A History of Rome, Vol 1 - During the late Republic and early Principate
by A H.J. Greenidge
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[1101] Sall. Jug. 77. 3.

[1102] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1103] Forbiger Handb. der alt. Geogr. ii. p. 885.

[1104] Sall. Jug. 80. 2.

[1105] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1106] Ibid. 80. 6 Ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia optinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.

[1107] Sall. Jug. 81. 1.

[1108] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1109] Cf. p. 349.

[1110] Sall. Jug. 81. 2.

[1111] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1112] Ibid. 82. 2.

[1113] Sall. Jug. 83. 1.

[1114] Sall, Jug. 86. 5.

[1115] Ibid. 88. 1.

[1116] Vellei. ii. II Metelli ... et triumphus fuit clarissimus et meritum ex virtute ei cognomen Numidici inditum. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 27.

[1117] Sall. Jug. 88. 5.

[1118] Sall. Jug. 88. 3.

[1119] Sallust uses the historic infinitive (Ibid, 89. 1 Consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus), but the reduction of some of these places may perhaps be assumed.

[1120] Cf. p. 426.

[1121] Capsa (Kafsa or Gafsa) may have been once subject to Carthage and have been added to the kingdom of Masinissa after the Hannibalic war. Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) mentions it amongst the ruined towns of Africa, but it revived later on, received a Latin form of constitution under Hadrian, and was ultimately the seat of a bishopric. See Wilmanns in C. I. L. viii. p. 22. Its commercial importance was very great. It was, as Tissot says (Geogr. comp. ii. p. 664), placed on the threshold of the desert at the head of the three great valleys which lead, the one to the bottom of the Gulf of Kabes, the other to Tebessa, the third to the centre of the regency of Tunis. He describes it as one of the gates of the Sahara and one of the keys of Tell, the necessary point of transit of the caravans of the Soudan and the advanced post of the high plateau against the incursions of the nomads. Strabo (l.c.) describes Capsa as a treasure-house of Jugurtha, but it has been questioned whether this description is not due to a confusion with Thala (Wilmanns l.c.).

[1122] Sall. Jug. 89. 6.

[1123] Ibid. 89. 5 Nam, praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa perniciosa, siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Tissot says (op. cit. ii. p. 669) that the solitudes which surround the oasis make a veritable "belt of sands and snakes" (cf. Florus iii. 1. 14 Anguibus harenisque vallatam).

[1124] Sal. Jug. 90. 1.

[1125] Aulus Manlius was sent with some light cohorts to protect the stores at Lares (Ibid. 90. 2). These stores were, therefore, not exhausted.

[1126] The Tana has often been identified with the Waed Tina, but this identification would take Marius along the coast by Thenae—a course which he almost certainly did not follow. Tissot holds (Geogr. comp. i. p. 85) that Tana is only a generic Libyan name for a water-course. He thinks that the river in question is the Waed-ed-Derb. (Ibid. p. 86).

[1127] This locus tumulosus (Sall. Jug. 91. 3) is identified by Tissot (op. cit. ii. p 669) with a spur of the Djebel Beni-Younes which dominates Kafsa on the northeast at the distance indicated by Sallust.

[1128] Ibid. 91. 7.

[1129] Sall. Jug. 92. 3.

[1130] Sallust omits all mention of these winter quarters. Such an omission does not prove that he is a bad military historian, but simply that he never meant his sketch to be a military history. But he has perhaps freed himself too completely from the annalistic methods of most Roman historians.

[1131] Sall. Jug. 92. 2.

[1132] The Waed Muluja. It is called Muluccha by Sallust, [Greek: Molochath] by Strabo (xvii. 3, 9). Other names given to it by ancient authorities are Malvane, [Greek: Maloua], Malva. See Goebel Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum pp. 79, 80.

[1133] Bocchus, however, claimed the territory within which Marius was operating (Sall. Jug. 102).

[1134] Ibid. 92. 5.

[1135] Ibid. 93.

[1136] Sall. Jug. 94. 3.

[1137] Sall. Jug. 95. 1.

[1138] Sall, Jug. 95. 1 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret Romae relictus erat.

[1139] Cic. in Verr. iii. 58. 134.

[1140] Cf. Cic. ad Att. vi. 6. 3 and 4.

[1141] Val. Max. vi. 9. 6 C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte obvenisset.

[1142] Plut. Sulla 2.

[1143] Val. Max. l.c.; Plut. Sulla 2.

[1144] Litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissume, eruditus (Sall. Jug. 95. 3).

[1145] Plut. l.c.

[1146] Plut. l.c.

[1147] He was born in 138 B.C. He was entering on his sixtieth year at the time of his death in 78 B.C. (Val. Max. ix. 3. 8). Cf. Vellei. ii. 17 and see Lau Lucius Cornelius Sulla p. 25.

[1148] Sall. Jug. 96.

[1149] Sall. Jug. 97. 2.

[1150] Sallust states later that Cirta was his original aim (Ibid. 102. 1 Pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat); but Marius's plans may have been modified by intervening events.

[1151] Vix decuma parte die reliqua (Ibid. 97. 3).

[1152] Sall, Jug. 98. 1.

[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani ... orbis facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.

[1155] Sall. Jug. 99. 1.

[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere (Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.

[1157] Sall. Jug. 101. 2.

[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.

[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 101. 5), but it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.

[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).

[1161] Sall. Jug. 101. 9.

[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to nothing in Sallust and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the recent battles described by Sallust; but there are other details which make the identification impossible.

[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent (Oros. v. 15. 16).

[1164] According to Sallust (Jug. 102. 2.); but the fight which he describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.

[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.

[1166] Sall. Jug. 102. 5.

[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.

[1168] Cf. Sall. Jug. 80. 4. See p. 349.

[1169] Sall. Jug. 102. 15.

[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns (Ibid. 100. 1).

[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.

[1172] Sall. Jug. 104. 3.

[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.

[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca or Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence. If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (Hist. Nat. v. 2. 21) calls "oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae".

[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well, although this is not stated by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 104. 2).

[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.

[1177] Sall. Jug. 105. 1.

[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.

[1179] Sall. Jug. 107, 1.

[1180] Sall. Jug. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. Sulla 3.

[1181] Ibid. 108.

[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sallust (Ibid. 108. 1) when he describes Dabar as Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).

[1183] Sall. Jug. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really proconsul.

[1185] Ibid. 110.

[1186] Sall. Jug. 111.

[1187] Sall. Jug. 111. 2

[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.

[1189] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).

[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sallust says only Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit (Sall. Jug. 113. 6).

[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.

[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:—Regi Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) pronepoti regis Masiniss(ae) pronepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the coloni, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir quinquennalis honoris causa). The only doubt which affects the belief in Gauda's succession arises from a passage in Cic. post Red. ad Quir. 8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) cum parva navicula pervectus in Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset. There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it has been pointed out that Cicero's expression is "ad eos," not "ad eum." The plural probably refers to the whole "domus" of the monarch and would include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum p. 7.

[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with Jugurtha. See Mueller Numismatique de l'Afrique. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.; Goebel Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6. It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot Geogr. comp. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman province (Marquardt Staatsverw. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii. p. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.

[1194] Sall. Jug. 114. 3; Liv. Ep. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. xxxiii p. 290 Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum suum duci jussit ... veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? in senatum venit]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story told by Plutarch (Mar. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.

[1195] Plut. Mar. 12.

[1196] Ihne Roem. Gesch. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Suedens der Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.

[1197] Plut. Mar. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere necatus est. The word necatus is quite consistent with a death such as that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.

[1198] Plut. l.c.

[1199] Plut. Mar. 10.

[1200] Plut. Sulla 4.

[1201] Plut. Mar. 10; Sulla 3.

[1202] Plut. Sulla 6.

[1203] Ancient writers derive the name from serere and connect it with a story of the family of the Reguli (Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. 3, 20; Verg. Aen. vi. 844; Val. Max. iv. 4. 5). But the name appears on coins as "Saranus" (Eckhel v. p. 146). It seems, however, to be true that the name was borne by, or applied to, C. Atilius Regulus, the consul of 257 B.C. See Klebs in Pauly-Wissowa R. E. p. 2095.

[1204] Cic. pro Planc. 5. 12.

[1205] In the movement connected with the proceedings of Saturninus in 100 B.C. (Cic. pro Rab. 7. 21).

[1206] Eutrop. iv. 27; Val. Max. vi. 9. 13; Fast. triumph.

[1207] Yet no very recent cases repetundarum are known. The last seems to have been the accusation of M. Valerius Messala (Gell. xv. 14). About this time C. Flavius Fimbria was accused by M. Gratidius and acquitted in spite of the hostile evidence of M. Aemilius Scaurus (Cic. pro Font. 11. 24; Brut. 45. 168; Val. Max. viii. 5. 2; Rein Criminalrecht p. 649); but even if, with Rein, we assign this case to 106 and not to a time later than Fimbria's consulship, the judiciary law must have been prepared before the trial.

[1208] Cassiodor. Chron. Per Servilium Caepionem consulem judicia equitibus et senatoribus communicata. Obsequens 101 (39) Per Caepionem cos. senatorum et equitum judicia communicata.

[1209] Tac. Ann. xii. 60 Cum ... Serviliae leges senatui judicia redderent.

[1210] Cic. de Inv. i. 49. 92 Offensum est quod corum qui audiunt voluntatem laedit: ut si quis apud equites Romanos cupidos judicandi Caepionis legem judiciariam laudet.

[1211] Pp. 135, 213.

[1212] Cic. Brut. 43, 161; pro Cluent. 51, 140.

[1213] Cic. de Or. ii. 59. 240, 66. 264. It is very probable that this attack on Memmius belongs to the speech on the Servilian law.

[1214] Cic. Brut. 44. 164 Mihi (Ciceroni) quidem a pueritia quasi magistra fuit, inquam, illa in legem Caepionis oratio.

[1215] Cassiod. Chron.; Obsequens 101 (39) (quoted p, 478).

[1216] Cicero, speaking in 70 B.C., says that the Equites had held the courts for nearly fifty years, i.e. up to the date of the lex Cornelia of 81 B.C. (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38).

[1217] [Cic.] ad Herenn. i. 15, 25, iv. 24. 34; de Rep. i. 3. 6; pro Balbo II. 28.

[1218] Cic. de Orat. iii. 8. 29; Brut. 35. 132.

[1219] Cicero, in speaking of the successive defeats of Catulus at the polls, says Praeposuisse (populum Romanum) Q. Catulo, summa in familia nato, sapientissimo et sanctissimo viro, non dico C. Serranum, stultissimum hominem, (fuit enim tamen nobilis,) non C. Fimbriam, novum hominem, (fuit enim et animi satis magni et consilii,) sed Cn. Mallium, non solum ignobilem, verum sine virtute, sine ingenio, vita etiam contempta ac sordida (pro Planc. 5. 12).

[1220] Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The changes introduced into the military system by Rutilius will be explained in the next chapter.

[1221] Ulp. in Dig. xxxviii. 2, i. i. Mommsen (Staatsr. iii. p. 433) thinks that the consul of 105 is the "praetor Rutilius" of Ulpian's account.

[1222] Gaius iv, 35 (Praetor Publius Rutilius), qui et bonorum venditionem introduxisse dicitur. See Bethmann-Hollweg Civilprozess ii. p. 671. Here again the consul of 105 is probably meant.

[1223] Cic. Brut. 30. 113, 114.

[1224] The disaster at Arausio took place on 6th October (Plut. Luc. 27). The consuls for the next year may not yet have been elected, as there was at this time no fixed date for the consular Comitia. Cf. p. 364 and see Sall. Jug. 114.

[1225] Cic. Brut. 34. 129; de Orat. ii. 22. 91.

[1226] Liv. Ep. lvi. (see the next note). For the probable date of this enactment (151 B.C.) see Mommsen Staatsrecht i. p. 521.

[1227] Liv. Ep. lvi Cum bellum Numantinum vitio ducum non sine pudore publico duraret, delatus est ultro Scipioni Africano a senatu populoque Romano consulatus; quem cum illi capere ob legem, quae vetabat quemquam iterum consulem fieri, non liceret, sicut priori consulatu, legibus solutus est.

[1228] Plut. Mar. 12 [Greek: kai to deuteron hypatos apedeichthae, tou men nomou koluontos aponta kai mae dialiponta chronon horismenon authis aireisthai, tou de daemou tous antilegontas ekbalontos.] Plutarch adds that the people recalled the dispensation granted to Scipio when the annihilation of the Carthaginian power was planned. This is perhaps a mistaken reference to the dispensation granted to Scipio in the Numantine war. See Liv. Ep. lvi. (quoted in the last note); Cic. pro Leg. Man. 20. 60 and Mommsen Staatsr. l.c. As to the irregularity involved in Marius's absence, it is questionable whether Plutarch is right in supposing that a personal professio was required at this time. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 504. Possibly the irregularity consisted in the fact that there had been no formal candidature at all. Other references to this election of Marius are to be found in Sall. Jug. 114; Vellei. ii. 12; Liv. Ep. lxvii.

[1229] Sall. Jug. 114, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia.


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