was styled Petra, and Petora. Hence it proceeded that so many Gods were called [Greek: Theoi Petraioi], and [Greek: Patroisi]. Pindar speaks of Poseidon Petraios;[887] [Greek: Pai Poseidonos Petraiou]: under which title Neptune was worshipped by the Thessalians: but the latter was the more common title. We meet in Pausanias with Apollo Patroues, and with [888][Greek: Zeus Meilichios], and [Greek: Artemis Patroia]; also [889]Bacchus [Greek: Patroios], Zeus Patroues, and Vesta Patroa, together with other instances.
The Greeks, whenever they met with this term, even in regions the most remote, always gave it an interpretation according to their own preconceptions; and explained [Greek: theoi Patroioi], the oracular Deities, by Dii Patrii, or the Gods of the country. Thus, in the Palmyrene inscription, two Syrian Deities are characterized by this title.
[890][Greek: AGLIBOLO KAI MALACHBELO] [Greek: PATROOIS THEOIS.]
Cyrus, in his expedition against the Medes, is represented as making vows [891][Greek: Hestiai Patroiai, kai Dii Patroioi, kai tois allois Theois]. But the Persians, from whom this history is presumed to be borrowed, could not mean by these terms Dii Patrii: for nothing could be more unnecessary than to say of a Persic prince, that the homage, which he payed, was to Persic Deities. It is a thing of course, and to be taken for granted, unless there be particular evidence to the contrary. His vows were made to Mithras, who was styled by the nations in the east Pator; his temples were Patra, and Petra, and his festivals Patrica. Nonnus gives a proper account of the Petra, when he represents it as Omphean, or oracular:
[892][Greek: Omphaiei peri Petrei] [Greek: Eiseti nepiachoio chorous hidrusato Bakchou].
At Patara, in Lycia, was an oracular temple: and Patrae, in Achaia, had its name from divination, for which it was famous. Pausanias mentions the temple, and adds, [893][Greek: Pro de tou Hierou tes Demetros esti pege—manteion de entautha estin apseudes.] Before the temple is the fountain of Demeter—and in the temple an oracle, which never is known to fail.
The offerings, which people in antient times used to present to the Gods, were generally purchased at the entrance of the temple; especially every species of consecrated bread, which was denominated accordingly. If it was an oracular temple of Alphi, the loaves and cakes were styled [894]Alphita. If it was expressed Ampi, or Ompi, the cakes were Ompai[895], [Greek: Ompai]: at the temple of Adorus[896], Adorea. Those made in honour of Ham-orus had the name of [897]Homoura, Amora, and Omoritae. Those sacred to Peon, the God of light, were called [898]Piones. At Cha-on, which signifies the house of the Sun, [899]Cauones, [Greek: Chauones]. From Pur-Ham, and Pur-Amon, they were denominated Puramoun, [900][Greek: Puramoun]. From Ob-El, Pytho Deus, came [901]Obelia. If the place were a Petra or Petora, they had offerings of the same sort called Petora, by the Greeks expressed [902][Greek: Pitura], Pitura. One of the titles of the Sun was El-Aphas, Sol Deus ignis. This El-aphas the Greeks rendered Elaphos, [Greek: elaphos]; and supposed it to relate to a deer: and the title El-Apha-Baal, given by the Amonians to the chief Deity, was changed to [Greek: elaphebolos], a term of a quite different purport. El-aphas, and El-apha-baal, related to the God Osiris, the Deity of light: and there were sacred liba made at his temple, similar to those above, and denominated from him [Greek: Elaphoi], Elaphoi. In Athenaeus we have an account of their composition, which consisted of fine meal, and a mixture of sesamum and honey. [903][Greek: Elaphos plakous dia staitos kai melitos kai sesamou.]
One species of sacred bread, which used to be offered to the Gods, was of great antiquity, and called Boun. The Greeks, who changed the Nu final into a Sigma, expressed it in the nominative, [Greek: bous]; but, in the accusative, more truly boun, [Greek: boun]. Hesychius speaks of the Boun, and describes it, [Greek: eidos pemmatos kerata echontos]; a kind of cake, with a representation of two horns. Julius Pollux mentions it after the same manner: [Greek: boun, eidos pemmatos kerata echontos]; a sort of cake with horns. Diogenes Laertius, speaking of the same offering being made by Empedocles, describes the chief ingredients of which it was composed: [904][Greek: Boun ethuse—ek melitos kai alphiton]. He offered up one of the sacred liba, called a boun, which was made of fine flour and honey. It is said of Cecrops, [905][Greek: protos boun ethuse:] He first offered up this sort of sweet bread. Hence we may judge of the antiquity of the custom from the times to which Cecrops is referred. The prophet Jeremiah takes notice of this kind of offering, when he is speaking of the Jewish women at Pathros in Egypt, and of their base idolatry; in all which their husbands had encouraged them. The women, in their expostulation upon his rebuke, tell him: Since we left off to burn incense to the Queen of heaven, and to pour out drink-offerings unto her, we have wanted all things; and have been consumed by the sword and by the famine. And when we burnt incense to the Queen of heaven, and poured out drink-offerings unto her, did we make her cakes to worship her, and pour out drink-offerings unto her without our [906]men? The prophet, in another place, takes notice of the same idolatry. [907]The children gather wood, and the fathers kindle the fire, and the women knead their dough, to make cakes to the Queen of heaven. The word, in these instances, for sacred cakes, is [Hebrew: KWNYM], Cunim. The Seventy translate it by a word of the same purport, [Greek: Chauonas], Chauonas; of which I have before taken notice: [908][Greek: Me aneu ton andron hemon epoiesamen autei Chauonas. ktl.]
I have mentioned that they were sometimes called Petora, and by the Greeks Pitura. This, probably, was the name of those liba, or cakes, which the young virgins of Babylonia and Persis, used to offer at the shrine of their God, when they were to be first prostituted: for, all, before marriage, were obliged to yield themselves up to some stranger to be deflowered. It was the custom for all the young women, when they arrived towards maturity, to sit in the avenue of the temple, with a girdle, or rope, round their middle; and whatever passenger laid hold of it was entitled to lead them away. This practice is taken notice of, as subsisting among the Babylonians, in the epistle ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah; which he is supposed to have written to Baruch. v. 43. [Greek: Haide gunaikes perithemenai schoinia en tais hodois enkathentai thumiosai ta PITYRA; hotan de tis auton aphelkotheisa hupo tinos ton paraporeuomenon koimethei, ten plesion oneidizei, hoti ouk exiotai, hosper aute, oute to schoinion autes dierrhage]. This is a translation from an Hebrew or Chaldaeic original; and, I should think, not quite accurate. What is here rendered [Greek: gunaikes], should, I imagine, be [Greek: parthenoi]; and the purport will be nearly this: The virgins of Babylonia put girdles about their waist; and in this habit sit by the way side, holding their Pitura, or sacred offerings, over an urn of incense: and when any one of them is taken notice of by a stranger, and led away by her girdle to a place of privacy; upon her return she upbraids her next neighbour for not being thought worthy of the like honour; and for having her zone not yet broken or [909]loosed. It was likewise a Persian custom, and seems to have been universally kept up wherever their religion prevailed. Strabo gives a particular account of this practice, as it was observed in the temple of Anait in Armenia. This was a Persian Deity, who had many places of worship in that part of the world. Not only the men and maid servants, says the author, are in this manner prostituted at the shrine of the Goddess; for in this there would be nothing extraordinary: [910][Greek: Alla kai thugateras hoi epiphanestatoi tou ethnous anierousi parthenous, hais nomos esti, kataporneutheisais polun chronon para tei Theoi meta tauta dedosthai pros gamon; ouk apaxiountos tei toiautei sunoikein oudenos.] But people of the first fashion in the nation used to devote their own daughters in the same manner: it being a religious institution, that all young virgins shall, in honour of the Deity, be prostituted, and detained for some time in her temple: after which they are permitted to be given in marriage. Nor is any body at all scrupulous about cohabiting with a young woman afterwards, though she has been in this manner abused.
The Patrica were not only rites of Mithras, but also of Osiris, who was in reality the same Deity.
We have a curious inscription to this purpose, and a representation, which was first exhibited by the learned John Price in his observations upon Apuleius. It is copied from an original, which he saw at Venice: and there is an engraving from it in the Edition of Herodotus by [911]Gronovius, as well as in that by [912]Wesselinge: but about the purport of it they are strangely mistaken. They suppose it to relate to a daughter of Mycerinus, the son of Cheops. She died, it seems: and her father was so affected with her death, that he made a bull of wood, which he gilt, and in it interred his daughter. Herodotus says, that he saw the bull of Mycerinus; and that it alluded to this history. But, notwithstanding the authority of this great author, we may be assured that it was an emblematical representation, and an image of the sacred bull Apis and Mneuis. And, in respect to the sculpture above mentioned, and the characters therein expressed, the whole is a religious ceremony, and relates to an event of great antiquity, which was commemorated in the rites of Osiris. Of this I shall treat hereafter: at present, it is sufficient to observe, that the sacred process is carried on before a temple; on which is a Greek inscription, but in the provincial characters: [Greek: Endon Patriken Heorten Phero]. How can [Greek: Heorte Patrike] relate to a funeral? It denotes a festival in honour of the Sun, who was styled, as I have shewn, Pator; and his temple was called Patra: whence these rites were denominated Patrica. Plutarch alludes to this Egyptian ceremony, and supposes it to relate to Isis, and to her mourning for the loss of her son. Speaking of the month Athyr, he mentions [913][Greek: Boun diachruson himatioi melani bussinoi peribalontes epi penthei tes Theou deiknuousin (hoi Aiguptioi)]. The Egyptians have a custom in the month Athyr of ornamenting a golden image of a bull; which they cover with a black robe of the finest linen. This they do in commemoration of Isis, and her grief for the loss of Orus. In every figure, as they are represented in the sculpture, there appears deep silence and reverential awe: but nothing that betrays any sorrow in the agents. They may commemorate the grief of Isis; but they certainly do not allude to any misfortune of their own: nor is there any thing the least funereal in the process. The Egyptians of all nations were the most extravagant in their [914]grief. If any died in a family of consequence, the women used by way of shewing their concern to soil their heads with the mud of the river; and to disfigure their faces with filth. In this manner they would run up and down the streets half naked, whipping themselves as they ran: and the men likewise whipped themselves. They cut off their hair upon the death of a dog; and shaved their eyebrows for a dead cat. We may therefore judge, that some very strong symptoms of grief would have been expressed, had this picture any way related to the sepulture of a king's daughter. Herodotus had his account from different people: one half he confessedly [915]disbelieved; and the remainder was equally incredible. For no king of Egypt, if he had made a representation of the sacred [916]bull, durst have prostituted it for a tomb: and, as I have before said, [Greek: Heorte Patrike] can never relate to a funeral.
* * * * *
AN
ACCOUNT
OF THE
GODS OF GREECE;
To shew that they were all originally one GOD, the SUN.
As I shall have a great deal to say concerning the Grecian Theology in the course of this work, it will be necessary to take some previous notice of their Gods; both in respect to their original, and to their purport. Many learned men have been at infinite pains to class the particular Deities of different countries, and to point out which were the same. But they would have saved themselves much labour, if, before they had bewildered themselves in these fruitless inquiries, they had considered whether all the Deities of which they treat, were not originally the same: all from one source; branched out and diversified in different parts of the world. I have mentioned that the nations of the east acknowledged originally but one Deity, the Sun: but when they came to give the titles of Orus, Osiris, and Cham, to some of the heads of their family; they too in time were looked up to as Gods, and severally worshipped as the Sun. This was practised by the Egyptians: but this nation being much addicted to refinement in their worship, made many subtile distinctions: and supposing that there were certain emanations of divinity, they affected to particularize each by some title; and to worship the Deity by his attributes. This gave rise to a multiplicity of Gods: for the more curious they were in their disquisitions, the greater was the number of these substitutes. Many of them at first were designed for mere titles: others, as I before mentioned, were [Greek: aporrhoiai], derivatives, and emanations: all which in time were esteemed distinct beings, and gave rise to a most inconsistent system of Polytheism. The Grecians, who received their religion from Egypt and the east, misconstrued every thing which was imported; and added to these absurdities largely. They adopted Deities, to whose pretended attributes they were totally strangers; whose names they could not articulate, or spell. They did not know how to arrange the elements, of which the words were composed. Hence it was, that Solon the Wise could not escape the bitter, but just censure of the priest in Egypt, who accused both him, and the Grecians in general, of the grossest puerility and ignorance. [917][Greek: O Solon, Solon, Hellenes este paides aei, geron de Hellen ouk esti, neoi te psuchas hapantes; oudemian gar en heautois echete palaian doxan, oude mathema chronoi polion ouden]. The truth of this allegation may be proved both from the uncertainty, and inconsistency of the antients in the accounts of their Deities. Of this uncertainty Herodotus takes notice. [918][Greek: Enthende egeneto hekastos ton theon, eite d' aei esan pantes, hokoioi de tines ta eidea, ouk episteato mechri hou proen te kai chthes, hos eipein logoi.] He attributes to Homer, and to Hesiod, the various names and distinctions of the Gods, and that endless polytheism which prevailed. [919][Greek: Outoi de eisi, hoi poiesantes theogonian Hellesi, kai toisi Theoisi tas eponumias dontes, kai timas te kai technas dielontes, kai eidea auton semeinantes.] This blindness in regard to their own theology, and to that of the countries, whence they borrowed, led them to misapply the terms, which they had received, and to make a God out of every title. But however they may have separated, and distinguished them under different personages, they are all plainly resolvable into one Deity, the Sun. The same is to be observed in the Gods of the Romans. This may in great measure be proved from the current accounts of their own writers; if we attend a little closely to what they say: but it will appear more manifest from those who had been in Egypt, and copied their accounts from that country. There are few characters, which at first sight appear more distinct than those of Apollo and Bacchus. Yet the department, which is generally appropriated to Apollo, as the Sun, I mean the conduct of the year, is by Virgil given to Bacchus, or Liber. He joins him with Ceres, and calls them both the bright luminaries of the world.
[920]Vos, O, clarissima Mundi Lumina, labentem Coelo qui ducitis annum, Liber, et alma Ceres.
[921]Quidam ipsum solem, ipsum Apollinem, ipsum Dionysium eundem esse volunt. Hence we find that Bacchus is the Sun, or Apollo; though supposed generally to have been a very different personage. In reality they are all three the same; each of them the Sun. He was the ruling Deity of the world:
[922][Greek: Helie pangenetor, panaiole, chruseophenges.]
He was in Thrace esteemed, and worshipped as Bacchus, or Liber. [923]In Thracia Solem Liberum haberi, quem illi Sebadium nuncupantes magna religione celebrant: eique Deo in colle [924]Zemisso aedes dicata est specie rotunda. In short, all the Gods were one, as we learn from the same Orphic Poetry:
[925][Greek: Heis Zeus, heis Aides, heis Helios, heis Dionusos,] [Greek: Heis theos en pantessi.]
Some Deities changed with the season.
[926][Greek: Eelion de therous, metopores d' habron Iao.]
It was therefore idle in the antients to make a disquisition about the identity of any God, as compared with another; and to adjudge him to Jupiter rather than to Mars, to Venus rather than Diana. [927][Greek: Ton Osirin hoi men Serapin, hoide Dionuson, hoide Ploutona, tines de Dia, polloide Pana nenomikasi]. Some, says Diodorus, think that Osiris is Serapis; others that he is Dionusus; others still, that he is Pluto: many take him for Zeus, or Jupiter, and not a few for Pan. This was an unnecessary embarrassment: for they were all titles of the same God, there being originally by no means that diversity which is imagined, as Sir John Marsham has very justly observed. [928]Neque enim tanta [Greek: polutheotes] Gentium, quanta fuit Deorum [Greek: poluonumia]. It is said, above, that Osiris was by some thought to be Jupiter, and by others to be Pluto. But Pluto, among the best theologists, was esteemed the same as Jupiter; and indeed the same as Proserpine, Ceres, Hermes, Apollo, and every other Deity.
[929][Greek: Plouton, Persephone, Demeter, Kupris, Erotes,] [Greek: Tritones, Nereus, Tethus kai Kuanochaites,] [Greek: Hermes th', Hephaistos te klutos, Pan, Zeus te, kai Here,] [Greek: Artemis, ed' Hekaergos Apollon, heis Theos estin.]
There were to be sure a number of strange attributes, which by some of the poets were delegated to different personages; but there were other writers who went deeper in their researches, and made them all centre in one. They sometimes represented this sovereign Deity as Dionusus; who, according to Ausonius, was worshipped in various parts under different titles, and comprehended all the Gods under one character.
[930]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat; Osyrin AEgyptus putat: Mysi Phanacem nominant: Dionyson Indi existimant: Romana Sacra Liberum; Arabica Gens Adoneum; Lucanianus Pantheon.
Sometimes the supremacy was given to Pan, who was esteemed Lord of all the elements.
[931][Greek: Pana kalo, krateron Nomion, kosmoio te sumpan,] [Greek: Ouranon, ede thalassan, ide chthona pambasileian,] [Greek: Kai pur athanaton, tade gar mele esti ta Panos.] [Greek: Kosmokrator, auxeta, phaesphore, karpime Paian,] [Greek: Antrochares, barumenis, ALETHES ZEUS HO KERASTES.]
More generally it was conferred upon Jupiter:
[932][Greek: Zeus estin aither, Zeus de ge, Zeus d' Ouranos;] [Greek: Zeus toi ta panta.]
Poseidon, God of the sea, was also reputed the chief God, the Deity of Fire. This we may infer from his priest. He was styled a Purcon, and denominated from him, and served in his oracular temples; as we learn from Pausanias, who says, [933][Greek: Poseidoni d' hupereten es ta manteumata einai Purkona]. He mentions a verse to the same purpose. [Greek: Sun de te Purkon amphipolos klutou Ennosigaiou.] P'urcon is Ignis vel lucis dominus: and we may know the department of the God from the name of the priest. He was no other than the supreme Deity, the Sun: from whom all were supposed to be derived. Hence Poseidon or Neptune, in the Orphic verses, is, like Zeus, styled the father of Gods and men.
[934] [Greek: Kluthi, Poseidaon]—— [Greek: Ouranion, Makaron te Theon pater, ede kai andron.]
In the neighborhood of Tyre and Sidon the chief deity went by the name of [935]Ourchol, the same as Archel and Aides of Egypt, whence came the [Greek: Herakles], and Hercules of Greece and Rome. Nonnus, who was deeply read in the mythology of these countries, makes all the various departments of the other Gods, as well as their titles, centre in him. He describes him in some good poetry as the head of all.
[936][Greek: Astrochiton Herakles, Anax puros, Orchame kosmou,] [Greek: Huia Chronou Lukabanta duodekamenon helisson,] [Greek: Hippeuon helikedon holon polon aithopi diskoi,] [Greek: Kuklon ageis meta kuklon]—— [Greek: Ombron ageis pherekarton, ep' euodini de gaiei] [Greek: Eeries eoon ereugetai ardmon eerses.]—— [Greek: Belos ep Euphretao, Libus keklemenos Ammon,] [Greek: Apis ephus Neiloios Araps Kronos, Assurios Zeus.]—— [Greek: Eite Sarapis ephus Aiguptios, anephalos Zeus,] [Greek: Ei Chronos, ei Phaethon poluonumos, eite su Mithres,] [Greek: EELIOS BABYLONOS, en Helladi DELPHOS APOLLON.]
All the various titles, we find, are at last comprised in Apollo, or the Sun.
It may appear strange, that Hercules, and Jupiter, or whomever we put for the chief Deity, should be of all ages. This must have been the case, if they were the same as the boy of love, and Bacchus ever young; and were also the representatives of Cronus, and Saturn. But the antients went farther; and described the same Deity under the same name in various stages of life: and [937]Ulpian speaking of Dionusus, says that he was represented of all ages. [Greek: Kai gar paida, kai presbuten, kai andra graphousin auton.] But the most extraordinary circumstance was, that they represented the same Deity of different sexes. A bearded Apollo was uncommon; but Venus with a beard must have been very extraordinary. Yet she is said to have been thus exhibited in Cyprus, under the name of Aphroditus, [Greek: Aphroditos:] [938][Greek: pogonian andros ten Theon eschematisthai en Kuproi.] The same is mentioned by Servius: [939]Est etiam in Cypro simulacrum barbatae Veneris, corpora et veste muliebri, cum sceptro, et natura virili, quod [Greek: Aphroditon] vocant. She was also looked upon as prior to Zeus, and to most other of the Gods. [940][Greek: Aphrodite ou monon Athenas, kai Heras, alla kai DIOS esti presbutera.] The poet Calvus speaks of her as masculine: [941]Polientemque Deum Venerem. Valerius Soranus among other titles calls Jupiter the mother of the Gods.
[942]Jupiter omnipotens, Regum Rex ipse, Deumque Progenitor, Genetrixque Deum; Deus unus et idem.
Synesius speaks of him in nearly the same manner.
[943][Greek: Su pater, su d' essi meter,] [Greek: Su d' arsen, su de thelus.]
And the like character is given to the antient Deity [Greek: Metis].
[944][Greek: Arsen men kai thelus ephus, poluonume Meti.]
In one of the fragments of the Orphic poetry there is every thing, which I have been saying comprehended within a very short compass.
[945][Greek: Zeus arsen geneto, Zeus ambrotos epleto Numphe,] [Greek: Zeus puthmen gaies te kai ouranou asteroentos.]—— [Greek: Zeus pontou rhiza, Zeus] [946][Greek: Helios, ede Selene,] [Greek: Zeus Basileus, Zeus autos hapanton archigenethlos]—— [Greek: Kai Metis, protos genetor kai Eros poluterpes.] [Greek: Panta gar en Zenos megaloi tade somati keitai.] [Greek: Hen kratos, heis Daimon, genetai megas archos hapanton.]
Whom he meant under the title of Zeus, he explains afterwards in a solemn invocation of the God Dionusus.
[947][Greek: Kekluthi teleporou dines helikaugea kuklon] [Greek: Ouraniais strophalinxi peridromon aien helisson,] [Greek: Aglae ZEU, DIONYSE, pater pontou, pater aies,] [Greek: Helie, pangenetor, panaiole, chruseophenges.]
As we have seen how the father of the Gods was diversified, it may be worth while to hear what the supposed mother of all the Deities says of her titles and departments, in Apuleius. [948]Me primigenii Phryges Pessinuntiam nominant Deum Matrem: hinc Autochthones Attici Cecropiam Minervam: illinc fluctuantes Cyprii Paphiam Venerem: Cretes sagittiferi Dictynnam Dianam. Siculi trilingues Stygiam Proserpinam: Eleusinii vetustam Deam Cererem. Junonem alii: alii Bellonam: alii Hecaten: Rhamnusiam alii: et qui nascentis dei Solis inchoantibus radiis illustrantur AEthiopes, Ariique, priscaque doctrina pollentes AEgyptii, ceremoniis me prorsus propriis percolentes, appellant vero nomine Reginam Isidem.
Porphyry acknowledged, that Vesta, Rhea, Ceres, Themis, Priapus, Proserpina, Bacchus, Attis, Adonis, Silenus, and the Satyrs, were all one, and the[949] same. Nobody had examined the theology of the antients more deeply than Porphyry. He was a determined Pagan, and his evidence in this point is unexceptionable. The titles of Orus and Osiris being given to Dionusus, caused him in time to partake of the same worship which was paid to the great luminary; and as he had also many other titles, from them sprung a multiplicity of Deities. [950]Morichum Siculi Bacchum nominarunt: Arabes vero eundem Orachal et Adonaeum: alii Lyaeum, Erebinthium, Sabazium; Lacedaemonii Scytidem, et Milichium vocitarunt. But let Dionusus or Bacchus be diversified by ever so many names or titles, they all, in respect to worship, relate ultimately to the Sun. [951]Sit Osiris, sit Omphis, Nilus, Siris, sive quodcunque aliud ab Hierophantis usurpatum nomen, ad unum tandem Solem, antiquissimum Gentium numen, redeunt omnia.
* * * * *
END OF VOL. I.
W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.
* * * * *
Notes to Volume I.
[1] Henry VI. founder of Eton and King's College, in Cambridge.
[2] Dr. Priestley, on Philosophical Necessity.
[3] [Greek: Kata theion delonoti chresmon.] Eusebii Chron. p. 10. See also Syncellus.
[4] [Greek: Aiguptous—pros allelous tai rhemati Amoun chresthai.] Isis et Osiris. p. 355.
[5] [Greek: Ho de sumbalon tois apo ton aduton heuretheisin apokruphois AMMOUENON grammasi sunkeimenois, ha de ouk en pasi gnorima, ten mathesin hapanton autos eskese; kai telos epitheis tei pragmateiai ton kat' archas muthon kai tas allegorias ekpodon poiesamenos, exenusato ten prothesin.] Euseb. Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 9. p. 32.
[6] He makes it exceed the aera of the Mosaic creation 1336 years. See Marsham's Canon Chron. p. 1.
[7] The Rev. Dr. Barford, Prebendary of Canterbury, and Rector of Kimpton, Hertfordshire.
[8] Called also Chumus. Lilius Gyraldus speaks of the Phenician God Chumus. Syntag. 1. p. 7.
[9] Of Amanus, and Omanus, see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. and l. 15. p. 1066. He calls the temple [Greek: Hieron Omanou].
[10] Et Solem et calorem [Hebrew: HMH] Chammha vocant (Syri.) Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. c. 8. p.247.
[11] The Sun in the Persic language, Hama. Gale's Court of the Gentiles. v. 1. c. 11. p.72.
[12] Camisene, Chamath, Chamane, Choma, Chom, Cuma, Camae, Camelis, Cambalidus, Comopolis, Comara, &c. All these are either names of places, where the Amonians settled; or are terms, which have a reference to their religion and worship.
[13] Plutarch. Amatorius. vol. 2. p.768.
[14] 2 Chron. c. 34. v. 4. [Greek: Oron eiothasi Kaimin prosagoreuein]. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris, vol. 2. p.374.
[15] I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name of the Chammerim with the priests. Zephaniah. c. 1. v. 4. From hence we may, in some degree, infer who are meant by the Baalim.
[16] Hesychius.
[17] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 42.
Ham sub Jovis nomine in Africa diu cultus. Bochart. Geog. Sac. l. 1. c. 1. p. 5.
[Greek: Ammona Libues ton Dia prosagoreuousi, kai outo timosi; kai gar kai] [Greek: phaistos en tois Lakedaimonikois epiballon phesi,] [Greek: Zeu Libues Ammon, keratephore, kekluthi Manti.] Pindar. Pyth. ode 4. v. 28. Schol.
[18] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. vol. 2. p. 354. Zeus was certainly, as these writers say, a title given to Ham; yet it will be found originally to have belonged to his father; for titles were not uniformly appropriated.
[19] Herodotus. l. 2, c. 49. Speaking afterwards of the people at Dodona, he says, [Greek: Chronou pollou diexelthontos, eputhonta ek tes Aiguptou apikomena ta ounomata ta ton theon ton allon, Dionusou de husteron polloi eputhonto.] c. 52. It was a long time before they had names for any of the Gods; and very late before they were acquainted with Dionusus; which Deity, as well as all the others, they received from Egypt. See also l. 2. c. 59.
[20] Sanchoniathon apud Eusebium prodit AEgyptiorum [Greek: Kneph] esse Phoenicum [Greek: Agathodaimona], vel secundum Mochum, [Greek: Chousora]. See notes to Iamblichus, by Gale, p, 301.
[21] Chusistan, to the east of the Tigris, was the land of Chus: it was, likewise, called Cutha, and Cissia, by different writers. A river and region, styled Cutha, mentioned by Josephus, Ant. Jud. l. 9. c. 14. n. 3. the same which by others has been called Cushan, and Chusistan.
[22] The harbour at Carthage was named Cothon. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189. Also, an island in that harbour. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 168.
[23] [Greek: Chouson men ouden eblapsen ho kronos. Aithiopes gar, hon erxen, eti kai nun hupo heauton te kai ton en tei Asiai panton, CHOUSAIOI kalountai.] Josephus. Ant. Jud. l. 1. c. 6. Sec. 2.
[24] Euseb. Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.
[25] Sanchoniathon apud eundem. Ibid.
See Michaelis Geographia Hebraeor. Extera. p. 2.
[26] [Greek: Ho protos oikesas tein Mestraian choran, etoi Aigupton, Mestraim, ebasileusen en autei tei Mestraiai.] Euseb. Chron. p. 17.
[Greek: Mestraim] of the LXX.
Josephus calls the country of Egypt Mestra. [Greek: Ten gar Aigupton Mestren, kai Mestraious tous Aiguptious hapantas, hoi tauten oikountes, kaloumen.] Ant. Jud. l. 1. c. 6. Sec. 2.
[27] Apud Euseb. Praep. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.
Hierapolis of Syria, was called Magog, or rather the city of Magog. It was also called Bambyce. Coele (Syria) habet—Bambycen, quae alio nomine Hierapolis vocatur, Syris vero Magog. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. Sec. 19. p. 266.
[28] Genesis. c. 10. v. 8, 9. Hence called [Greek: Nebrod ho kunegos, kai Gigas, Aithiops.]—Chronicon Paschale. P. 28.
[29] [Greek: Proton genesthai Basilea Alopon en Babuloni Chaldaion.] Euseb. Chron. p. 5. ex Apollodoro. The same from Abydenus. Euseb. Chron. p. 6.
[Greek: En tois astrois tou ouranou etaxan (ton Nebrod), kai kalousin Oriona.] Cedrenus. p. 14.
[Greek: Egennethe de kai allos ek tes phules tou Sem (Cham), Chous onomasti, ho Aithiops, hostis egennese ton Nebrod, Giganta, ton ten Babulonian ktisanta, hon legousin hoi Persai apotheothenta, kai genomenon en tois astrois tou ouranou, hontina kalousin Oriona.] Chronicon Paschale. p. 36.
[30] Homer. Odyss. l. [Lambda] v. 571.
[31] Chronicon. Pasch. p. 36.
[32] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.
[33] Gratii Cyneget. v. 527.
[34] Solinus de Situ Orbis. c. 11.
[35] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 3. c. 1.
[36] Silius Italicus. l. 3. v. 393.
[37] Seneca. Oedipus. act 2. v. 436.
[38] Sylvae. l. 1. carm. 2. v. 226.
Dionysius of the Indian Camaritae:
[Greek: Zomata, kai Nebridas epi stethessi balontes,] [Greek: Euoi Bakche legontes.] V. 703.
At the rites of Osiris, [Greek: Kai gar nebridas perikathaptontai (hoi Aiguptioi) kai thursous phorousi ktl.] Plutarch Isis et Osir. p. 364.
[39] Arnobius. l. 5. p. 185. edit. 1661. Ceres fessa, oras ut venit Atticas—Nebridarum familiam pellicula cohonestavit hinnulea.
[40] Nimrod built Babylon; which is said to have been the work of Belus. [Greek: Babulon'—eiretai d' upo Belou]. Etymologicum Magnum.
Arcem (Babylonis) Rex antiquissimus condidit Belus. Ammian. Marcellinus. l. 23.
Here was a temple, styled the temple of Belus.
[41] Eusebius. Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 9. p. 32. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36. p. 40.
[42] See also the Phaedrus of Plato: [Greek: Ekousa toinun peri Naukratin tes Aiguptou ktl.]
[43] Anthologia. l. 1. 91. l. 1. 29.
[44] Eusebius. Praep. Evang. l. 1, c. 10. p. 36. from Sanchoniathon.
[45] Lucan. l. 1. v. 444.
[46] Selden de Diis Syrib: Prolegomena. c. 3.
[47] Lycophron. v. 459. Scholia ibidem.
It is also compounded with Cham, as in Orchamus, a common Babylonish appellation.
Rexit Achaemenias urbes pater Orchamus; isque Septimus a prisci numeratur origine Beli. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 4. v. 212.
[48] Eusebii Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.
[49] Gruter. v. 1. 37. n. 4, 5, 6.
[50] Damascius apud Photium. c. 242.
[51] [Greek: Aloros], Alorus, the first king who reigned. Syncellus. p. 18.
[Greek: Halia], Halia, was a festival at Rhodes in honour of the Sun, to whom that Island was sacred. [Greek: Rhodioi ta Halia timosin.] Athenaeus. l. 13. p. 561. The first inhabitants were styled Heliadae. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 327. And they called the chief temple of the Deity [Greek: Halion], Halion. Eustath. ad Hom. Odyss. [Zeta]. They came after a deluge, led by Ochimus, Macar, and others.
[52] Gruter. Inscript. xl. 9. and lvi. 11.
[53] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8.
[54] Pomponius Laetus.
Camilla was in like manner attendant on the Gods.
Caelitum Camilla expectata advenis. Ennius in Medo, ex Varrone de Ling. Lat. p. 71. Edit. Dordrechti. 1619.
[55] Juba apud Plutarchum in Numa. vol. 1. p. 64.
[56] Scholia in Apollon. Rhodium. l. 1. v. 917. So Camoena was rendered Casmoena.
[57] De Amore Fraterno. p. 483.
[58] Isaiah. c. 14. v. 12.
[59] Genesis. c. 41. v. 45. and Exodus. c. 1. v. 11.
[60] Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 3. p. 392. Iablonsky. l. 2. c. 1. p. 138.
[61] Canticles. c. 8. v. 11.
Mention is made of Amon, Jeremiah. c. 46. v. 25. Nahum. c. 3. v. 8.
It was sometimes compounded; and the Deity worshipped under the titles of Or-On: and there were temples of this denomination in Canaan.
Solomon fortified Beth-Oron the upper, and Beth-Oron the nether. 2 Chron. c. 8. v. 5.
As Ham was styled Hamon, so was his son Chus, or Cuth, named Cuthon and Cothon; as we may judge from places, which, were denominated, undoubtedly, from him. At Adrumetum was an island at the entrance of the harbour so called: Hirtius. Afric. p. 798. Another at Carthage, probably so named from a tower or temple. [Greek: Hupokeintai de tei akropolei hoi te limenes, kai ho KOTHON.]—Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.
[62] Voss. de Idol. vol. 1. l. 2. c. 17. p. 391.
[63] Apocalyps. c. 9. v. 11.
[64] The Sun's disk, styled [Greek: Aithops]:
[Greek: Hippeuon helikedon holon polon AITHOPI DISKOI.] Nonnus. l. 40. v. 371.
[Greek: Aithiopaida Dionuson. Anakreon. alloi ton oinon. alloi ten Artemin.] Hesychius. Altered to [Greek: Aithopa paida] by Albertus.
[65] The Egyptian Theology abounded with personages formed from these emanations, who, according to Psellus, were called Eons, [Greek: Zones], [Greek: Azones]. See Iamblichus, and Psellus, and Damascius.
[66] Stephanus Byzant.
[67] Scholia on Dionysius. v. 239. What it alluded to may be seen from other authors.
[68] Homer. Iliad. [Omicron]. v. 690. [Greek: Ho enthermos, kai purodes.] Hesychius.
[69] [Greek: Eth kardia.] Etymolog. Magnum ex Orione, in Athribis.
They express it after the manner of the Ionians, who always deviated from the original term. The Dorians would have called it, with more propriety, Ath.
[70] Horus Apollo. l. 1. c. 22. p. 38.
[71] Clemens Alexandrius from Ptolemy Mendesius. Strom. l. 1. p. 378.
It was called also Abur, or Abaris, as well as Athur. In after times it was rebuilt; and by Herodotus it is styled Cercasora. By Athuria is to be understood both the city and the district; which was part of the great Nome of Heliopolis.
[72] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 1323.
[73] Athenagorae Legatio. p. 293.
Proserpine ([Greek: Kora]) was also called Athela, ibid.
[74] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 52.
[75] Homer. Iliad. [Kappa]. v. 37.
[76] Homer. Iliad. [Psi]. v. 94.
[77] Homer. Odyss. [Xi]. v. 147.
Ath-El among many nations a title of great honour.
[78] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 5. c. 31.
[79] Valerius Flaccus. l. 2. v. 78. The chief city was Hephaestia.
[80] Universa vero gens (AEthiopum) AEtheria appellata est. Plin. l. 6. c. 30.
[81] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.
[82] Genesis. c. 10. v. 18. c. 11. v. 2.
[83] 1 Kings. c. 16. v. 31.
[84] 2 Kings. c. 11. v. 1.
[85] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 5. v. 162.
So in Virgil.
Comites Sarpedonis ambo, Et clarus Ethemon Lycia comitantur ab alta. Or, Clarus et Ethemon. AEneis. l. 10. v. 126.
[86] 1 Kings. c. 11. v. 14. Adad, the fourth king of Edom. Gen. c. 36. v. 35.
[87] 1 Kings. c. 20. v. 1.
[88] Nicolaus Damasc. apud Josephum Antiq. l. 7. c. 5.
[89] 2 Samuel. c. 8. v. 3.
[90] 1 Chron. c. 18. v. 10.
[91] Zechariah. c. 12. v. 11.
There was a town of this name in Israel. Some suppose that the Prophet alluded to the death of Josiah, who was slain at Megiddo.
[92] Plutarch. Apothegmata. p. 180. One of the wives of Esau was of Canaan, and named Adah, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. Gen. c. 36. v. 2.
[93] [Greek: Ada, hedone; kai hupo Babulonion he Era.] Hesychius.
[94] Macrobii Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 23.
[95] Adamantis fluv. Gangeticus.
Adam was sometimes found reversed, as in Amad, a Canaanitish town in the tribe of Ashur. Joshua. c. 19. v. 26. There was a town Hamad, as well as Hamon, in Galilee: also, Amida, in Mesopotamia.
[96] Polybius. l. 1. p. 31.
Atis, in Phrygia, and Lydia, was represented with a crown of rays, and a tiara spangled with stars, [Greek: ten katastikton tois astrois tiaran.] Julian. Orat. 5. p. 179.
[97] Podalia, Choma, praefluente Adesa. Plin. l. 5. c. 17.
It was compounded, also, Az-On. Hence [Greek: Azones] in Sicily, near Selinus. Diodori Excerpta. l. 22.
[98] Herbert's Travels. p. 316. He renders the word Attash.
Hyde of the various names of fire among the Persians; Va, Adur, Azur, Adish, Atesh, Hyr. c. 29 p. 358. Atesh Perest is a Priest of fire. Ibid. c. 29. p. 366.
[99] Aziz, lightning; any thing superlatively bright, analogous to Adad and Rabrab. Hazazon Tamor, mentioned 2 Chron. c. 20. v. 2.
[100] Orat. 4. p. 150.
[101] Azaz, and Asisus, are the same as Asis and Isis made feminine in Egypt; who was supposed to be the sister of Osiris the Sun.
[102] [Greek: Ten MONADA tous andras onomazein Apollona.] Plutarch. Isis & Osiris. p. 354.
[103] Hence came asso, assare, of the Romans.
Jezebel, whose father was Ethbaal, king of Sidon, and whose daughter was Athaliah, seems to have been named from Aza-bel; for all the Sidonian names are compounds of sacred terms.
[104] Places, which have this term in their composition, are to be found also in Canaan and Africa. See Relandi Palaestina. vol. 2. p. 597. Joseph. Ant. l. 8. c. 2. Hazor, the chief city of Jabin, who is styled king of Canaan, stood near Lacus Samochonites. Azorus, near Heraclea, in Thessaly, at the bottom of Mount Oeta. Hazor is mentioned as a kingdom, and, seemingly, near Edom and Kedar. Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 30. 33.
[105] Hazor in Sicily stood near Enna, and was, by the Greeks, rendered [Greek: Assoros], and [Greek: Assoron]. Azor and Azur was a common name for places where Puratheia were constructed. See Hyde. Relig. Pers. c. 3. p. 100.
[106] The country about the Cayster was particularly named Asia.
[Greek: Asioi en leimoni Kauestriou amphi reethra.] Homer. Iliad. [Beta]. v. 461.
Of these parts see Strabo. l. 13. p. 932.
[107] [Greek: Hierapolis—thermon udaton pollon plethousa, apo tou hiera polla echein.] Stephanus Byzant.
[108] [Greek: Hierapolis, hopou ta therma hudata, kai to Ploutonion, ampho paradoxologian tina echonta.] Strabo. l. 13. p. 933.
[109] Damascius apud Photium in Vita Isidor. c. 242.
[110] At Hierapolis, Acharaca, Magnesia, and Myus. Strabo. l. 12. p. 868.
[Greek: Acharaka, en ei to Ploutonion, echon kai alsos poluteles, kai neon Ploutonos te kai Heras kan to CHARONION antron huperkeimenon tou alsous, thaumaston tei phusei.] Strabo. l. 14. p. 960.
[111] Plin. H. N. L. 2. c. 93. Spiritus lethales alibi, aut scrobibus emissi, aut ipso loci situ mortiferi: alibi volucribus tantum, ut Soracte vicino urbi tractu: alibi praeter hominem caeteris animantibus: nonnunquam et homini; ut in Sinuessano agro, et Puteolano. Spiracula vocant, alii Charoneas scrobes, mortiferum spiritum exhalantes. Strabo of the same: [Greek: Thumbria, par' hen Aornon esti spelaion hieron, CHARONION legomenon, olethrious echon apophoras.] l. 14. p. 943.
[112] [Greek: Hapanta men oun ta ton Person hiera kai Medoi kai Armenioi tetimekasi; ta de tes Anaitidos diapherontos Armenioi.] Strabo. l. 11. p. 805.
[113] Anait signifies a fountain of fire; under which name a female Deity was worshipped. Wherever a temple is mentioned, dedicated to her worship, there will be generally found some hot streams, either of water or bitumen; or else salt, and nitrous pools. This is observable at Arbela. [Greek: Peri Arbela de esti kai Demetrias polis, eith' he tou naphtha pege, kai to pura, kai to tes Anaias,] (or [Greek: Anaitidos]) [Greek: hieron]. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072.
Of Anait see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. l. 12. p. 838. l. 15. p.1066.
[114] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951.
[115] [Greek: Esti kai Alesion pedion tes Epeirou, hina pegnutai halas.] Stephanus Byzantinus.
[116] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 618.
[117] Athanasius, who was of Egypt, speaks of the veneration paid to fountains and waters. [Greek: Alloi potamous kai krenas, kai panton malista Aiguptioi to hudor protetimekasi, kai theous anagoreuousi.] Oratio contra Gentes. p. 2. Edit. Commelin.
[118] It was an obsolete term, but to be traced in its derivatives. From Ees-El came [Greek: Asulon], Asylum: from El-Ees, Elis, Elissa, Eleusis, Eleusinia Sacra, Elysium, Elysii campi in Egypt and elsewhere.
[119] Of those places called Lasa many instances might be produced. The fountain at Gortyna in Crete was very sacred, and called Lasa, and Lysa. There was a tradition, that Jupiter when a child was washed in its waters: it was therefore changed to [Greek: Lousa]. Pausanias says, [Greek: hudor psuchrotaton parechetai potamon.] l. 8. p. 685.
In Judea were some medicinal waters and warm springs of great repute, at a place called of old Lasa. Lasa ipsa est, quae nunc Callirrhoe dicitur, ubi aquae calidae in Mare Mortuum defluunt. Hieron. in Isaiam. c. 17. 19.
[Greek: Herodes tois kata Kallirrhoen thermois ekechreto.] Josephus de B. J. l. 1. c. 33.
Alesa, urbs et fons Siciliae. Solinus. c. 11. The fountain was of a wonderful nature.
[120] Strabo. l. 5. p. 385.
[121] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1029.
[122] Strabo. l. 4. p. 314.
[123] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.
[124] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951. Here was a cavern, which sent forth a most pestilential vapour. Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 278.
[125] Voyages de Monconys. Parte 2de. p. 38.
[126]
Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis. Ovid. Tristia. l. 5. Eleg. 10. v. 3.
[127] John. c. 3. v. 23. [Greek: En de kai Ioannes baptizon en Ainon engus Saleim;] so denominated by the antient Canaanites.
[128] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535. The city Arles in Provence was famed for medicinal waters. The true name was Ar-Ales, the city of Ales: it was also called Ar-El-Ait, or Arelate.
[129] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 52.
[130] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 659.
[131] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535.
[132] Strabo. l. 12. p. 812.
[133] Strabo. l. 12. p. 839.
[134] Gaspar Brechenmaker. Sec. 45. p. 57
[135] Tacitus. Annal. l. 13. c. 57.
From this antient term As, or Az, many words in the Greek language were derived: such as [Greek: azomai], veneror; [Greek: azo, xeraino]; [Greek: azaleon, thermon]; [Greek: aza, asbolos]; [Greek: azopes, ai xerai ek tes theorias]. Hesychius.
[136] Cyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. And Iamblich. in vita Pythagorae.
[Greek: Zan Kronou]. Lactantii Div. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. p. 53.
[Greek: Zan, Zeus]. Hesychius.
[137] Joshua. c. 19. v. 33. Judges. c. 4. v. 11. Also Tzaanan. Micah. c. 1. v. 11. Solis Fons.
[138] Relandi Palaestina. v. 2. p. 983.
[139] Diodorus Siculus. l. 2. p. 90.
[140] 1 Samuel. c. 31. v. 9, 10.
[141] Joshua. c. 15. v. 31.
[142] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 430.
[Greek: Zana, Zona, Xoana;] all names of the same purport, all statues of the Sun, called Zan, Zon, Zoan, Xoan.
[143] Silius Italicus. l. 8. v. 421.
[144] Lactantius, de F. R. l. 1. p. 65.
Fit sacrificium, quod est proficiscendi gratia, Herculi, aut Sanco, qui idem deus est. Festus.
[145] Dionysius Halicarnass. Antiq. Rom. l. 4. p. 246. St. Austin supposes the name to have been Sanctus. Sabini etiam Regem suum primum Sancum, sive, ut aliqui appellant, Sanctum, retulerunt inter deos. Augustinus de Civitate Dei. l. 18. c. 19. The name was not of Roman original; but far prior to Rome.
[146] Gruter. Inscript. vol. 1. p. 96. n. 6.
Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio. n. 5.
Sanco Fidio Semo Patri. n. 7
Sanco Deo Patr. Reatin. sacrum. n. 8.
From San came the Latine terms, sanus, sano, sanctus, sancire.
Vossius derives San, or Zan, from [Hebrew: SHND], saevire. De Idol. l. 1. c. 22. p. 168.
[147] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8. p. 282.
Hence, perhaps, came [Greek: zoein] and [Greek: zen] to live: and [Greek: zoon], animal: and hence the title of Apollo [Greek: Zenodoter].
[148] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 24.
[149] [Greek: Dousare] (lege [Greek: Dousares]) [Greek: skopelos kai koruphe hupselotate Arabias; eiretai d' apo tou Dousarou. Theos de houtos para Arapsi kai Dacharenois timomenos.] Stephanus Byz.
[Greek: Dous], Dous, is the same as Deus. [Greek: Dous-Ares], Deus Sol.
[150] [Greek: Dusoron kaleomenon ouros]. Herod. l. 5. c. 17.
[151] Agathias. l. 2. p. 62.
[152] [Greek: To onoma touto Thrakon he Bendis; houto kai Thrakos theologou meta ton pollon tes Selenes onomaton kai ten Bendin eis ten theon anapempsantos].
[Greek: Ploutone te, kai Euphrosune, Bendis te krataia]. Ex Proclo. See Poesis Philosophica. Edit. H. Steph. p. 91.
[153] Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. p. 1012.
[154] Virgil. AEneis. l. 3. v. 80.
Majorum enim haec erat consuetudo, ut Rex esset etiam Sacerdos, et Pontifex: unde hodieque Imperatores Pontifices dicamus. Servii Scholia ibidem.
[155] [Greek: Hoi d' Hiereis to palaion men dunastai tines esan.] Strabo. l. 12. p. 851. It is spoken particularly of some places in Asia Minor.
[156] Pythodorus, the high priest of Zela and Comana in Armenia, was the king of the country. [Greek: En ho Hiereus kurios ton panton.] Strabo. l. 12. p. 838.
[157] Etymologicum Magnum.
[Greek: Kunades Poseidon Atheneisin etimato.] Hesychius.
[158] Genesis. c. 14. v. 19. [Hebrew: AL 'LYWN QNH SHMYM].
Sabacon of Ethiopia was Saba Con, or king of Saba.
[159] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1074.
[160] Ptolem. Geogr. lib. 5. cap. 19 p. 165. He places very truly the Orcheni upon the Sinus Persicus: for they extended so far.
[Greek: Parakeitai tei eremoi Arabiai he Chaldaia chora.] Idem. l. 5. c. 20. p. 167.
[161] Plin. H. N. l. 6. c. 27.
[162] Ezra. c. 5. v. 6. c. 4. v. 9-17.
[163] The priests in Egypt, among other titles, were called Sonchin, sive Solis Sacerdotes, changed to [Greek: Sonches] in the singular. Pythagoras was instructed by a Sonchin, or priest of the Sun. It is mentioned as a proper name by Clemens Alexandr. Strom. l. 1. p. 356. And it might be so: for priests were denominated from the Deity, whom they served.
[164] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 164.
[165] Description de la Ville de Pekin. p. 5. He mentions Chao Kong. p. 3.
[166] See Observations and Inquiries. p. l63.
[167] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25.
[168] L. 3. c. 61.
[169] L. 7. c. 40.
Pataecion is mentioned by Plutarch de audiendis Poetis. p. 21.
Patiramphes is for Pata-Ramphan, the priest of the God Ramphan, changed to Ramphas by the Greeks.
Ram-phan is the great Phan or Phanes, a Deity well known in Egypt.
[170] Also in Asampatae; a nation upon the Maeotis. Plin. l. 6. c. 7.
[171] L. 11. p. 794. He speaks of it as a proper name; but it was certainly a title and term of office.
[172] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 110.
[173] Aor, is [Hebrew: AWR] of the Chaldeans.
[174] Proclus in Timaeum. l. 1. p. 31.
See Iablonsky. l. 1. c. 3. p. 57.
Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 356.
It is remarkable that the worshippers of Wishnou, or Vistnou in India, are now called Petacares, and are distinguished by three red lines on their foreheads. The priests of Brama have the same title, Petac Arez, the priests of Arez, or the Sun. Lucae Viecampii Hist. Mission. Evangel. in India, 1747. c. 10. Sec.. 3. p. 57.
[175] Eubebius. Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 34.
[176] Damascius apud Photium. c. 243.
Belus primus Rex Assyriorum, quos constat Saturnum (quem eundem et Solem dicunt) Junonemque coluisse. Servius in Virg. AEneid. l. 1.
[177] Theoph. ad Antolycum. l. 3. p. 399. [Greek: Me ginoskontes, mete tis estin ho Kronos, mete tis estin ho Belos.] Idem.
[178] Psalm 92. v. 10.
[179] Psalm 112. v. 9.
[180] Jeremiah. c. 48. v. 25.
[181] Luke. c. 1, v. 69.
[182] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 239.
Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo, v. 71. He mentions Minerva [Greek: Kranaia], Cranaea. l. 10. p. 886.
Among the Romans this title, in later times, was expressed Granus and Grannus: hence, in Gruter Inscriptions, p. 37. n. 10, 11, 12. APPOLLINI GRANNO.
[183] The Dorians expressed it [Greek: Oupis]. Palaephatus. p. 78.
[184] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3. 23.
[185] Huetii Demonstratio. p. 83.
[186] Orus Apollo. c. 1. p. 2.
Some have, by mistake, altered this to [Greek: Ouraion].
[187] Leviticus. c. 20. v. 27.
Deuteronomy, c. 18. v. 11. Translated a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer.
Tunc etiam ortae sunt opiniones, et sententiae; et inventi sunt ex cis augures, et magni divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob et Iideoni, et requirentes mortuos. Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c. 2. p. 48. from M. Maimonides in more Nebuchim.
[188] Justin Martyr's second Apology. p. 6.
Of serpent worship, see Eusebius. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40, 41. And Clementis Alexand. Cohort. p. 14. Arnobius. l. 5. AElian. l. 10. c. 31. of the Asp.
Herodotus. l. 2. c. 74.
[189] 1 Samuel. c. 28. v. 7. [Hebrew: B'LT AWB].
[190] It is called Abdir, Abadir, and Abaddir, by Priscian. He supposes the stone Abaddir to have been that which Saturn swallowed, instead of his son by Rhea. Abdir, et Abadir, [Greek: Baitulos]. l. 1.; and, in another part, Abadir Deus est. Dicitur et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorasse pro Jove, quem Graeci [Greek: Baitulon] vocant. l. 2.
[191] Bochart. Hierozoicon. l. 1. c. 3. p. 22.
[192] Macrobius. Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 10. p. l62.
[193] The father of one of the goddesses, called Diana, had the name of Upis. Cicero de Natura Deorum. l. 3. 23.
It was conferred upon Diana herself; also upon Cybele, Rhea, Vesta, Terra, Juno. Vulcan was called Opas, Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.
Ops was esteemed the Goddess of riches: also, the Deity of fire:
[Greek: Opi anassa, pura prothuros, pur pro ton thuron]. Hesychius.
[Greek: Ten Artemin Thrakes Bendeian, Kretes de Diktunan, Lakedaimonioi de Oupin (kalousi.)] Palaephatus. c. 32. p. 78.
[194] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 204.
[195] Sidonius Apollinaris. Carm. 9. v. 190.
[196] [Greek: Ainon engus tou Saleim]. Eusebius de locorum nominibus in sacra Script. Ain On, tons solis. Salim is not from Salem, peace; but from Sal, the Sun, the Sol of the Latines. Salim, Aquae solis; also Aquae salsae.
[197] St. John. c. 3. v. 23.
[198] Pythagoras used to swear by [Greek: tetraktun pagan aennaou phuseos]. See Stanley of the Chaldaic Philosophy, and Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 2. c. 1. p. 135.
[Greek: Kai pege pegon, kai pegon peiras hapason]. Oracle concerning the Deity, quoted in notes to Iamblichus. p. 299.
[199] Athenagor. Legatio. p. 293.
[200] The Amonians dealt largely in fountain worship: that is, in the adoration of subordinate daemons; which they supposed to be emanations and derivatives from their chief Deity. They called them Zones, Intelligences, Fountains, &c. See Psellus and Stanley upon the Chaldaic Philosophy. p. 17. c. 3.
See Proclus on the Theology of Plato. l. 5. c. 34. p. 315.
[201] Edita de magno flumine Nympha fui. Ovid. Epist. 5. v. 10.
Some make her the daughter of Cebrenus; others of the river Xanthus.
[202] Plin. N. H. l. 4. c. 12.
[203] Joshua. c. 1. 19. v. 38.
[204] Macrobius. Sat. l. 1. c. 7. p. 151.
[205] Fontis stagna Numici. Virg. l. 7. 150.
Egeria est, quae praebet aquas, Dea grata Camoenis. Ovid. See Plutarch. Numa.
[206] It is my opinion that there are two events recorded by Moses, Gen. c. 10. throughout; and Gen. c. 11. v. 8. 9. One was a regular migration of mankind in general to the countries allotted to them: the other was a dispersion which related to some particulars. Of this hereafter I shall treat at large.
[207] [Greek: Nason Sikelan]. Theocritus. Idyll. 1. v. 124.
[Greek: Gunaika te thesato mazon]. Homer II. [Omega]. v. 58.
[Greek: Skuthen es oimon, abaton eis eremian]. AEschyl. Prometh. v. 2.
To give instances in our own language would be needless.
[208] Joshua. c. 19. v. 8. Baalath-Beer, the well or spring of Baal-Ath.
[209] The Jews often took foreign names; of which we have instances in Onias, Hyrcanus, Barptolemaeus, &c.
Solinus, c. 25. mentions an altar found in North-Britain, inscribed to Ulysses: but Goropius Becanus very truly supposes it to have been dedicated to the Goddess Elissa, or Eliza.
Ab Elissa Tyria, quam quidam Dido autumant. Velleius Paterculus. l. 1.
Elisa, quamdiu Carthago invicta fuit, pro Dea culta est. Justin. l. 18. c. 6.
The worship of Elisa was carried to Carthage from Canaan and Syria: in these parts she was first worshipped; and her temple from that worship was called Eliza Beth.
[210] Sarbeth or Sarabeth is of the same analogy, being put for Beth-Sar or Sara, [Greek: oikos kuriou], or [Greek: kuriake]; as a feminine, answering to the house of our Lady. [Greek: Apo orous Sarabatha]. Epiphanius de vitis Prophetar. p. 248. See Relandi Palaestina. p. 984.
[211] Damascus is called by the natives Damasec, and Damakir. The latter signifies the town of Dama or Adama: by which is not meant Adam, the father of mankind; but Ad Ham, the Lord Ham, the father of the Amonians. Abulfeda styles Damascus, Damakir, p. 15. Sec or Shec is a prince. Damasec signifies principis Ad-Amae (Civitas). From a notion however of Adama signifying Adam, a story prevailed that he was buried at Damascus. This is so far useful, as to shew that Damasec was an abbreviation of Adamasec, and Damakir of Adama-kir.
Also [Greek: Kureskarta] the city of Kuros, the Sun. Stephanus Byzant. Manakarta, [Greek: Dadokarta, Zadrakarta]. See Bochart. notae in Steph. Byzantinum. p. 823.
Vologesakerta. Plin. l. 6. p. 332.
There was No-Amon in Egypt, and Amon-No. Guebr-abad. Hyde. p. 363. Ghavrabad. p. 364. Atesh-chana, domus ignis. p. 359. An-Ath, whose temple in Canaan was styled Beth-Anath, is found often reversed, and styled Ath-An; whence came Athana, and [Greek: Athena] of the Greeks. Anath signified the fountain of light, and was abbreviated Nath and Neith by the Egyptians. They worshipped under this title a divine emanation, supposed to be the Goddess of Wisdom. The Athenians, who came from Sais in Egypt, were denominated from this Deity, whom they expressed Ath-An, or [Greek: Athene], after the Ionian manner. [Greek: Tes poleos (Saiton) Theos archegos estin, Aiguptisti men t' ounoma Neith, Hellenisti de, hos ho ekeinon logos, Athena]. Plato in Timaeo. p. 21.
[212] Stephanus Byzantinus.
[213] Isaiah. c. 30. v. 4.
Of Hanes I shall hereafter treat more fully.
[214] Genesis. c. 34. v. 4. John. c. 4. v. 5. It is called [Greek: Segor] by Syncellus. p. 100.
[215] The same term is not always uniformly expressed even by the sacred writers. They vary at different times both in respect to names of places and of men. What is in Numbers, c. 13. 8, [Hebrew: HWSH'], Hoshea, is in Joshua. c. 1. v. 1. [Hebrew: YHWSH'] Jehoshua: and in the Acts, c. 7. v. 45. Jesus, [Greek: Iesous]. Balaam the son of Beor, Numbers, c. 22. v. 5. is called the son of Bosor, 2 Peter. c. 2. v. 15.
Thus Quirinus or Quirinius is styled Curenius, Luke. c. 2. v. 2. and Lazarus put for Eleasar, Luke. c. 16. v. 20. and John. c. 11. v. 2.
Baal-Zebub, [Greek: Beelzeboul], Matthew. c. 12. v. 24. So Bethbara in Judges, c. 7. v. 24. is Bethabara of John. c. 1. v. 28.
Almug, a species of Cedar mentioned 1 Kings, c. 10. v. 11. is styled Algum in 2 Chron. c. 2. v. 8. The city Chala of Moses, Gen. c. 10. v. 12. is Calne of Isaiah. Is not Chalno as Carchemish? c. 10. v. 9. Jerubbaal of Judges is Jerubbeseth, 2 Samuel c. 11. v. 21. Ram, 1 Chron. c. 2. v. 10. is Aram in Matth. c. 1. v. 3. Ruth. c. 4. v. 19. Hesron begat Ram.
Percussit Dominus Philistim a Gebah ad Gazar. 2 Sam. c. 5. v. 25.
Percussit Deus Philistim a Gibeon ad Gazarah. 1 Chron. c. 14. v. 16.
[216] Iamblichus says the same: [Greek: Hellenes de eis Hephaiston metalambanousi ton Phtha.] Iamblichus de Myster. sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.
[217] Cicero de Natura Deorum. l. 3. c. 22.
[218] Auctor Clementinorum. Hom. 9. p. 687. Cotelerii.
[219] Huetii Demonstratio Evan. p. 88.
[220] It is sometimes compounded, and rendered Am-Apha; after the Ionic manner expressed [Greek: Emepha]; by Iamblichus, [Greek: Emeph. Kat' allen de taxin prostattei theon Emeph]. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 158.
Hemeph was properly Ham-Apha, the God of fire.
It was also rendered Camephis, [Greek: Kamephis], and [Greek: Kamephe], from Cam-Apha. Stobaeus from Hermes.
By Asclepiades, [Greek: Kamephis], or [Greek: Kmephis]. [Greek: Kamephin ton helion einai phesin auton ton depou ton noun ton noetoun]. Apud Damascium in vita Isidori. Photius.
[221] Iamblichus. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.
Hence [Greek: hapto], incendo: also Aptha, an inflammation, a fiery eruption.
[Greek: Aphtha, he en stomati helkosis]. Hesychius.
[Greek: Aphtha, legetai exanthematon eidos kl.] Etymolog. Mag.
[222] Stephanus Byzantinus.
[223] Zosimus. l. 1. p. 53.
See Etymolog. Magnum, Alpha.
[224] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 180.
[225] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 242. supposed to be named from races.
[226] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 692. or [Greek: Aphneios], as some read it.
In like manner [Greek: Aphthala kai Aphthaia, Hekate]. Stephanas Byzantinus.
[227] Caelius Rhodig. l. 8. c. l6. [Greek: Aphetor, ho en tois Delphois theos]. Auctor Antiquus apud Lilium Gyraldum. Syntag. 7.
[228] These towers were oracular temples; and Hesychius expressly says, [Greek: Aphetoreia, manteia. Aphetoros, propheteuontos]. Hesychius. [Greek: Aphetoros Apollonos]. Iliad. l. [Alpha]. v. 404. [Greek: Propheteuontos kai manteuomenou]. Schol. ibid.
[229] See Hoffman. Lexic.
[230] Plutarch. Numa. vol. 1. p. 68. [Greek: Hudor hieron apodeixai tais Hestiaisi parthenois].
Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam. Ovid. Fasti. l. 6. v. 291.
[231] [Greek: Phratoras, tous tes autes metechontas Phratrias, sungeneis.] Hesychius.
[Greek: Apatouria, heorte Atheneisin.] Hesychius. Apaturia is compounded of Apatour, a fire-tower. Phrator is a metathesis for Phar-Tor, from Phur, ignis. So Praetor and Praetorium are from Pur-tor of the same purport. The general name for all of them was Purgoi, still with a reference to fire.
[232] Iliad. [Alpha]. v. 63.
[233] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 24.
[234] Plutarch. Numa. p. 62.
[235] In Syria was Astacus, or the city of Chus: and Astacur, the city of the Sun. In other parts were Astacures, and Astaceni, nations: Astacenus Sinus; Astaboras; Astabeni; Astabus and Astasaba in Ethiopia; Astalepha at Colchis; Asta and Astea in Gedrosia; Aita in Spain, and Liguria; Asta and regio Astica in Thrace.
Doris named Hestiaeotis. Strabo. l. 9. p. 668.
[Greek: Pai Rheas, ha ge Prutaneia lelonchas, Hestia.] Pindar. Nem. Ode 11. v. 1.
[236] Philo apud Eusch. Praep. Evang. l. 1. c. 10.
Arabibus Sol Talos, [Greek: Talos], et Samasa. Lilius Gyrald. Syntag. 7. p. 280.
[237] Stephanus Byzant.
[238] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 386.
[239] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 387, 388.
[240] Abulfeda. Tab. Syriae. p. 5. Syria Scham appellata. Dividitur Syria in quinque praefecturas, quarum unicuique nomine proprio nomen, Al Scham, scil. Syriae, commune datur. Excerptum ex Ibn Ol Wardi. p. 176.
Abulfeda supposes, that Syria is called Scham, quasi sinistra. It was called Sham for the same reason that it was called Syria. [Greek: Suros gar ho helios], the same as [Greek: Seirios]. Persae [Greek: Sure] Deum vocant. Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 1. p. 5. [Greek: Suria thea], i.e. Dea Coelestis. Syria is called at this day Souristan. Souris from Sehor, Sol, [Greek: Seirios] of Greece.
[241] Reineccii Syntagma. Class. 6. cxxii. p. 458.
[242] El-Samen was probably the name of the chief temple at Zama; and comprised the titles of the Deity, whom the Numidians worshipped. El Samen signifies Deus Coelestis, or Coelorum: which El Samen was changed by the Romans to AElia Zamana.
[243] [Greek: Histeon de hoi Chaldaios apo tou Sem katagontai, ex hou kai ho Abraam]. Syncelli Chronograph, p. 98.
[244] Eutychii sive Ebn Patricii Hist vol. 1. p. 60.
[245] [Greek: Ek tes phules tou Sem Chous onomati, ho Aithiops]. Chron. Paschal. p. 36.
[246] [Greek: Heteros de huios tou Sem—onomati Mestraeim]. Theophilus ad Autolyc. l. 2. p. 370.
[247] Alii Shemi filium faciunt Canaanem. Relandi Palaestina. v. 1. p. 7.
[248] The sons of Ham; Cush and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan. Genesis. c. 10. v. 6.
Ham is the father of Canaan. Genesis. c. 9. v. 18, 22.
From Sam, and Samen, came Summus; and Hercules Summanus; Samabethi, Samanaei, Samonacodoma.
[249] Orphic. Hymn. 33.
[250] Orphic. Hymn. 7. So [Greek: Elthe Makar], to Hercules, and to Pan. [Greek: Kluthi Makar], to Dionusus. Also, [Greek: Makar Nereus. Kluthi, Makar, Phonon], to Corybas the Sun.
[251]
[Greek: Melpon d' hoploteron Makaron genesin te, krisin te]. Orphic. Argonaut. v. 42.
[252] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 327, 328.
We read of Macaria in the Red Sea. Plin. l. 6. c. 29.
[Greek: To Turkaion oros, kai Makaria]. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 173.
[253] Cyprus was called [Greek: Makaria], with a town of the same name. Ptolem.
Lesbos Macaria. Clarissima Lesbos; appellata Lana, Pelasgia, Aigeira, AEthiope, Macaria, a Macareo Jovis nepote. Plin. l. 5. c. 31. and Mela. l. 2. c. 7. p. 209.
[Greek: Hosson Lesbos ano Makaros edos entos eergei]. Homer. Iliad. [Omega]. v. 544.
Rhodes, called Macaria. Plin. l. 5. c. 31.
A fountain in Attica was called Macaria. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 79.
Part of Thrace, Macaria. Apollonius Rhod. l. 1. v. 1115.
A city in Arcadia. [Greek: Makariai]. Steph. Byzant.
[Greek: Makar], a king of Lesbos. Clement. Cohort. p. 27.
An island of Lycia, Macara. Steph. Byzant.
The Macares, who were the reputed sons of Deucalion, after a deluge, settled in Chios, Rhodes, and other islands. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 347.
[254] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 602. He speaks of Macaria the daughter of Hercules. l. 1. p. 80.
[255] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896.
[256] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 347. [Greek: Makar ho Krinakou]. Schol. in Homer. Iliad. [Omega]. v. 544.
[257] [Greek: Hoi Sannoi, hous proteron elegon Makronas.] Strabo. l. 12.
Sanni, [Greek: Sannoi], means Heliadae, the same as Macarones. [Greek: Makrones], near Colchis, [Greek: hoi nun Sannoi]. Stephanus Byzant. |
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