[Greek: Panegurias de ara, kai pompas, kai prosagogas protoi anthropon Aiguptioi eisin, hoi poiesamenoi, kai para touton Hellenes memathekasi.] Herod. l. 3. c. 58.

[Greek: Epeita chronou pollou dielthontos, eputhonto (hoi Hellenes) ek tes Aiguptou apikomena ta ounomata ton Theon.] Herod. l. 2. c. 52. See also l. 2. c. 4.

[Greek: Kai panta ta ounomata ton Theon ex Aiguptou eleluthe es ten Hellada.] Herod. l. 2. c. 50. Hence it is said that the Corybantes, with their mother Comba, came and settled at Athens: [Greek: Kombes heptatokou meta meteros.] Nonni Dionys. l. 13. And that the priests at Athens, styled Eumolpidae, were from Egypt. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25. One of the Egyptians, who brought these rites to Greece, is mentioned under the name of Melampus: as the Egyptians are, in general, under the character of Melampodes. [Greek: Hellesi gar de Melampous estin, ho exegesamenos tou Dionusou onoma, kai ten Thusian, kai ten pompen tou phallou.] Herod. l. 2. c. 49. He is likewise said to have first introduced physic: by which this only is meant, that physic too came from Egypt.

To the same purpose may be consulted Lucian de Suria Dea. [Greek: Protoi men anthropon Aiguptioi ktl.] Eusebius. P. Evan. lib. 10. c. 4. p. 469. and c. 5. p. 473. Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 361, 381. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 20. p. 62, 63. and p. 86, 87. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243, 274. Thucydides. l. 1. c. 2, 3.

* * * * *

A

NEW SYSTEM

OR AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY.

* * * * *

OF

ANTIENT WORSHIP,

AND OF

ETYMOLOGICAL TRUTHS

THENCE DEDUCIBLE:

EXEMPLIFIED IN THE NAMES OF CITIES, LAKES, AND RIVERS.

[Greek: Esti pou kai potamois time, e kat' opheleian, hosper Aiguptiois pros ton Neilon, e kata kallos, hos Thettalois pros Peneion, e kata megethos, hos Skuthais pros ton Istron, e kata muthon, hos Aitolois pros ton Acheloon.]——MAX. TYRIUS. Dissert. viii. p. 81.

As the divine honours paid to the Sun, and the adoration of fire, were at one time almost universal, there will be found in most places a similitude in the terms of worship. And though this mode of idolatry took its rise in one particular part of the world, yet, as it was propagated to others far remote, the stream, however widely diffused, will still savour of the fountain. Moreover, as people were determined in the choice of their holy places by those preternatural phaenomena, of which I have before taken notice; if there be any truth in my system, there will be uniformly found some analogy between the name of the temple, and its rites and situation: so that the etymology may be ascertained by the history of the place. The like will appear in respect to rivers and mountains; especially to those which were esteemed at all sacred, and which were denominated from the Sun and fire. I therefore flatter myself that the etymologies which I shall lay before the reader will not stand single and unsupported; but there will be an apparent analogy throughout the whole. The allusion will not be casual and remote, nor be obtained by undue inflexions and distortions: but, however complicated the name may appear, it will resolve itself easily into the original terms; and, when resolved, the truth of the etymology will be ascertained by the concomitant history. If it be a Deity, or other personage, the truth will appear from his office and department; or with the attributes imputed to him. To begin, then, with antient Latium. If I should have occasion to speak of the Goddess Feronia, and of the city denominated from her, I should deduce the from Fer-On, ignis Dei Solis; and suppose the place to have been addicted to the worship of the Sun, and the rites of fire. I accordingly find, from Strabo and Pliny, that rites of this sort were practised here: and one custom, which remained even to the time of Augustus, consisted in a ceremony of the priests, who used to walk barefoot over burning coals: [569][Greek: Gumnois gar posi diexiasin anthrakian, kai spodian megalen.] The priests, with their feet naked, walked over a large quantity of live coals and cinders. The town stood at the bottom of Mount Soracte, sacred to Apollo; and the priests were styled Hirpi. Aruns, in Virgil, in his address to Apollo, takes notice of this custom:

[570]Summe Deum, magni custos Soractis, Apollo, Quem primi colimus; cui pineus ardor acervo Pascitur, et medium freti pietate per ignem Cultores multa premimus vestigia pruna; Da, Pater.

The temple is said to have been founded on account of a pestilential [571]vapour, which arose from a cavern; and to which some shepherds were conducted by ([Greek: Lukos]) a wolf. Were I to attempt the decyphering of Ferentum, I should proceed in a manner analogous to that above. I should suppose it to have been named Fer-En, ignis, vel Solis fons, from something peculiar either in its rites or situation. I accordingly find, that there was a sacred fountain, whose waters were styled Aquae Ferentinae,—cui numen etiam, et divinus cultus tributus [572]fuit. Here was a grove, equally sacred, mentioned by [573] Livy, and others; where the antient Latines used to hold their chief assemblies. As this grand meeting used to be in a place denominated from fire, it was the cause of those councils being called Feriae Latinae. The fountain, which ran through the grove, arose at the foot of mount [574]Albanus, and afterwards formed many [575]pools.

The antient Cuthites, and the Persians after them, had a great veneration for fountains and streams; which also prevailed among other nations, so as to have been at one time almost universal. Of this regard among the Persians Herodotus takes notice: [576][Greek: Sebontai potamous ton panton malista]: Of all things in nature they reverence rivers most. But if these rivers were attended with any nitrous or saline quality, or with any fiery eruption, they were adjudged to be still more sacred, and ever distinguished with some title of the Deity. The natives of Egypt had the like veneration. Other nations, says [577]Athanasius, reverenced rivers and fountains; but, above all people in the world, the Egyptians held them in the highest honour, and esteemed them as divine. Julius Firmicus gives the same account of them. [578]AEgyptii aquae beneficium percipientes aquam colunt, aquis supplicant. From hence the custom passed westward to Greece, Italy, and the extremities of Europe. In proof of which the following inscription is to be found in Gruter:

[579]Vascaniae in Hispania FONTI DIVINO.

How much it prevailed among the Romans we learn from Seneca. [580]Magnorum fluviorum capita veneramur—coluntur aquarum calentium fontes; et quaedam stagna, quae vel opacitas, vel immensa altitudo sacravit. It mattered not what the nature of the water might be, if it had a peculiar quality. At Thebes, in Ammonia, was a fountain, which was said to have been cold by day, and warm at night. [Greek: He krene] [581][Greek: kaleitai tou heliou.] It was named the fountain of the Sun. In Campania was a fountain Virena; which I should judge to be a compound of Vir-En, and to signify ignis fons, from being dedicated to the Deity of fire, on account of some particular quality. I accordingly find in [582]Vitruvius, that it was a medicinal spring, and of a strong vitriolic nature. The Corinthians had in their Acropolis a [583]Pirene, of the same purport as Virena, just mentioned. It was a beautiful fountain sacred to Apollo, whose [584]image was at the head of the water within a sacred inclosure.

We read of a Pyrene, which was a fountain of another nature; yet of the same etymology, however differently expressed. It was a mountain, and gave name to the vast ridge called Saltus Pyrenaei. It is undoubtedly a compound of [585]Pur-ain, and signifies a fountain of fire. I should imagine, without knowing the history of the country, that this mountain once flamed; and that the name was given from this circumstance. Agreeably to this, I find, from Aristotle de Mirabilibus, that here was formerly an eruption of fire. The same is mentioned by Posidonius in Strabo; and also by Diodorus, who adds, [586][Greek: Ta men ore dia to sumbebekos klethenai Purenaia.] That the mountains from hence had the name of Pyrenaei. Mount AEtna is derived very truly by Bochart from Aituna, fornax; as being a reservoir of molten matter. There was another very antient name, Inessus; by which the natives called the hill, as well as the city, which was towards the bottom of it. The name is a compound of Ain-Es, like Hanes in Egypt; and signifies a fountain of fire. It is called Ennesia by Diodorus, who says that this name was afterwards changed to AEtna. He speaks of the city; but the name was undoubtedly borrowed from the mountain, to which it was primarily applicable, and upon which it was originally conferred: [587][Greek: Kai ten nun ousan Aitnen ektesanto, pro toutou kaloumenen Ennesian]. Strabo expresses the name Innesa, and informs us, more precisely, that the upper part of the mountain was so called, [Greek: Oi de] [588][Greek: Aitnaioi parachoresantes ten Innesan kaloumenen, tes Aitnes oreinen, hoikesan.] Upon this, the people, withdrawing themselves, went and occupied the upper part of Mount AEtna, which was called Innesa. The city Hanes, in Egypt, was of the same etymology; being denominated from the Sun, who was styled Hanes. Ain-Es, fons ignis sive lucis. It was the same as the Arab Heliopolis, called now Mataiea. Stephanas Byzantinus calls the city Inys: for that is manifestly the name he gives it, if we take away the Greek termination, [589][Greek: Inussos, polis Aiguptou]: but Herodotus, [590]from whom he borrows, renders it Ienis. It would have been more truly rendered Dorice Iaenis; for that was nearer to the real name. The historian, however, points it out plainly, by saying, that it was three days journey from Mount [591]Casius; and that the whole way was through the Arabian desert. This is a situation which agrees with no other city in all Egypt, except that which was the Onium of the later Jews. With this it accords precisely. There seem to have been two cities named On, from the worship of the Sun. One was called Zan, Zon, and Zoan, in the land of Go-zan, the [592]Goshen of the scriptures. The other was the city On in Arabia; called also Hanes. They were within eight or nine miles of each other, and are both mentioned together by the prophet [593]Isaiah. For his princes were at Zoan, and his ambassadors came to Hanes. The name of each of these cities, on account of the similarity of worship, has by the Greeks been translated [594]Heliopolis; which has caused great confusion in the history of Egypt. The latter of the two was the Iaenis, or [Greek: Ianisos], of the Greeks; so called from Hanes, the great fountain of light, the Sun; who was worshipped under that title by the Egyptians and Arabians. It lies now quite in ruins, close to the village Matarea, which has risen from it. The situation is so pointed out, that we cannot be mistaken: and we find, moreover, which is a circumstance very remarkable, that it is at this day called by the Arabians Ain El Sham, the fountain of the Sun; a name precisely of the same purport as Hanes. Of this we are informed by the learned geographer, D'Anville, and others; though the name, by different travellers, is expressed with some variation. [595]Cette ville presque ensevelie sous des ruines, et voisine, dit Abulfeda, d'un petit lieu nomme Matarea, conserve dans les geographies Arabes le nom d'Ainsiems ou du fontain du Soleil. A like account is given by Egmont and [596]Hayman; though they express the name Ain El Cham; a variation of little consequence. The reason why the antient name has been laid aside, by those who reside there, is undoubtedly this. Bochart tells us, that, since the religion of Mahomet has taken place, the Arabs look upon Hanes as the devil: [597]proinde ab ipsis ipse Daemon [Hebrew: HNAS] vocatur. Hence they have abolished Hanes: but the name Ain El Cham, of the same purport, they have suffered to remain.

I have before taken notice of an objection liable to be made from a supposition, that if Hanes signified the fountain of light, as I have presumed, it would have been differently expressed in the Hebrew. This is a strange fallacy; but yet very predominant. Without doubt those learned men, who have preceded in these researches, would have bid fair for noble discoveries, had they not been too limited, and biassed, in their notions. But as far as I am able to judge, most of those, who have engaged in inquiries of this nature, have ruined the purport of their labours through some prevailing prejudice. They have not considered, that every other nation, to which we can possibly gain access, or from whom we have any history derived, appears to have expressed foreign terms differently from the natives, in whose language they were found. And without a miracle the Hebrews must have done the same. We pronounce all French names differently from the people of that country: and they do the same in respect to us. What we call London, they express Londres: England they style Angleterre. What some call Bazil, they pronounce Bal: Munchen, Munich: Mentz, Mayence: Ravenspurg, Ratisbon. The like variation was observable of old. Carthago of the Romans was Carchedon among the Greeks. Hannibal was rendered Annibas: Asdrubal, Asdroubas: and probably neither was consonant to the Punic mode of expression. If then a prophet were to rise from the dead, and preach to any nation, he would make use of terms adapted to their idiom and usage; without any retrospect to the original of the terms, whether they were domestic, or foreign. The sacred writers undoubtedly observed this rule towards the people, for whom they wrote; and varied in their expressing of foreign terms; as the usage of the people varied. For the Jewish nation at times differed from its neighbours, and from itself. We may be morally certain, that the place, rendered by them Ekron, was by the natives called Achoron; the Accaron, [Greek: Akkaron], of Josephus, and the Seventy. What they termed Philistim, was Pelestin: Eleazar, in their own language, they changed to Lazar, and Lazarus: and of the Greek [Greek: sunedrion] they formed Sanhedrim. Hence we may be certified, that the Jews, and their ancestors, as well as all nations upon earth, were liable to express foreign terms with a variation, being led by a natural peculiarity in their mode of speech. They therefore are surely to be blamed, who would deduce the orthography of all antient words from the Hebrew; and bring every extraneous term to that test. It requires no great insight into that language to see the impropriety of such procedure. Yet no prejudice has been more [598]common. The learned Michaelis has taken notice of this [599]fatal attachment, and speaks of it as a strange illusion. He says, that it is the reigning influenza, to which all are liable, who make the Hebrew their principal study. The only way to obtain the latent purport of antient terms is by a fair analysis. This must be discovered by an apparent analogy; and supported by the history of the place, or person, to whom the terms relate. If such helps can be obtained, we may determine very truly the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name; however it may appear repugnant to the orthography of the Hebrews. The term Hanes is not so uncommon as may be imagined. Zeus was worshipped under this title in Greece, and styled [Greek: Zeus Ainesios]. The Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius mentions his temple, and terms it [600][Greek: Dios Ainesiou hieron ou mnemoneuei kai Leon en periploi, kai Demosthenes en limesi]. It is also taken notice of by Strabo, who speaks of a mountain Hanes, where the temple stood. [601][Greek: Megiston de oros en autei Ainos] (lege [Greek: Aines]) [Greek: en hoi to tou Dios Ainesiou hieron]. The mountain of Zeus Ainesius must have been Aines, and not Ainos; though it occurs so in our present copies of Strabo. The Scholiast above quotes a verse from Hesiod, where the Poet styles the Deity [Greek: Aineios].

[Greek: Enth' hoig' euchesthen Aineioi hupsimedonti.]

Aineius, and Ainesius are both alike from Hanes, the Deity of Egypt, whose rites may be traced in various parts. There were places named Aineas, and Ainesia in Thrace; which are of the same original. This title occurs sometimes with the prefix Ph'anes: and the Deity so called was by the early theologists thought to have been of the highest antiquity. They esteemed him the same as [602]Ouranus, and Dionusus: and went so far as to give him a creative [603]power, and to deduce all things from him. The Grecians from Phanes formed [Greek: Phanaios], which they gave as a title both to [604]Zeus, and Apollo. In this there was nothing extraordinary, for they were both the same God. In the north of Italy was a district called Ager [605]Pisanus. The etymology of this name is the same as that of Hanes, and Phanes; only the terms are reversed. It signifies ignis fons: and in confirmation of this etymology I have found the place to have been famous for its hot streams, which are mentioned by Pliny under the name of Aquae Pisanae. Cuma in Campania was certainly denominated from Chum, heat, on account of its soil, and situation. Its medicinal [606]waters are well known; which were called Aquae Cumanae. The term Cumana is not formed merely by a Latine inflection; but consists of the terms Cumain, and signifies a hot fountain; or a fountain of Chum, or Cham, the Sun. The country about it was called Phlegra; and its waters are mentioned by Lucretius.

[607]Qualis apud Cumas locus est, montemque Vesevum, Oppleti calidis ubi fumant fontibus auctus.

Here was a cavern, which of old was a place of prophecy. It was the seat of the Sibylla Cumana, who was supposed to have come from [608]Babylonia. As Cuma was properly Cuman; so Baiae was Baian; and Alba near mount Albanus[609], Alban: for the Romans often dropped the n final. Pisa, so celebrated in Elis, was originally Pisan, of the same purport as the Aquae Pisanae above. It was so called from a sacred fountain, to which only the name can be primarily applicable: and we are assured by Strabo [610][Greek: Ten krenen Pisan eiresthai], that the fountain had certainly the name of Pisan. I have mentioned that Mount Pyrene was so called from being a fountain of fire: such mountains often have hot streams in their vicinity, which are generally of great utility. Such we find to have been in Aquitania at the foot of this mountain, which were called Thermae Onesae; and are mentioned by Strabo, as [611][Greek: Therma kallista potimotatou hudatos]. What in one part of the world was termed Cumana, was in another rendered Comana. There was a grand city of this name in Cappadocia, where stood one of the noblest Puratheia in Asia. The Deity worshipped was represented as a feminine, and styled Anait, and Anais; which latter is the same as Hanes. She was well known also in Persis, Mesopotamia, and at Egbatana in Media. Both An-ait, and An-ais, signifies a fountain of fire. Generally near her temples, there was an eruption of that element; particularly at Egbatana, and Arbela. Of the latter Strabo gives an account, and of the fiery matter which was near it. [612][Greek: Peri Arbela de esti kai Demetrias polis; eith' he tou naphtha pege, kai ta pura] (or [Greek: pureia]) [Greek: kai to tes Anaias hieron.]

I should take the town of Egnatia in Italy to have been of the same purport as Hanes above mentioned: for Hanes was sometimes expressed with a guttural, Hagnes; from whence came the ignis of the Romans. In Arcadia near mount Lyceus was a sacred fountain; into which one of the nymphs, which nursed Jupiter, was supposed to have been changed. It was called Hagnon, the same as Ain-On, the fount of the Sun. From Ain of the Amonians, expressed Agn, came the [Greek: hagnos] of the Greeks, which signified any thing pure and clean; purus sive castus. Hence was derived [Greek: hagneion, pegaion; hagnaion, katharon; hagne, kathara]: as we may learn from Hesychius. Pausanias styles the fountain [613]Hagno: but it was originally Hagnon, the fountain of the Sun: hence we learn in another place of Hesychius, [Greek: hagnopoleisthai, to hupo heliou theresthai.] The town Egnatia, which I mentioned above, stood in campis Salentinii, and at this day is called Anazo, and Anazzo. It was so named from the rites of fire: and that those customs were here practised, we may learn from some remains of them among the natives in the times of Horace and Pliny. The former calls the place by contraction [614]Gnatia:

Dein Gnatia Nymphis Iratis extructa dedit risumque, jocumque; Dum flammis sine thura liquescere limine sacro Persuadere cupit.

Horace speaks as if they had no fire: but according to Pliny they boasted of having a sacred and spontaneous appearance of it in their temple. [615]Reperitur apud auctores in Salentino oppido Egnatia, imposito ligno in saxum quoddam ibi sacram protinus flammam existere. From hence, undoubtedly, came also the name of Salentum, which is a compound of Sal-En, Solis fons; and arose from this sacred fire to which the Salentini pretended. They were Amonians, who settled here, and who came last from Crete [616][Greek: Tous de Salentinous Kreton apoikous phasi]. Innumerable instances of this sort might be brought from Sicily: for this island abounded with places, which were of Amonian original. Thucydides and other Greek writers, call them Phenicians[617]: [Greek: Okoun de kai Phoinikes peri pasan men Sikelian]. But they were a different people from those, which he supposes. Besides, the term Phenician was not a name, but a title: which was assumed by people of different parts; as I shall shew. The district, upon which the Grecians conferred it, could not have supplied people sufficient to occupy the many regions, which the Phenicians were supposed to have possessed. It was an appellation, by which no part of Canaan was called by the antient and true inhabitants: nor was it ever admitted, and in use, till the Grecians got possession of the coast. It was even then limited to a small tract; to the coast of Tyre and Sidon.

If so many instances may be obtained from the west, many more will be found, as we proceed towards the east; from whence these terms were originally derived. Almost all the places in Greece were of oriental etymology; or at least from Egypt. I should suppose that the name of Methane in the Peloponnesus had some relation to a fountain, being compounded of Meth-an, the fountain of the Egyptian Deity, Meth, whom the Greeks called [Greek: Metis], Meetis.

[618][Greek: Kai Metis protos genetor, kai Eros poluterpes.]

We learn from [619]Pausanias, that there was in this place a temple and a statue of Isis, and a statue also of Hermes in the forum; and that it was situated near some hot springs. We may from hence form a judgment, why this name was given, and from what country it was imported. We find this term sometimes compounded Meth-On, of which name there was a town in [620]Messenia. Instances to our purpose from Greece will accrue continually in the course of our work.

One reason for holding waters so sacred arose from a notion, that they were gifted with supernatural powers. Jamblichus takes notice of many ways, by which the gift of divination was to be obtained. [621]Some, says he, procure a prophetic spirit by drinking the sacred water, as is the practice of Apollo's priest at Colophon. Some by sitting over the mouth of the cavern, as the women do, who give out oracles at Delphi. Others are inspired by the vapour, which arises from the waters; as is the case of those who are priestesses at Branchidae. He adds,[622] in respect to the oracle at Colophon, that the prophetic spirit was supposed to proceed from the water. The fountain, from whence it flowed, was in an apartment under ground; and the priest went thither to partake of the emanation. From this history of the place we may learn the purport of the name, by which this oracular place was called. Colophon is Col-Oph On, tumulus Dei Solis Pythonis, and corresponds with the character given. The river, into which this fountain ran, was sacred, and named Halesus; it was also called [623]Anelon: An-El-On, Fons Dei Solis. Halesus is composed of well-known titles of the same God.

Delos was famed for its oracle; and for a fountain sacred to the prophetic Deity. It was called [624]Inopus. This is a plain compound of Ain-Opus, Fons Pythonis. Places named Asopus, Elopus, and like, are of the same analogy. The God of light, Orus, was often styled Az-El; whence we meet with many places named Azelis, Azilis, Azila, and by apocope, Zelis, Zela, and Zeleia. In Lycia was the city Phaselis, situated upon the mountain [625]Chimaera; which mountain had the same name, and was sacred to the God of fire. Phaselis is a compound of Phi, which, in the Amonian language, is a mouth or opening; and of Azel above mentioned. Ph'Aselis signifies Os Vulcani, sive apertura ignis; in other words a chasm of fire. The reason why this name was imposed may be seen in the history of the place[626]. Flagrat in Phaselitide Mons Chimaera, et quidem immortali diebus, et noctibus flamma. Chimaera is a compound of Cham-Ur, the name of the Deity, whose altar stood towards the top of the [627]mountain. At no great distance stood Mount Argaius, which was a part of the great ridge, called Taurus. This Argaius may be either derived from Har, a mountain; or from Aur, fire. We may suppose Argaius to signify Mons cavus: or rather ignis cavitas, sive Vulcani domus, a name given from its being hollow, and at the same time a reservoir of fiery matter. The history of the mountain may be seen in Strabo; who says, that it was immensely high, and ever covered with snow; it stood in the vicinity of Comana, Castabala, Caesarea, and Tyana: and all the country about it abounded with fiery [628]eruptions. But the most satisfactory idea of this mountain may be obtained from coins, which were struck in its vicinity; and particularly [629]describe it, both as an hollow and an inflamed mountain.

In Thrace was a region called Paeonia, which seems to have had its name from P'Eon, the God of light[630]. The natives of these parts were styled both Peonians and Pierians; which names equally relate to the Sun. Agreeably to this Maximus Tyrius tells us, that they particularly worshipped that luminary: and adds, that they had no image; but instead of it used to suspend upon an high pole a disk of metal, probably of fine gold, as they were rich in that mineral: and before this they performed their [631]adoration.

There is an apparent analogy between the names of places farther east; whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are an assemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura, Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is a compound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have been devoted to the Sun:

[632]Denique flammicomo devoti pectora Soli Vitam agitant.

Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades, the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region—[Greek: Hieron ex aionos toi Helioi] [633][Greek: Chorion]. This city was also, from its worship, styled [634]Ur, Urhoe, and Urchoe; which last was probably the name of the [635]temple.

There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoe, Arsiana. These were all the same name, only varied in different countries; and they were consequently of the same purport. Arsinoe is a compound of arez-ain, Solis fons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain. One of this name was in Syria; [636][Greek: Arsinoe polis en Suriai, epi bounoi keimene. apo de tou bounou krenas ereugetai pleionas—aph' hon he polis onomastai.] Arsinoe is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, out of which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name. Arsine and Arsiana in Babylonia had [637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was a nitrous lake: [638][Greek: Arsene limen—nitritis]. Near Arsinoe, upon the Red Sea, were hot streams of bitter [639]waters; and Arsinoe near [640]Ephesus had waters equally bitter.

There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: in the history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire. The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He was worshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nation were called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the [641]literati; but [642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of the Chaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country was replete with bitumen and fire. There was a region [643]Hyrcania, inhabited by the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. The people were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sons of fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in [644]Lydia. There were certainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus [645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of that parched and burning region called [Greek: katakekaumene], so named from the fires with which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and Fossa Charonea; all famed for fire.

It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynian forest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it was denominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in the east. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of [Greek: drumos Orkunios], or the forest of [646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same name as that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrene signified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. There was a Pyrene among the Alpes [647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a city of the same [648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominated from the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regio Hercynia, where the Hercynian forest[649] commenced, and from which it received its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says, that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once[650] burning: and, conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of the great [651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have been called Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deity of fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt but Hercynia, which Ptolemy expresses [Greek: Orkunia] was so named from Or-cun, the God of that element.

We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some of that family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performances was by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passage therefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work of Hercules: by others of Cottus, and [652]Cottius. From hence this particular branch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country was called Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital [653]cities. Some of that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidonius to have taken up their residence in these parts. [654][Greek: Tous Huperboreous—oikein peri tas Alpeis tes Italias.] Here inhabited the Taurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the country the land of [655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafter to be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian; as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts of Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, and of her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi. [656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrino sacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnae figuratum docet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome: and is marked in the [657]calendar for the month of March. From whence the mystery was derived, we may learn from [658]Fulgentius. Navigium Isidis AEgyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. The like is shewn by [659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerable proofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafter introduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon the antiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectly known. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound with sacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say so much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long duration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing, which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high mounds of earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly all mineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retain their antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance in most parts of the world. For when names have been once determinately affixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexander settled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gave to others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their own country. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian, assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and that in his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, is acquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; who having been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led in triumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by those of her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant. Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood, that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would not know to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquainted with the history of Odaenatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talk of Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built by Salmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactly conformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book of Chronicles, [660]He also (Solomon) built Tadmor in the wilderness. The Grecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel to a native Arab.

As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, and worship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, with which I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the same time to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to the intent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of my system; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judge beforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I found my analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, are good, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories will in consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be my misfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth, let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the history will speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated.



* * * * *

OF

WORSHIP PAID AT CAVERNS;

AND OF

THE ADORATION OF FIRE

IN THE

FIRST AGES.

As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast; and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, there succeeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continually augmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages either to the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, and hollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence of their Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performed their vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailed among the first nations upon the earth: [661][Greek: Spelaia toinun kai antra ton palaiotaton, prin kai naous epinoesai, theois aphosiounton kai en Kretei men Koureton Dii, en Arkadiai de Selenei, kai Pani en Lukeioi kai en Naxoi Dionusoi.] When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were still determined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which they comprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholy recesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatly did this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice had ceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the cavern. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words [Greek: par' antra] in the poet, [662][Greek: Tous esotatous topous tou naou]. The cavern is the innermost place of the temple. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis, says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. [663][Greek: Aphrodite d' echei en spelaioi timas.] In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite. Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromising circumstances. [Greek: Hieroprepes ho Parnassos, echon antra te kai alla choria timomena te, kai, hagisteuomena.][664] The mountain of Parnassus is a place of great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highly honoured and sanctified. At Taenarus was a temple with a fearful aperture, through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell. The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, [665][Greek: Epi tei akrai Naos eikasmenos spelaioi.] Upon the top of the promontory stands a temple, in appearance like a cavern. The situation of Delphi seems to have been determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, [666][Greek: ontos chasmatos en toi topoi]: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracular shrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded.

[667]Ut vidit Paean vastos telluris hiatus Divinam spirare fidem, ventosque loquaces Exhalare solum, sacris se condidit antris, Incubuitque adyto: vates ibi factus Apollo.

Here also was the temple of the [668]Muses, which stood close upon a reeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and more reverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill and Parnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it his particular business to visit places of this nature, says, that it was the most extraordinary of any which he ever beheld. [669][Greek: Antron Korukion spelaion, hon eidon, theas axion malista.] There were many caves styled Corycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus from Parthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: [Greek: Par' hei to Korukion antron Numphon, axiagaston theama.] Near which city was the Corycian cavern, sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing. There was a place of this sort at [670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above, consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from which people troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found great benefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in [671]Phrygia; and the chasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilential vapour. There was a city of the same name in [672]Syria, where stood a temple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, through which, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the deluge retired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose from Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers.

It has been observed, that the Greek term [Greek: koilos], hollow, was often substituted for Coelus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have been thus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of the Atlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supported heaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood a temple to Coelus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of his dissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to [Greek: koilos], hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to be understood in its original acceptation, as Coel, the house of God; to which the natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantian betrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vast hollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image, nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: [673][Greek: Esti de Atlas oros koilon, epieikos hupselon.—Touto Libuon kai hieron, kai theos, kai horkos, kai agalma.] This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is a mountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteem both as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which they swear; and to which they pay their devotions. The cave in the mountain was certainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Coelus of the Romans. To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven which Atlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term among the Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coel, which the Romans rendered Coelu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Coelus; but the name was copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admitted into their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struck in this city to the honour of some of the Roman [674]emperors, but especially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius.



Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formed by nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or open temples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew, that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sons of Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwards Persis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments of antiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hyde supposes them to have been either [675]palaces, or tombs. The chief building, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; one of those open edifices called by the Greeks [Greek: Hupaithra]. It is very like the temple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At a glance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At a distance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which he imagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of the moderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos are representations of various characters: and among others is figured, more than once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where the sacred fire is [676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of a Deity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpent entwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposes the figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar: but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a second example in Le [677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hyde takes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, and particularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes: yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples of antient architecture are described by [678]Kaempfer, [679]Mandesloe, [680]Chardin, and [681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by [682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, that they were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among the Persians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e [683]Petra was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deity had always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places, where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a [684]cavern. Justin Martyr speaks to the same [685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidus mentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, [686]Persae in spelaeis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reason to think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made use of such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of [687]Cyrus, [688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts of their cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon the entablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designed for temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial; which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted with the antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he [689]went into the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merely conjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape of coffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, which the Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in great measure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs were square, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills, where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were of old famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. The circumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus[690], who quotes it from the writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there were some sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heard shouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and other uncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests at their midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated by the mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those who heard them. The country below was called [Greek: Chora ton Magon], the region of the Magi.

The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was a temple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it is called Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies e rupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derived from the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth [691]conjugation. I am sorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and to encounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. I am entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannot acquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, vel rupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which a proper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace, or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but what temple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a proper name to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for a characteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to be supposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of the country: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apart for the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, and Esta.[692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta; who was the Hestia, [Greek: Hestia], of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That the term originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius. [693]Hebraica lingua [Hebrew: ASH] ignem significat, Aramaea [Hebrew: ASHTA] qua voce ignem a Noemo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Graeci [Greek: Hestias] originem deduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the building to have been the temple of [694]Anaia, or Anais; who was the same as Hanes, as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians, says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romans worshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. [695][Greek: Touto esti to pur, hoper Hestian ekalounto, kai esebonto en tois husterois chronois Romaioi.] This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid.

[696]Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.

Hyde renders the term after Kaempfer, Ista: but it was more commonly expressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as a masculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer from a province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called [697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God of fire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learn from Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous fires bursting forth in many parts of it.

[698][Greek: Phukos hapan katephlexas, epei perikaieo puri].

Upon this account it was called [699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia, and Hestia, similar to the name above. [700][Greek: Istie, o neson euestie.] The antient Scythae were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them as devoted to Histia[701]. [Greek: Hilaskontas Histien men malista]. From hence, I think, we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a name given to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. It stands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extended plain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentioned above by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake in Maximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says, that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity to take his repast[702]. [Greek: Pur, despota, esthie]. What he renders [Greek: esthie], was undoubtedly [Greek: Hestie], Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, [Greek: O Pur, despota, Hestie]: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to O Fire, come, and feed.

The island Cyprus was of old called [703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had a city of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: and mention is made of cruel rites practised in its [704]temple. As long as the former name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastae. They were more particularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at last extirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastae related to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls.

[705] Atque illos gemino quondam quibus aspera cornu Frons erat, unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastae.

There was a city of the same name in Euboea, expressed Carystus, where the stone [706]Asbestus was found. Of this they made a kind of cloth, which was supposed to be proof against fire, and to be cleansed by that element. The purport of the name is plain; and the natural history of the place affords us a reason why it was imposed. For this we are obliged to Solinus, who calls the city with the Grecian termination, Carystos; and says, that it was noted for its hot streams: [707]Carystos aquas calentes habet, quas [Greek: Ellopias] vocant. We may therefore be assured, that it was called Car-ystus from the Deity of fire, to whom all hot fountains were sacred. Ellopia is a compound of El Ope, Sol Python, another name of the same Deity. Carystus, Cerastis, Cerasta, are all of the same purport: they betoken a place, or temple of Astus, or Asta, the God of fire. Cerasta in the feminine is expressly the same, only reversed, as Astachar in Chusistan. Some places had the same term in the composition of their names, which was joined with Kur; and they were named in honour of the Sun, styled [Greek: Kuros], Curos. He was worshipped all over Syria; and one large province was hence named Curesta, and Curestica, from [Greek: Kur Hestos], Sol Hestius.

In Cappadocia were many Puratheia; and the people followed the same manner of worship, as was practised in Persis. The rites which prevailed, may be inferred from the names of places, as well as from the history of the country. One city seems to have been denominated from its tutelary Deity, and called Castabala. This is a plain compound of Ca-Asta-Bala, the place or temple of Asta Bala; the same Deity, as by the Syrians was called Baaltis. Asta Bala was the Goddess of fire: and the same customs prevailed here as at Feronia in Latium. The female attendants in the temple used to walk with their feet bare over burning [708]coals.

Such is the nature of the temple named Istachar; and of the caverns in the mountains of Chusistan. They were sacred to Mithras, and were made use of for his rites. Some make a distinction between Mithras, Mithres, and Mithra: but they were all the same Deity, the [709]Sun, esteemed the chief God of the Persians. In these gloomy recesses people who were to be initiated, were confined for a long season in the dark, and totally secluded from all company. During this appointed term they underwent, as some say, eighty kinds of trials, or tortures, by way of expiation. [710]Mithra apud Persas Sol esse existimatur: nemo vero ejus sacris initiari potest, nisi per aliquot suppliciarum gradus transierit. Sunt tormentorum ij lxxx gradus, partim intensiores.—Ita demum, exhaustis omnibus tormentis, sacris imbuuntur. Many [711]died in the trial: and those who survived were often so crazed and shaken in their intellects, that they never returned to their former state of mind.

Some traces of this kind of penance may be still perceived in the east, where the followers of Mahomet have been found to adopt it. In the history given by Hanway of the Persian monarch, Mir Maghmud, we have an account of a process similar to that above, which this prince thought proper to undergo. He was of a sour and cruel disposition, and had been greatly dejected in his spirits; on which account he wanted to obtain some light and assistance from heaven. [712]With this intent Maghmud undertook to perform the spiritual exercises which the Indian Mahommedans, who are more addicted to them than those of other countries, have introduced into Kandahar. This superstitious practice is observed by shutting themselves up fourteen or fifteen days in a place where no light enters. The only nourishment they take is a little bread and water at sun-set. During this retreat they employ their time in repeating incessantly, with a strong guttural voice, the word Hou, by which they denote one of the attributes of the Deity. These continual cries, and the agitations of the body with which they were attended, naturally unhinge the whole frame. When by fasting and darkness the brain is distempered, they fancy they see spectres and hear voices. Thus they take pains to confirm the distemper which puts them upon such trials.

Such was the painful exercise which Maghmud undertook in January this year; and for this purpose he chose a subterraneous vault. In the beginning of the next month, when he came forth, he was so pale, disfigured, and emaciated, that they hardly knew him. But this was not the worst effect of his devotion. Solitude, often dangerous to a melancholy turn of thought, had, under the circumstances of his inquietude, and the strangeness of his penance, impaired his reason. He became restless and suspicious, often starting.—In one of these fits he determined to put to death the whole family of his predecessor, Sha Hussein; among whom were several brothers, three uncles, and seven nephews, besides that prince's children. All these, in number above an hundred, the tyrant cut to pieces with his own hand in the palace yard, where they were assembled for that bloody purpose. Two small children only escaped by the intervention of their father, who was wounded in endeavouring to screen them.



The reverence paid to caves and grottos arose from a notion that they were a representation of the [713]world; and that the chief Deity whom the Persians worshipped proceeded from a cave. Such was the tradition which they had received, and which contained in it matter of importance. Porphyry attributes the original of the custom to Zoroaster, whoever Zoroaster may have been; and says, that he first consecrated a natural cavern in Persis to Mithras, the creator and father of all things. He was followed in this practice by others, who dedicated to the Deity places of this [714]nature; either such as were originally hollowed by nature, or made so by the art of man. Those, of which we have specimens exhibited by the writers above, were probably enriched and ornamented by the Achaimenidae of Persis, who succeeded to the throne of Cyrus. They are modern, if compared with the first introduction of the worship; yet of high antiquity in respect to us. They are noble relics of Persic architecture, and afford us matter of great curiosity.

* * * * *

OF THE

OMPHI,

AND OF

THE WORSHIP UPON HIGH PLACES.

The term Omphi is of great antiquity, and denotes an oracular influence, by which people obtained an insight into the secrets of futurity. I have taken notice with what reverence men in the first ages repaired to rocks and caverns, as to places of particular sanctity. Here they thought that the Deity would most likely disclose himself either by a voice, or a dream, or some other praeternatural token. Many, for the same purpose, worshipped upon hills, and on the tops of high mountains; imagining that they hereby obtained a nearer communication with heaven. Hence we read, as far back as the days of Moses, concerning the high places in [715]Canaan. And, under the kings of Israel and Judah, that the people made their offerings in high places. We are particularly told of Pekah, the son of Remaliah, that he walked in the way of the [716] kings of Israel; yea, and made his sons to pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen—and he sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree. And many times when a reformation was introduced under some of the wiser and better princes, it is still lamented by the sacred writer, that [717] the high places were not taken away: the people still offered, and burnt incense on the high places. It is observable, when the king of Moab wanted to obtain an answer from God, that he took Balaam the prophet, and brought him to the [718]high places of Baal. And, finding that he could not obtain his purpose there, he carried him into the field of Zophim unto the top of Pisgah; and from thence he again removed him to the top of Peor. In all these places he erected seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on every[719] altar. It is said of Orpheus, that he went with some of his disciples to meet Theiodamas, the son of Priam, and to partake in a sacrifice which he every year offered upon the summit of a high[720] mountain. We are told by Strabo, that the Persians always performed their worship upon hills[721]. [Greek: Persai toinun agalmata kai bomous ouch hidruontai; Thuousi de en hupseloi topoi, ton ouranon egoumenoi Dia.]

The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship: and, of all sacrifices, wherever exhibited upon high places, none, perhaps, ever equalled in magnificence that which was offered by Mithridates upon his war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as well as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of the highest mountains in his dominions: upon the top of which he reared an immense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood: and there he sacrificed to the God of armies—[722][Greek: Ethue toi Stratioi Dii patrion thusian, epi orous hupselou koruphen meizona allen epititheis.] The pile was raised by his vassal princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine, honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have been perceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia. The Roman poet makes his hero choose a like situation for a temple which he erected to Venus; and for the grove which he dedicated to the manes of his father.

[723]Tum vicina astris Ericino in vertice sedes Fundatur Veneri Idaliae: tumuloque Sacerdos, Et lucus, late sacer, additur Anchiseo.

In Japan most of their temples at this day are constructed upon eminences; and often upon the ascent of high mountains. They are all, [724]says Kaempfer, most sweetly seated: A curious view of the adjacent country, a spring and rivulet of clear water, and the neighbourhood of a grove with pleasant walks, being the necessary qualifications of those spots of ground where these holy structures are to be built: for they say that the Gods are extremely delighted with such high and pleasant places.

This practice in early times was almost universal; and every [725]mountain was esteemed holy. The people, who prosecuted this method of worship, enjoyed a soothing infatuation, which flattered the gloom of superstition. The eminences to which they retired were lonely, and silent; and seemed to be happily circumstanced for contemplation and prayer. They, who frequented them, were raised above the lower world; and fancied that they were brought into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and of the Deity who resided in the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were frequented, was the Omphi, expressed [Greek: omphe] by the Greeks, and interpreted [726][Greek: Theia kledon], vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation from heaven. In short, they were looked upon as the peculiar places where God delivered his oracles. Hermaeus in Plutarch expresses this term [Greek: omphis], omphis; and says, that it was the name of an Egyptian Deity: and he interprets it, I know not for what reason, [727][Greek: euergetes]. The word truly rendered was Omphi or Amphi, the oracle of Ham; who, according to the Egyptian theology, was the same as the Sun, or Osiris. He was likewise revered as the chief Deity by the Chaldeans; and by most nations in the east. He was styled both Ham, and Cham: and his oracles both Omphi and Ompi. In consequence of this, the mountains where they were supposed to be delivered, came to be denominated Har-al-Ompi; which al-ompi by the Greeks was changed to [Greek: Olumpos], Olympus; and the mountain was called [Greek: oros Olumpou]. There were many of this name. The Scholiast upon Apollonius reckons up [728]six: but there were certainly more, besides a variety of places styled upon the same account [729]Olympian. They were all looked upon to be prophetic; and supposed to be the residence of the chief Deity, under whatever denomination he was specified, which was generally the God of light. For these oracles no place was of more repute than the hill at Delphi, called Omphi-El, or the oracle of the Sun. But the Greeks, who changed Al-omphi to Olympus, perverted these terms in a manner still more strange: for finding them somewhat similar in sound to a word in their own language, their caprice immediately led them to think of [Greek: omphalos], a navel, which they substituted for the original word. This they did uniformly in all parts of the world; and always invented some story to countenance their mistake. Hence, whenever we meet with an idle account of a navel, we may be pretty sure that there is some allusion to an oracle. In respect to Delphi, they presumed that it was the umbilicus, or centre of the whole earth. The poets gave into this notion without any difficulty; Sophocles calls it [730][Greek: mesomphala Ges manteia]: and Euripides avers that it was the precise centre of the earth:

[731][Greek: Ontos meson omphalon gas] [Greek: Phoibou katechei domos.]

Livy, the historian, does not scruple to accede to this notion, and to call it [732]umbilicum orbis terrarum. Strabo speaks of it in this light, but with some hesitation. [733][Greek: Tes Hellados en mesoi POS esti tes sumpases—ENOMISTHE de kai oikoumenes; kai ekalesan tes ges OMPHALON]. Varro very sensibly refutes this idle notion in some [734]strictures upon a passage in the poet Manilius to the purpose above.

O, sancte Apollo, Qui umbilicum certum terrarum obtines.

Upon which he makes this remark: Umbilicum dictum aiunt ab umbilico nostro, quod is medius locus sit terrarum, ut umbilicus in nobis: quod utrumque est falsum. Neque hic locus terrarum est medius; neque noster umbilicus est hominis medius. Epimenides long before had said the same:

[735][Greek: Oute gar en gaies mesos omphalos, oude thalasses.]

But supposing that this name and character had some relation to Delphi, how are we to account for other places being called after this manner? They could not all be umbilical: the earth cannot be supposed to have different centres: nor could the places thus named be always so situated, as to be central in respect to the nation, or the province in which they were included. Writers try to make it out this way: yet they do not seem satisfied with the process. The contradictory accounts shew the absurdity of the notion. It was a term borrowed from Egypt, which was itself an Omphalian region. Horus Apollo not knowing the meaning of this has made Egypt the centre of the earth: [736][Greek: Aigupton ge mese tes oikoumenes]. Pausanias mentions an Omphalus in the Peloponnesus, which was said to have been the middle of that country. He seems however to doubt of this circumstance, as he well may[737]. [Greek: Ou porro de estin ho kaloumenos Omphalos, Peloponnesou de pases meson, ei de ta onta eirekasi.] At no great distance is a place called the Omphalus, or navel; which is the centre of the whole Peloponnesus, if the people here tell us the truth. At Enna in [738]Sicily was an Omphalus: and the island of Calypso is represented by Homer as the umbilicus of the sea. The Goddess resided—[739][Greek: Nesoi en amphirutei hothi t' omphalos esti thalasses.] The AEtolians were styled umbilical; and looked upon themselves as the central people in Greece, like those of Delphi. But this notion was void of all truth in every instance which has been produced: and arose from a wrong interpretation of antient terms. What the Grecians styled Omphalus was certainly Ompha-El, the same as Al-Ompha; and related to the oracle of Ham or the Sun: and these temples were Prutaneia, and Puratheia, with a tumulus or high altar, where the rites of fire were in antient times performed. As a proof of this etymology most of the places styled Olympian, or Omphalian, will be found to have a reference to an oracle. Epirus was celebrated for the oracle at Dodona: and we learn from the antient poet, Reianus, that the natives were of old called Omphalians:

[740][Greek: Sun te Parauaioi, kai amumones Omphalieeis.]

There was an Omphalia in Elis; and here too was an oracle mentioned by [741]Pindar and Strabo: [742][Greek: Ten de epiphaneian eschen (he Olumpia) ex arches dia to manteion tou Olumpiou Dios.] The place derived all its lustre originally from the oracular temple of Olympian Jove. In this province was an antient city [743]Alphira; and a grove of Artemis [744]Alpheionia, and the whole was watered by the sacred river Alpheus. All these are derived from El, the prophetic Deity, the Sun; and more immediately from his oracle, Alphi. The Greeks deduced every place from some personage: and Plutarch accordingly makes Alpheus[745]—[Greek: Heis ton to genos aph' heliou katagonton], one of those who derived their race from the Sun. The term Alphi, from whence the Greeks formed Alphira, Alpheionia, and Alpheues, is in acceptation the same as Amphi. For Ham being by his posterity esteemed the Sun, or El; and likewise Or, the same as Orus; his oracles were in consequence styled not only Amphi, and Omphi, but Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi.

I have taken notice of several cities called Omphalian, and have observed, that they generally had oracular temples: but by the Greeks they were universally supposed to have been denominated from a navel. There was a place called [746]Omphalian in Thessaly: and another in Crete, which had a celebrated [747]oracle. It is probably the same that is mentioned by Strabo, as being upon mount Ida, where was the city Elorus. Diodorus speaks of this oracle, named Omphalian; but supposes that the true name was [Greek: omphalos], omphalus: and says, that it was so called (strange to tell) because Jupiter, when he was a child, lost his navel here, which dropped into the river Triton: [748][Greek: Apo toutou tote sumbantos Omphalon prosagoreuthenai to chorion]: from this accident the place had the name of Omphalus, or the navel. Callimachus in his hymn to Jupiter dwells upon this circumstance:

[749][Greek: Eute Thenas apeleipen epi Knossoio pherouse,] [Greek: Zeu pater, he Numphe se (Thenai d' esan enguthi Knossou)] [Greek: Toutaki toi pese, Daimon, ap' omphalos, enthen ekeino] [Greek: Omphalion metepeita pedon kaleousi Kudones.]

Who would imagine, that one of the wisest nations that ever existed could rest satisfied with such idle figments: and how can we account for these illusions, which overspread the brightest minds? We see knowing and experienced people inventing the most childish tales; lovers of science adopting them; and they are finally recorded by the grave historian: all which would not appear credible, had we not these evidences so immediately transmitted from them. And it is to be observed that this blindness is only in regard to their religion; and to their mythology, which was grounded thereupon. In all other respects they were the wisest of the sons of men.

We meet in history with other places styled Omphalian. The temple of Jupiter Ammon was esteemed of the highest antiquity, and we are informed that there was an omphalus here; and that the Deity was worshipped under the form of a navel. Quintus Curtius, who copied his history from the Greeks, gives us in the life of Alexander the following strange account, which he has embellished with some colouring of his own. [750]Id, quod pro Deo colitur, non eandem effigiem habebat, quam vulgo Diis Artifices accommodarunt. Umbilico maxime similis est habitus, smaragdo, et gemmis, coagmentatus. Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestant Sacerdotes, multis argenteis pateris ab utroque navigii latere pendentibus. The whole of this is an abuse of terms, which the author did not understand, and has totally misapplied. One would imagine that so improbable a story, as that of an umbilical Deity with his silver basons, though patched up with gold and emeralds, would have confuted itself. Yet Schottus in his notes upon Curtius has been taken with this motly description: and in opposition to all good history, thinks that this idle story of a navel relates to the compass. Hyde too has adopted this notion; and proceeds to shew how each circumstance may be made to agree with the properties of the magnet. [751]Illa nempe Jovis effigies videtur semiglobulare quiddam, uti est compassus marinus, forma umbilici librarii, seu umbonis, tanquam [Greek: entheon] quoddam adoratum, propter ejusdem divinum auxilium: utpote in quo index magneticus erat sicut intus existens quidam deus, navigiorum cursum in medio aequore dirigens. These learned men were endued with a ready faith: and not only acquiesce in what they have been told, but contribute largely to establish the mistake. The true history is this. Most places in which was the supposed oracle of a Deity, the Grecians, as I have before mentioned, styled Olympus, Olympia, and Olympiaca: or else Omphale, and Omphalia, and the province [Greek: chorion Omphalion]. These terms were thought to relate to a navel: but, if such an interpretation could have been made to correspond with the history of any one place, yet that history could not have been reiterated; nor could places so widely distant have all had the same reference. What was terminated [Greek: omphalos] was [752]Omph-El, the oracle of God, the seat of divine influence: and Al-Omphi was a name given to mountains and eminences upon the same account. An oracle was given to Pelias in Thessaly: and whence did it proceed? from the well wooded omphalus of his mother Earth.

[753][Greek: Elthe de hoi kruoen] [Greek: Pukinoi manteuma thumoi] [Greek: Para meson omphalon] [Greek: Eudendroio rhethen materos.—]

In other words, it proceeded from the stately grove of Hestia, where stood an oracular temple.

In respect to the omphalus of Ammon, which Curtius has translated umbilicus, and garnished with gold and jewels, the whole arises from a mistake in terms, as in the many instances before. It was Omphi El, the oracle of Ham, or the Sun: and the shrine, from whence it was supposed to proceed, was carried in a boat. The Paterae, represented as so many silver basons, were in reality the interpreters of the oracle. They were the priests, who in the sacred processions walked on each side, and supported both the image and the boat in which it was carried. They are said to have been eighty in number; and they pretended to bear the Deity about, just as they were by the divine impulse directed. The God, says [754]Diodorus Siculus, is carried about in a ship of gold by eighty of his priests. They bear him upon their shoulders, and pursue their way by instinct, just as the divine automaton chances to direct them. These persons, who thus officiated, were probably the same as the Petipharae of the antient Egyptians, but were called Paterae by the Greeks. It was a name, and office, by which the priests of Delphi, and of many other places besides those in Egypt, were distinguished: and the term always related to oracular interpretation. Hence Bochart describes these priests, and their function, very justly. [755]Paterae Sacerdotes Apollinis, oraculorum interpretes. Pator, or Petor, was an Egyptian word; and Moses speaking of Joseph, and the dreams of Pharaoh, more than once makes use of it in the sense above. It occurs Genesis. c. 41. v. 8.—v. 13. and manifestly alludes to an interpretation of that divine intercourse, which the Egyptians styled Omphi. This was communicated to Pharaoh by a dream: for the Omphi was esteemed not only a verbal response, but also an intimation by [756]dreams—[Greek: Omphe, pheme theia, theia kledon—oneirou phantasmata.] Hesychius. So it likewise occurs in Eusebius; who quotes a passage from the oracles of Hecate, wherein the Gods are represented, as insensibly wafted through the air like an Omphean vision.

[757][Greek: Tous de mesous mesatoisin epembebaotas aetais] [Greek: Nosphi puros theioio PANOMPHEAS eut' ONEIROUS.]

These Omphean visions were explained by Joseph; he interpreted the dreams of Pharaoh: wherefore the title of Pator is reckoned by the Rabbins among the names of Joseph. There is thought to be the same allusion to divine interpretation in the name of the apostle Peter: [Greek: Petros, ho epiluon, ho epiginoskon.] Hesych. Petrus Hebraeo sermone agnoscens notat. Arator. From these examples we may, I think, learn that the priest was styled Petor, and Pator: and that it was the place, which properly was called Patora. The Colossal statue of Memnon in the Thebais was a Patora, or oracular image. There are many inscriptions upon different parts of it; which were copied by Dr. Pocock[758], and are to be seen in the first volume of his travels. They are all of late date in comparison of the statue itself; the antiquity of which is very great. One of these inscriptions is particular, and relates to the Omphi, which seems to have frightened away some ill-disposed people in an attempt to deface the image:

[759][Greek: Eikona lobeteres elumenant' hoti dian] [Greek: Theiotatou nuktor omphen epi Memnonos elthon.]

One of the most famous oracles of Apollo was in Lycia: and in consequence of it the place was named Patara. Patra in Achaia was of the same purport. I should imagine, that the place where Balaam the false [760]prophet resided, was of the same nature; and that by Pethor and Pethora was meant a place of interpretation, or oracular temple. There was probably a college of priests; such as are mentioned to have existed among the Amonians: of whom Balaam had been by the king of Moab appointed chief Petora, or priest. It seems to have been the celebrated place in Arabia, famous in after times for the worship of Alilat, and called by the Romans [761]Petra.

The custom of carrying the Deity in a shrine, placed in a boat, and supported by priests, was in use among the Egyptians, as well as the [762]Ammonites. It is a circumstance which deserves our notice; as it appears to be very antient, and had doubtless a mysterious allusion. We have three curious examples of it among [763]Bishop Pocock's valuable specimens of antiquity, which he collected in those parts. He met with them at Luxorein, or [764]Lucorein, near Carnac, in the Thebais; but mentions not what they relate to: nor do I know of any writer who has attended to their history. The accounts given above by Curtius, and Diodorus, are wonderfully illustrated by these representations from Egypt. It is plain that they all relate to the same religious ceremony, and very happily concur to explain each other. It may be worth observing, that the originals whence these copies were taken are of the highest antiquity; and, probably, the most early specimens of sculpture in the world. Diodorus mentions that the shrine of Ammon had eighty persons to attend it: but Dr. Pocock, when he took these copies, had not time to be precisely accurate in this article. In his specimens the greatest number of attendants are twenty: eighteen support the boat, and one precedes with a kind of sceptre; another brings up the rear, having in his hand a rod, or staff, which had undoubtedly a mystic allusion. The whole seems to have been emblematical; and it will be hereafter shewn, that it related to a great preservation, which was most religiously recorded, and became the principal subject of all their mysteries. The person in the shrine was their chief ancestor, and the whole process was a memorial of the deluge; the history of which must have been pretty recent when these works were executed in Egypt.



From the shrines of Amon abovementioned we may derive the history of all oracles; which, from the Deity by whom they were supposed to be uttered, were called Omphi and Amphi, as I have shewn: also, Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi, from El, and Orus. The Greeks adhered religiously to antient terms, however obsolete and unintelligible. They retained the name of Amphi, though they knew not the meaning: for it was antiquated before they had letters. That it originally related to oracular revelation is plain from its being always found annexed to the names of places famous on that account; and from its occurring in the names of men, renowned as priests and augurs, and supposed to have been gifted with a degree of foreknowledge. We read of Amphiaraus, Amphilocus, Amphimachus, persons represented as under particular divine influence, and interpreters of the will of the Gods. Amphion, though degraded to a harper, was Amphi-On, the oracle of Apollo, the Sun: and there was a temple, one of the antient [Greek: hupaithra], dedicated to him and Zethus, as we may read in Pausanias. Mopsus, the diviner, is styled [Greek: Ampukides], Ampucides; which is not a patronymic, but a title of the oracular Deity.

[765][Greek: Entha kai Ampukiden autoi eni emati Mopson] [Greek: Neleies hele potmos; adeukea d' ou phugen aisan] [Greek: Mantosunais; ou gar tis apotropie thanatoio.]

Idmon, the reputed son of Abas, was a prophet, as well as Mopsus: he was favoured with the divine Omphe, and, like the former, styled Ampucides.

[766][Greek: Entha men aisa paresche kataphthisthai duo photas,] [Greek: Ampukiden Idmona, kubernetera te Tiphun.]

What his attainments were, the Poet mentions in another place.

[767][Greek: De tot' Abantos pais nothos eluthe karteros Idmon,] [Greek: Ton rh' upokussamene teken Apolloni anakti] [Greek: Ambrosion para kuma pheretrios Antianeira,] [Greek: Toi kai MANTOSYNEN epore, kai thesphaton OMPHEN.]

To say the truth, these supposed prophets were Deities, to whom temples were consecrated under these names; or, to speak more properly, they were all titles, which related to one God, the Sun. That they were reputed Deities, is plain, from many accounts. Dion Cassius speaks of [Greek: Amphilochou chresterion]: and the three principal oracles mentioned by Justin Martyr are [768][Greek: manteia—Amphilochou Dodones, kai Puthous]. We have a similar account from Clemens Alexandrinus. [769][Greek: Diegesai hemin kai tes alles mantikes, mallon de manikes, ta achresta chresteria, ton Klarion, ton Puthion, ton Amphiareo, ton Amphilochon.] The Amphictuons were originally prophetic personages, who attended at the temple at Delphi. Hesychius observes: [Greek: Amphiktuones—perioikoi Delphon, pulagorai, ieromnemones.] Minerva, heavenly wisdom, is by Lycophron styled [770]Amphira; which is a compound of Amphi-Ur, the divine influence, or oracle of Orus. Of this name there was a city near Olympia in Elis: for many places were in this manner denominated, on account of their being esteemed the seat of prophecy. In Phocis was the city Hyampolis: and close to it [771] Amphissa, famous for the oracle of an unknown Goddess, the daughter of Macaria. Amphrysus, in Boeotia, was much famed for the influence of [772] Apollo; and Amphimallus, in Crete, was well known for its [773] oracle. Amphiclea, in [774] Phocis, had Dionusus for its guardian Deity, whose orgies were there celebrated; and whose shrine was oracular.

I imagine that this sacred influence, under the name of Amphi, is often alluded to in the exordia of Poets, especially by the writers in Dithyrambic measure, when they address Apollo. Taken in its usual sense ([Greek: amphi] circum) the word has no meaning: and there is otherwise no accounting for its being chosen above all others in the language to begin hymns of praise to this Deity, who was the principal God of prophecy. We have one instance of it in the Nubes of Aristophanes:

[775][Greek: Amphi moi aute anax,] [Greek: Delie, Kunthian echon] [Greek: Hupsikerata petran.]

Periander is mentioned as beginning a hymn with a like exordium: [Greek: Amphi moi authis anakta]: And Terpander has nearly the same words: [776][Greek: Amphi moi authis anakth' hekatebolon]. Apollo was so frequently called [Greek: Amphi anax], that it was in a manner looked upon as a necessary prooeemium. Suidas observes, [Greek: Amphianaktizein to prooimiazein]: And Hesychius, [Greek: Amphianakta, arche nomou Kitharodikou]. Much the same is told us in the Scholia upon the passage above from Aristophanes: [777][Greek: Mimeitai de (Aristophanes) ton Dithurambon ta prooimia; sunechos gar chrontai tautei lexei; dio amphianaktas autous kalousi]. However, none of these writers inform us why this word was so particularly used; nor tell us what was its purport. In the short hymns ascribed to Homer this term is industriously retained; and the persons who composed them have endeavoured to make sense of it, by adopting it according to the common acceptation.

[Greek: Amphi moi Ermeiao philon gonon ennepe, Mousa.] [Greek: Amphi Dioskouron helikopides espete, Mousai.] [Greek: Amphi Dionusou Semeles erikudeos huion] [778][Greek: Mnesomai.]

These hymns were of late date, long after Homer; and were introduced in Ionia, and also in Cyprus and Phenicia, when the Grecians were in possession of those parts. They were used in the room of the antient hymns, which were not understood by the new inhabitants. One of them is confessedly addressed to the Goddess called Venus Ourania, in Cyprus; and was designed to be sung by the priest of that Goddess upon the stated festivals at Salamis.

[779] [Greek: Chaire, Thea, Salaminos euektimenes medeousa,] [Greek: Kai pases Kuprou; dos d' himeroessan aoiden,] [Greek: Autar ego ken seio kai alles mnesom' aoides.]

We may perceive, from what has been said, that the word Amphi was a term of long standing, the sense of which was no longer understood: yet the sound was retained by the Greeks, and used for a customary exclamation. In respect to the more antient exordia above quoted, especially that of Terpander, I take the words to be an imitation, rather than a translation, of a hymn sung at Delphi in the antient Amonian language; the sound of which has been copied, rather than the sense, and adapted to modern terms of a different meaning. I make no doubt but that there were many antient hymns preserved in those oracular temples, which were for a long time retained, and sung, when their meaning was very imperfectly known. They were, for the most part, composed in praise of Ham, or the Sun; and were sung by the Homeridae, and Iaemidae. They were called after his titles, Ad, Athyr, Amphi, which the Grecians expressed Dithyrambi. They were strains of joy and exultation, attended with grand processions: and from the same term, dithyrambus, was derived the [Greek: thriambos] of the Greeks, and the triumphus of the Romans. We are informed that triumphs were first instituted by [780]Bacchus, who was no other than Chus: the history, therefore, of the term must be sought for from among the Cuseans. That it was made up of titles, is plain, from its being said by Varro to have been a [781]name; and one that was given by the Amonians among other personages to Dionusus: for they were not in this point uniform. Diodorus takes notice that it was a name, and conferred upon the person spoken of: [782][Greek: Thriambon de auton onomasthenai phasi]: They say, that one of the titles given to Dionusus was Thriambus. Ham, in the very antient accounts of Greece, is called Iaemus, and his priests Iaemidae. His oracle, in consequence of this, was styled Iaemphi, and Iaembi, which was the same term as Amphi, of which we have been treating. From the name Iambi came the measure [Greek: Iambos], Iambus, in which oracles were of old delivered. Ham, among the Egyptians, was called [783]Tithrambo, which is the same name as the Ditherambus of Diodorus. There is a remarkable passage in the Scholia upon Pindar concerning Ham, under the name of Iamus, and also concerning his temple, which is represented as oracular. [784] [Greek: Manteion en en Olumpiai, hou archegos gegonen Iamos, tei dia empuron manteiai, he kai mechri tou nun hoi Iamidai chrontai.] There was in Olympia an antient temple, esteemed a famous seat of prophecy, in which Iamus is supposed to have first presided; and where the will of the Deity was made manifest by the sacred fire upon the altar: this kind of divination is still carried on by a set of priests, who are called Iamidae. [Greek: Iamos archegos] was in reality the Deity; and his attendants were [785]Iamidae, persons of great power and repute. [Greek: Ex hou polukleiton kath' Hellanos genos Iamidon.] Pindar. Iaemus was immortal, and was therefore named [Greek: athanatos].

[786][Greek: Kai kataphamixen kaleisthai min] [Greek: Chronoi sumpanti mater] [Greek: Athanaton.]

From hence we may be assured, that he was of old the real Deity of the place.

I have mentioned, that in the sacred processions in early times the Deity used to be carried about in a shrine; which circumstance was always attended with shouts, and exclamations, and the whole was accompanied with a great concourse of people. The antient Greeks styled these celebrities the procession of the [787]P'omphi, and from hence were derived the words [Greek: pompe], and pompa. These originally related to a procession of the oracle: but were afterwards made use of to describe any cavalcade or show. In the time of Herodotus the word seems in some degree to have retained its true meaning, being by him used for the oracular influence. He informs us that Amphilutus was a diviner of Acharnan; and that he came to Pisistratus with a commission from heaven. By this he induced that prince to prosecute a scheme which he recommended. [788] [Greek: Entautha theiei pompei chreomenos paristatai Peisistratoi Amphilutos.]—[Greek: Theie pompe] is a divine revelation, or commission. Ham was the Hermes of the Egyptians, and his oracle, as I have shewn, was styled Omphi: and when particularly spoken of as the oracle, it was expressed P'omphi, and P'ompi, the [Greek: pompe] of the Greeks. Hence Hermes had the name of [Greek: pompaios], which was misinterpreted the messenger, and conductor: and the Deity was in consequence of it made the servant of the Gods, and attendant upon the dead. But [Greek: pompaios] related properly to divine influence; and [Greek: pompe] was an oracle. An ox, or cow, was by the Amonians esteemed very sacred, and oracular: Cadmus was accordingly said to have been directed [Greek: pompei boos].

[789][Greek: Entha kai ennasthe pompei boos, hen hoi Apollon] [Greek: Opase mantosunesi proegeteiran hodoio.]

Many places were from the oracle styled P'ompean: and supposed by the Romans to have been so named from Pompeius Magnus; but they were too numerous, and too remote to have been denominated from him, or any other Roman. There was indeed Pompeiae in Campania: but even that was of too high antiquity to have received its name from Rome. We read of Pompeiae among the Pyrenees, Pompion in Athens, Pompelon in Spain, Pompeditha in Babylonia, Pomponiana in Gaul. There were some cities in Cilicia and Cappadocia, to which that Roman gave the name of Pompeipolis: but upon, inquiry they will be found to have been Zeleian cities, which were oracular: go that the Romans only gave a turn to the name in honour of their own countryman, by whom these cities were taken.

Besides the cities styled Pompean, there were pillars named in like manner; which by many have been referred to the same person. But they could not have been built by him, nor were they erected to his memory: as I think we may learn from their history. There are two of this denomination still remaining at a great distance from each other: both which seem to have been raised for a religious purpose. The one stands in Egypt at [790]Alexandria; the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus, where is a communication between the Propontis and the antient Euxine sea. They seem to be of great antiquity, as their basis witnesses at this day: the shaft and superstructure is of later date. The pillar at the Bosporus stands upon one of the Cyanean rocks: and its parts, as we may judge from [791]Wheeler, betray a difference in their aera. It was repaired in the time of Augustus: and an inscription was added by the person who erected the column, and who dedicated the whole to that Emperor.

[792]DIVO. CAESARI. AUGUSTO. E.. CL... ANDIDIUS... L. F CL. ARGENTO...

We may learn from the inscription, however mutilated, that this pillar was not the work of Pompeius Magnus; nor could it at all relate to his history: for the time of its being rebuilt was but little removed from the age in which he lived. The original work must have therefore been far prior. The pillar in Egypt is doubtless the same which was built upon the ruins of a former, by Sostratus of Cnidos, before the time of Pompeius: so that the name must have been given on another account. The inscription is preserved by [793]Strabo.

[Greek: SOSTRATOS KNIDIOS] [Greek: DEXIPHANOUS] [Greek: THEOIS SOTERSIN] [Greek: YPER TON] [Greek: PLOIZOMENON.]

The narrow streight into the Euxine sea was a passage of difficult navigation. This was the reason, that upon each side there were temples and sacred columns erected to the Deity of the country, in order to obtain his assistance. And there is room to think, that the pillars and obelisks were made use of for beacons, and that every temple was a Pharos. They seem to have been erected at the entrance of harbours; and upon eminences along the coasts in most countries. The pillars of Hercules were of this sort, and undoubtedly for the same purpose. They were not built by him; but erected to his honour by people who worshipped him, and who were called Herculeans. [794][Greek: Ethos gar palaion huperxe to tithesthai toioutous orous, kathaper hoi Reginoi ten stelida ethesan, ten epi toi porthmoi keimenen, purgon ti.] [Greek: Kai o Peloros legomenos purgos antikeitai tei tautei stelidi.] For it was a custom, says Strabo, among the antients, to erect this kind of land-marks, such as the pillar at Rhegium, near the foot of Italy: which is a kind of tower, and was raised by the people of Rhegium at the streight where the passage was to Sicily. Directly opposite stood another building of the same sort, called the tower of Pelorus. Such Pillars were by the Iberians styled Herculean, because they were sacred to Hercules; under which title they worshipped the chief Deity. Some of these were near Gades, and Onoba[795], [Greek: Kat' Onoban tes Iberias]: others were erected still higher, on the coast of Lusitania. This caused an idle dispute between Eratosthenes, Dicaearchus, and [796]others, in order to determine which were the genuine pillars of Hercules: as if they were not all equally genuine; all denominated from the Deity of the country. Two of the most celebrated stood upon each side of the Mediterranean at the noted passage called fretum Gaditanum—[Greek: kata ta akra tou porthmou]. That on the Mauritanian side was called Abyla, from Ab-El, parens Sol: the other in Iberia had the name of[797] Calpe. This was an obelisk or tower, and a compound of Ca-Alpe, and signifies the house, or cavern of the same oracular God: for it was built near a cave; and all such recesses were esteemed to be oracular. At places of this sort mariners used to come on shore to make their offerings; and to inquire about the success of their voyage. They more especially resorted to those towers, and pillars, which stood at the entrance of their own havens. Nobody, says [798]Arrian, will venture to quit his harbour without paying due offerings to the Gods, and invoking their favour. Helenus in Virgil charges AEneas, whatever may be the consequence, not to neglect consulting the oracle at Cuma.

[799]Hic tibi ne qua morae fuerint dispendia tanti, Quamvis increpitent socij, et vi cursus in altum Vela vocet, possisque sinus implere secundos, Quin adeas vatem, precibusque oracula poscas.

The island Delos was particularly frequented upon this account; and the sailors seem to have undergone some severe discipline at the altar of the God, in order to obtain his favour.

[800][Greek: Asterie, polubome, polullite, tis de se nautes] [Greek: Emporos Aigaioio pareluthe nei theousei;] [Greek: Ouch' houto megaloi min epipneiousin aetai,] [Greek: Chreio d' hotti tachiston agei ploon, alla ta laiphe] [Greek: Okees esteilanto, kai ou palin authis ebesan,] [Greek: Prin megan e seo bomon hupo plegesin helixai] [Greek: Ressomenoi]——

O! ever crown'd with altars, ever blest, Lovely Asteria, in how high repute Stands thy fair temple 'mid the various tribes Who ply the AEgean. Though their business claims Dispatch immediate; though the inviting gales Ill brook the lingering mariners' delay: Soon as they reach thy soundings, down at once Drop the slack sails, and all the naval gear. The ship is moor'd: nor do the crew presume To quit thy sacred limits, 'till they have pass'd A painful penance; with the galling whip Lash'd thrice around thine altar.

This island was greatly esteemed for its sanctity, and there used to be a wonderful concourse of people from all nations continually resorting to its temple. The priests, in consequence of it, had hymns composed in almost all languages. It is moreover said of the female attendants, that they could imitate the speech of various people; and were well versed in the histories of foreign parts, and of antient times. Homer speaks of these extraordinary qualifications as if he had been an eye-witness:

[801][Greek: Pros de tode mega thauma, hotou kleos oupot' oleitai.] [Greek: Kourai Deliades, Hekatebeleteo therapainai,] [Greek: Hait' epei an proton men Apollon' humnesosin,] [Greek: Autis d' au Leto te, kai Artemin iocheairen,] [Greek: Mnesamenai andron te palaion, ede gunaikon,] [Greek: Humnon aeidousin, thelgousi de phul' anthropon.] [Greek: Panton d' anthropon phonas, kai Krombaliastun] [Greek: Mimeisthai isasi; phaies de ken autos hekaston] [Greek: Phthengesthai, houto sphi kale sunareren aoide.]

The Delian nymphs, who tend Apollo's shrine, When they begin their tuneful hymns, first praise The mighty God of day: to his they join Latona's name, and Artemis, far fam'd For her fleet arrows and unerring bow. Of heroes next, and heroines, they sing, And deeds of antient prowess. Crowds around, Of every region, every language, stand In mute applause, sooth'd with the pleasing lay. Vers'd in each art and every power of speech, The Delians mimick all who come: to them All language is familiar: you would think The natives spoke of every different clime. Such are their winning ways: so sweet their song.

The offerings made at these places used to be of various kinds, but particularly of liba, or cakes, which were generally denominated from the temple where they were presented. A curious inscription to this purpose has been preserved by Spon and Wheeler, which belonged to some obelisk or temple upon the Thracian Bosporus. It was found on the Asiatic side, nearly opposite to the Pompean pillar, of which I before took notice. The Deity to whom it was inscribed was the same as that above, but called by another title, Aur, and Our, [Hebrew: AWR]; rendered by the Greeks [802][Greek: Ourios]; and changed in acceptation so as to refer to another element.