or perhaps the time, to carry a single one of its proposals Into effect. The senate was not enlarged, nor was the right of judicature wrested from the hands of its existing holders.[1216] The bill may have been repealed within a few months of its acceptance by the people. Caepio went to Gaul to stake his military reputation on a conflict with the German hordes; he was to return as the best hated man in Rome, to receive no mercy from an indignant people. There was probably more than one cause for this sudden change in political sentiment. The knights may have been thrown off their guard by the suddenness of Caepio's attack upon their privileges, and a few months of organisation and canvassing may have been all that they needed to restore the majority required for effacing the blot upon their name. But the chief reason is doubtless to be sought in the external circumstances of the moment, and can only be fully illustrated by the description which we shall soon be giving of the great events that were taking place on the northern frontiers of the empire. It is sufficient for the present to remember that, in the very year in which Caepio's measure had received the ratification of the people, Caius Popillius Laenas, a legate of one of the consuls of the previous year, had been put on his trial before that very people for making a treaty which was considered still more disgraceful than the defeat which had preceded it.[1217] The Comitia now heard the whole story of the conduct of the Roman arms against the barbarians of the North. The story immediately revived the coalition of the early days of the Numidian war, and there was no longer any hope for the success of even moderate counsels proceeding from the senate. Popillius was a second Aulus Albinus, and a new Marius was required to restore the fortunes of the day. It was, however, certain that the only Marius could not be withdrawn from Africa, and men looked eagerly to see what the consular elections for the next year would produce. We hear of no candidate belonging to the highest ranks of the nobility who was deemed to have been defrauded of his birthright on this occasion; but the disappointment of Quintus Lutatius Catulus was deemed wholly legitimate, when Cnaeus Mallius Maximus defeated him at the poll. Catulus belonged to a plebeian family that had been ennobled by the possession of the consulship at least as early as the First Punic War; but the distinction had not been perpetuated in the later annals of the house, and if Catulus received the support of the official nobility, it was because his tastes and temperament harmonised with theirs, and because it may have seemed impolitic to advance a man of better birth and more pronounced opinions in view of the prevailing temper of the people. Catulus was a man of elegant taste and polished learning, one of the most perfect Hellenists of the day, and distinguished for the grace and purity of the Latin style that was exhibited in his writings and orations.[1218] He was one day to write the history of his own momentous consulship and of the final struggle with the Cimbri, in which he played a not ignoble part. Much of our knowledge of those days is due to his pen, and the modern historian is perhaps likely to congratulate himself on the blindness of the people, which thrice refused Catulus the consulship and reserved him to be an actor and a witness in the crowning victory of the great year of deliverance. He had already been defeated by Serranus; he was now subordinated to the claims of Maximus. But what were those claims? Posterity found it difficult to give an answer,[1219] and the reason for that difficulty was that this second experiment in the virtues of a "new man" was anything but successful. The family to which Maximus belonged seems to have been wholly undistinguished, and he himself is the only member of his clan who is known to have attained the consulship. An explanation of his present prominence could only be gathered from a knowledge of his past career, and of this knowledge we are wholly deprived; but it is manifest that he must have done much, either in the way of positive service to the State in subordinate capacities, or in the way of invective against its late administrators, which caused him to be regarded as a discovery by the leaders of the multitude. The colleague given to Maximus was a man such as the people in the present emergency could not well refuse. Publius Rutilius Rufus was a kind of Cato with a deeper philosophy, a higher culture, and a far less bewildering activity. As a soldier he had been trained by Scipio in Spain, and he possessed a theoretical interest in military matters which issued in practical results of the most important kind.[1220] His tenure of the urban praetorship seems to have been marked by reforms which materially improved the condition of the freedmen in matters of private law, and limited the right of patrons to impose burdensome conditions of personal service as the price of manumission.[1221] It was he too who may have introduced the humane system of granting the possession of a debtor's goods to a creditor, if that creditor was willing to waive his claim to the debtor's person.[1222] Rutilius, therefore, may have had strong claims on the gratitude of the lower orders; and his personality was one that could more readily command a grateful respect than a warm affection. He was a learned adherent of the Stoic system, the cold and stern philosophy of which imbued his speeches, already rendered somewhat unattractive by their author's devotion to the forms of the civil law.[1223] He was much in request as an advocate, his learning commanded deep respect, but he lacked or would not condescend to the charm which would have made him a great personal force with the people at a time when there was a sore need of men who were at the same time great and honest.

By a singular irony of fortune it chanced that the province of Gaul fell to Maximus and not to Rutilius. The strong-headed soldier was left at home to indulge his schemes of army reform while the new man went to his post in the north, to quarrel with the aristocratic Caepio, who was now serving as proconsul in those regions, and to share in the crushing disaster which this dissension drew upon their heads. The search for genius had to be renewed at the close of this melancholy year.[1224] Another "new man" was found in Caius Flavius Fimbria, a product of the forensic activity of the age, a clever lawyer, a bitter and vehement speaker, but with a power that secured his efforts a transitory circulation as types of literary oratory.[1225] He is not known to have shown any previous ability as a soldier, and his election, so far as it was not due to his own unquestioned merit, may have been but a symbol of the continued prevalence of the distrust of the people in aristocratic influence and qualifications. His competitor was Catulus who was for the third time defeated. For the other place in the consulship there could be no competition. The close of the Numidian war had freed the hands of the man who was still believed to be the greatest soldier of the day. There was, it is true, a legal difficulty in the way of the appointment of Marius to the command in the north. Such a command should belong to a consul, but nearly fifty years before this date a law had been passed absolutely prohibiting re-election to the consulship.[1226] Yet the dispensation granted to the younger Africanus could be quoted as a precedent, and indeed the danger that now threatened the very frontiers of Italy was an infinitely better argument for the suspension of the law than the reverses of the Numantine war.[1227] The people were in no mood to listen to legal quibbles. They drove the protestant minority from the assembly, and raised Marius to the position which they deemed necessary for the salvation of the State.[1228] The formal act of dispensation may have been passed by the Comitia either before or after the election, but the senate must have been easily coerced into giving its assent, if its adherence were thought requisite to the validity of the act. The province of Gaul was assigned him as a matter of course,[1229] whether by the senate or the people is a matter of indifference. For the Roman constitution was again throwing off the mask of custom and uncovering the bold lineaments which spoke of the undisputed sovereignty of the people. Certainly, if a sovereign has a right to assert himself, it is one who is in extremis, who stands between death and revolution. Personality had again triumphed in spite of the meshes of Roman law and custom. It remained to be seen whether the net could be woven again with as much cunning as before, or whether the rent made by Marius was greater than that which had been torn by the Gracchi.



TITLES OF MODERN WORKS REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES

L'ANNEE EPIGRAPHIQUE; revue des publications epigraphiques relatives a l'antiquite Romaine (1896, pp. 30, 31, Fragmentum Tarentinum).

BARDEY, E.—Das sechste Consulat des Marius oder das Jahr 100 in der roemischen Verfassungsgeschichte. Brandenburg-a.-d.-H., 1884.

BEESLY, A.H.—The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla. 3rd ed. London, 1882.

BELOCH, J.—Der Italische Bund unter Roms Hegemonie; staatsrechtliche und statistische Forschungen. Leipzig, 1880.

BERGMANN, R.—De Asiae Romanorum provinciae praesidibus (Philologus, ii., 1847, p. 641).

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, M.A. VON.—Der roemische Civilprozess (Der Civilprozess des gemeinen Rechts, Bde. i., ii.). Bonn, 1864-5.

BIEREYE, J.—Res Numidarum et Maurorum annis inde ab a. DCXLVIII. usque ad a. DCCVIII. ab u.c. perscribuntur. Halis Saxonum, 1885.

BOISSIER, GASTON.—L'Afrique Romaine; promenades archeologiques en Algerie et en Tunisie. Paris, 1895.

BOISSIERE, GUSTAVE.—Esquisse d'une histoire de la conquete et de l'administration Romaines dans le Nord de l'Afrique et particulierement dans la province de Numidie. Paris, 1878.

BOOR, C. DE.—Fasti censorii, quos composuit et commentariis instruxit C. de Boor. Berolini, 1873.

BRUNS, C.G.—Fontes juris Romani antiqui. Ed. 6ta. Friburgi, 1893.

BUECHER, K.—Die Aufstaende der unfreien Arbeiter 143-129 v. Chr. Frankfurt-a.-M., 1874.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM GRAECARUM. Ed. A. Boeckh. Vol. ii. Berlin, 1843.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM LATINARUM. Berolini. Vol. i. (ed. Th. Mommsen, 1863; ed. ii., pars i., ed. Th. Mommsen, G. Henzen, C. Huelsen, 1893). Vol. ii. (ed. A. Huebner, 1869). Vol. viii. (coll. G. Wilmanns, 1881).

CUNNINGHAM, W.—_An Essay on Western Civilisation in its _Economic Aspects_. Cambridge, 1898-1900.

DELOUME, A.—Les manieurs d'argent a Rome jusqu'a l'Empire. Paris, 1892.

DREYFUS, R.—Essai sur les lois agraires sous la Republique Romaine. Paris, 1898.

DRUMANN, W.—Geschichte Roms in seinem Uebergange von der republikanischen zur monarchisen Verfassung. 2te Aufl., herausg. von P. Groebe. Berlin. Bd. i., 1899. Bd. ii., 1902.

DUREAU DE LA MALLE, A.—Economie politique des Romains. Paris, 1840.

FORBIGER, A.—Handbuch der alten Geographie. Leipzig, 1842-8.

FOWLER, W. WARDE.—The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic. London and New York, 1899.

FRAENKEL, M.—Die Inschriften von Pergamon (Altertuemer von Pergamon. Berlin, 1890. Bd. viii.).

GOEBEL, E.—Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum und die Geschichte Mauretaniens. Leipzig, 1887.

GREENIDGE, A.-H. J.—The Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time. Oxford, 1901. ——Roman Public Life. London, 1901.

GUADET, J.—Basilica (Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques et Romaines).

HERZOG, E.—Geschichte und System der roemischen Staatsverfassung. Leipzig, 1884-91.

HUEBNER, E.—Baliares (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, p. 2823). ——Roemische Heerschaft in Westeuropa, Berlin, 1890.

IHNE, W.—Roemische Geschichte. Leipzig, 1868-79. 2te Aufl. 1893.

KIENE, A.—Der roemische Bundesgenossenkrieg nach den Quellen bearbeitet. Leipzig, 1845.

KLEES, E.—Atilius Saranus oder Serranus (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, p. 2094).

KOEPP, F.—De Attali III. patre (Rheinisches Museum fuer Philologie. N. F. Bd. xlviii., 1893, p. 154).

KRAUSE, J. H.—Deinokrates oder Huette, Haus und Palast, Dorf, Stadt und Residenz der alten Welt. Jena, 1863.

LAU, T.—Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Eine Biografie, Hamburg, 1855.

LONG, G.—The Decline of the Roman Republic. London, 1864-74.

MAHAFFY, J. P.—The Slave Wars against Rome (Hermathena, 1890). ——The Work of Mago on Agriculture (ibid.).

MARQUARDT, J.—Das Privatleben der Roemer. Leipzig, 1879. 2te Aufl., besorgt von A. Mau. Leipzig, 1886. ——Roemische Staatsverwaltung. Bd. i., 2te Aufl., 1881. Bd. ii., 2te Aufl., besorgt von H. Dessau und A. von Domaszewski, 1884. Leipzig.

MEINEL, G.—Zur Chronologie des Jugurthinischen Krieges. Augsburg, 1883.

MERCIER, E.—La population indigene de l'Afrique sous la domination Romaine, Vandale et Byzantine (Recueil des notices et memoires de la societe archeologique du departement de Constantine, vol. xxx.; 3e serie, vol. ix., p, 127. 1895-6. Constantine, 1897).

MEYER, P.—Der roemische Konkubinat, nach den Rechtsquellen und den Inschriften. Leipzig, 1895.

MIDDLETON, J. H., and SMITH, W.—Domus (Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd ed., i., p. 604. London, 1890).

MITTEIS, L.—Zur Geschichte der Erbpacht im Alterthum (Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Koenigl. Saechsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Bd. xx., No. iv. Leipzig, 1901).

MOMMSEN, TH.—Festi codicis quaternionem decimum sextum denuo edidit Th. Mommsen (Abhandlungen der Koenigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Philologische und historische Abhandlungen, 1864, p, 57). ——Geschichte des roemischen Muenzwesens. Berlin, 1860. ——The History of Rome, translated by W. P. Dickson, London (Edinburgh.), 1894. ——Roemische Forschungen, Bde. i, ii. (Bd. i., 2te Aufl.). Berlin, 1864, 1879. ——Roemisches Staatsrecht. Leipzig, 1887-8. ——Die roemischen Tribus in administrativer Beziehung. Altona, 1844. ——Zama (Hermes, xx., 1885, p, 144).

MOVERS, F. C.—Die Phoenizier. Bonn und Berlin, 1841-56.

MUELLER, L. Numismatique de l'ancienne Afrique. Copenhague, 1860-2. Supplement, 1874.

NEUMANN, C.—Geschichte Roms waehrend des Verfalles der Republik, Breslau, 1881-4.

NIESE, B.—Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz (Hermes, xxiii., 1888).

NITZSCH, K. W.—Die Gracchen und ihre naechsten Vorgaenger, vier Buecher roemischer Geschichte. Berlin, 1847.

OVERBECK, J.—Pompeii in seinen Gebaeuden, Alterthuemern und Kunstwerken ... dargestellt. Leipzig, 1856. 2te Aufl. 2 Bde., 1866. 4te im Vereine mit A. Man durchgearbeitete und vermehrte Aufl., 1884.

PETER, C. Geschichte Roms. 4te verbesserte Aufl. Halle-a.-S., 1881.

POEHLMANN, R.—Geschichte des antiken Kommunismus und Sozialismus. Muenchen, 1893-1900.

RAMSAY, W. M.—The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia. Oxford, 1895-7.

REIN, W.—Das Criminalrecht der Roemer von Romulus bis auf Justinianus, Leipzig, 1844.

REINACH, TH.—Mithridate Eupator, roi du Pont. Paris, 1890.

RICHTER, O.—Topographie der Stadt Rom. 2te Aufl. Muenchen, 1901.

RUDORFF, A.A.F.—Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius wiederhergestellt und erlaeutert (Zeitschr. fuer geschichtliche Rechtswissenschaft. Bd. x. Berlin, 1839).

SCHAEFER, A.—On Orosius, v., 9, 6 (Mamertium oppidum) (Jahrbuecher fuer classische Philologie, 1873, p. 71). ——On Plutarch, Ti. Gracch. II ([Greek: Mallios kai phoulbios]) (ibid.).

SCHMIDT, J.—Zama (Rheinisches Museum fuer Philologie. N. F. Bd. xliv., 1889, p. 397).

SMITH, W. and WILKINS, A.S.—Frumentariae Leges (Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd. ed., i. p. 877. London, 1890).

SOLTAU, W.—Das Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von 367 v. Chr. (Hermes, xxx., 1895), —— Roms Kultur (Kulturgeschichte des klassischen Altertums, p. 190. Leipzig, 1897).

STEINWENDER, TH.—Die Roemische Buergerschaft in ihrem Verhaeltniss zum Heere. Danzig, 1888.

STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, J.L.—Appian, Civil Wars. Book i., edited with notes and map. Oxford, 1902.

SUMMERS, W.C.—C. Sallusti Crispi Jugurtha, edited with introduction, notes and index. Cambridge, 1902.

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TISSOT, C.—Geographie comparee de la province Romaine d'Afrique. Tome i., Paris, 1884. Tome ii. (ouvrage publie d'apres le manuscrit de l'auteur avec des notes, des additions et un atlas par Salomon Reinach), 1888.

UNDERHILL, G.E.—Plutarch's Lives of the Gracchi, edited, with introduction, notes and indices. Oxford, 1892.

USSING, J.L.—Pergamos, seine Geschichte und Monumente, nach der daenischen Ausgabe neu bearbeitet. Berlin, 1899.

VOIGT, M.—Ueber die Bankiers, die Buchfuehrung und die Litteralobligation der Roemer (Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Koenigl. Saechsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Bd. x. Leipzig, 1887). —— Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuus der roemischen Republik (ibid.). —— Privataltertuemer und Kulturgeschichte (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, herausg. von Iwan von Mueller. Bd. iv., abt. ii., 2te Aufl. Muenchen, 1893).

WADDINGTON, W.H.—Fastes des provinces Asiatiques de l'Empire Romain depuis leur origine jusqu'au regne de Diocletien. Ch. ii., Province d'Asie (Voyage Archeologique en Grece et en Asie Mineure, par P. Le Bas et W.H. Waddington. Vol. iii., p. 661. Paris, 1870).

WALLON, H.—Histoire de l'esclavage dans l'antiquite. 2nd edit. Paris, 1879.

WALTZING, J.P.—Etude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les Romains depuis les origines jusqu'a la chute de l'Empire d'Occident. Louvain, 1899-1900.

WILCKEN, U.—Attalos III. (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, p. 2168).

ZUMPT, A.W.—Das Criminalrecht der roemischen Republik. Berlin, 1865-9.



FOOTNOTES:

[1] The average, or at least the most powerful, type of a race is stamped on its history. It is perhaps needless to say that no generalisations on character apply to all its individual members.

[2] Even the Hellenes of the West are only a partial exception. It is true that their cities clung to the coast; but the vast inland possessions of states like Sybaris are scarcely paralleled elsewhere in the history of Greek colonisation.

[3] The Latin colony of Aquileia was settled in the former year (Liv. xl. 34 Vellei. 1. 15), the Roman colony of Auximum in the latter (Vellei. l.c.).

[4] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 27. 73 Est operae pretium diligentiam majorum recordari, qui colonias sic idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperii viderentur.

[5] Liv. xxvii. 38; xxxvi. 3; cf. Marquardt Staatsverwaltung 1. p. 51.

[6] The Roman citizen, who entered his name for a Latin colony, suffered the derogation of caput which was known to the later jurists as capitis deminutio minor and expressed the loss of civitas (Gaius i. 161; iii. 56). That a fine was the alternative of enrolment, hence conceived as voluntary, we are told by Cicero (pro Caec. 33. 98 Aut sua voluntate aut legis multa profecti sunt: quam multam si sufferre voluissent, manere in civitate potuissent. Cf. pro Domo 30. 78 Qui cives Romani in colonias Latinas proficiscebantur, fieri non poterant Latini, nisi erant auctores acti nomenque dederant).

[7] Liv. xxxix. 23.

[8] Liv. xxxvii. 4.

[9] Liv. xlii. 32 Multi voluntate nomina dabant, quia locupletes videbant, qui priore Macedonico bello, aut adversus Antiochum in Asia, stipendia fecerant.

[10] For the assignations viritim in the times of the Kings see Varro R.R. i. 10 (Romulus); Cic. de Rep. ii. 14. 26 (Numa); Liv. 1. 46 (Servius Tullius). That the Cassian distribution was to be [Greek: kat andra] is stated by Dionysius (viii. 72, 73). On the whole subject see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 75. He has made out a good case for the land thus assigned being known by the technical name of viritanus ager. See Festus p. 373; Siculus Flaccus p. 154 Lachm. We shall find that this was the form of distribution effected by the Gracchi.

[11] For the settlement in the land of the Volsci see Liv. v. 24; for that made by M. Curius in the Sabine territory, Colum. i. praef. 14; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 33.

[12] Cato ap. Varr. R.R. i. 2. 7 Ager Gallicus Romanus vocatur, qui viritim cis Ariminum datus est ultra agrum Picentium; cf. Cic. Brut. 14. 57; de Senect. 4. 11; Val. Max. v. 4. 5.

[13] Liv. xlii. 4 (173 B.C.); cf. xli. 16.

[14] The other sources were the portoria and the vicesima libertatis. Even at a period when the revenues from the provinces were infinitely larger than they were at the present time Cicero could write, with reference to Caesar's proposal for distributing the Campanian land, Portoriis Italiae sublatis, agro Campano divisor, quid vectigal superest domesticum praeter vicensimam? (Cic. ad Att. ii. 16. i).

[15] See the map attempted by Beloch in his work Der Italische Bund unter Roms Hegemonie.

[16] Vellei. ii. 7. See ch. iv., where the attitude of the senate towards the proposals for transmarine settlement made by Caius Gracchus is described.

[17] Polyb. xxxii. 11.

[18] Besides the continued war in Spain from 145 to 133 there were troubles in Macedonia (in 142) and in Sicily during this period of comparative peace. Circa 140-135 commences the great slave rising in that island, and in the latter year the long series of campaigns against the free Illyrian and Thracian peoples begins.

[19] The officia of the villicus have become very extensive even in Cato's time (Cato R.R. 5). Their extent implies the assumption of very prolonged absences on the part of the master.

[20] Lucullus paid 500,200 drachmae for the house at Misenum which had once belonged to Cornelia. She had purchased it for 75,000 (Plut. Mar. 34). Marius had been its intermediate owner. Even during his occupancy it is described as [Greek: polytelaes oikia tryphas echousa kai diaitas thaelyteras hae kat andra polemon tosouton kai strateion autourgon.]

[21] Diod. xxxvii. 3.

[22] Sulla rented one of the lower floors for 3000 sesterces (Plut. Sulla 1).

[23] The coenaculum is mentioned by Livy (xxxix. 14) in connection with the year 186 B.C. It is known both to Ennius (ap. Tertull. adv. Valent. 7) and to Plautus (Amph. iii. 1. 3).

[24] Festus p. 171. The insula resembled a large hotel, with one or more courts, and bounded on all sides by streets. See Smith Dict. of Antiq. (3rd ed.) i. p. 665.

[25] Val. Max. viii. 1. damn. 7 Admodum severae notae et illud populi judicium, cum M. Aemilium Porcinam (consul 137 B.C.) a L. Cassio (censor 125 B.C.) accusatum crimine nimis sublime extructae villae in Alsiensi agro gravi multa affecit. The author does not sufficiently distinguish between the censorian initiative and the operation of the law. The passage is important as showing the existence of an enactment on the height of buildings. See Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2, p. 394, and cf. Vellei. ii. 10. Augustus limited the height of houses to 70 feet (Strabo v. p. 235).

[26] Diodor. v. 40 (The Etruscans) [Greek: en ... tais oikiais ta peristoa pros tas ton therapeuonton ochlon tarachas exeuron euchraestian.] See Krause Deinokrates p. 528.

[27] In spite of the plural form fauces (Vitruv. vi. 3. 6) may denote only a single passage. See Marquardt Privatl. p. 240; Smith and Middleton in Smith Dict. of Antiq. i. p. 671.

[28] For this atriensis, the English butler, the continental porter, see the frequent references in Plautus (e.g., Asin. ii. 2. 80 and 101; Pseud. ii. 2. 15), Krause Deinokrates p. 534 and Marquardt Privatl. p. 140.

[29] Plin. H.N. xxxv. 6 Stemmata vero lineis discurrebant ad imagines pictas. It is not known at what period the imagines were transferred from the Atrium to the Alae.

[30] Overbeck Pompeii p. 192; Krause Deinokrates p. 539.

[31] For the practice started, or developed, by Caius Gracchus of receiving visitors, some singly, others in smaller or larger groups, see Seneca de Ben. vi. 34. 2 and the description of Gracchus' tribunate in chapter iv.

[32] Festus p. 357 (according to Mommsen, Abh. der Berl. Akad. Phil.-hist. Classe, 1864 p. 68). Tablinum proxime atrium locus dicitur, quod antiqui magistratus in suo imperio tabulis rationum ibi habebant publicarum rationum causa factum locum; Plin. H.N. xxxv. 7 Tabulina codicibus implebantur et monimentis rerum in magistratu gestarum. Marquardt, however (Privatl. p. 215) thinks that the name tablinum is derived from the fact that this chamber was originally made of planks (tablinum from tabula, as figlinum from figulus).

[33] The earliest instances of extreme extravagance in the use of building material—of the use, for instance, of Hymettian and Numidian marble—are furnished by the houses of the orator Lucius Licinius Crassus (built about 92 B.C.) and of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 78 B.C. This growth of luxury will be treated when we come to deal with the civilisation of the Ciceronian period.

[34] As Krause expresses it (Deinokrates p. 542), at the final stage we find a Greek "Hinterhaus" standing behind an old Italian "Vorderhaus".

[35] The case mentioned by Juvenal (xi. 151)

Pastoris duri hic est filius, ille bubulci. Suspirat longo non visam tempore matrem, Et casulam, et notos tristis desiderat haedos,

must have been of frequent occurrence as soon as the urban and rustic familiae had been kept distinct.

[36] Suetonius says (de Rhet. 3) of L. Voltacilius Pilutus, one of the teachers of Pompeius, Servisse dicitur atque etiam ostiarius vetere more in catena fuisse.

[37] For these atrienses, atriarii, admissionales, velarii see Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 108.

[38] Diod. xxxvii. 3; Sallust (Jug. 85) makes Marius say (107 B.C.) Neque pluris pretii coquum quam villicum habeo. Livy (xxxix. 6) remarks with reference to the consequences of the return of Manlius' army from Asia in 187 B.C. Tum coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse; et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta.

[39] Plin. H.N. xviii. 108 Nec coquos vero habebant in servitiis eosque ex macello conducebant. The practice is mentioned by Plautus (Aul. ii. 4. 1; iii. 2. 15).

[40] Condus promus (Plaut. Pseud. ii. 2. 14).

[41] Wallon op. cit. ii. p. 111.

[42] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3. 5.

[43] Polyb. xxxii. 11; Diodor. xxxvii. 3.

[44] Diod. l.c.

[45] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 143 Invenimus legatos Carthaginiensium dixisse nullos hominum inter se benignius vivere quam Romanos. Eodem enim argento apud omnes cenitavisse ipsos.

[46] Val. Max. ii. 9, 3.

[47] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 141.

[48] Vellei. i. 13.

[49] Polyb. xl. 7.

[50] Liv. xxxix. 6 Lectos aeratos ... plagulas ... monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. Tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta addita epulis. Cf. Plin, H.N. xxxiv. 14.

[51] Polyb. ix. 10 [Greek: Rhomaioi de metakomisantes ta proeiraemena tais men idiotikais kataskenais tous auton ekosmaesan bious, tais de daemosiais ta koina taes poleos.] Another great raid was that made by Fulvius Nobilior in 189 B.C. on the art treasures of the Ambraciots (Signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, Liv. xxxviii. 9).

[52] Plin. H.N. xv. 19 Graeci vitiorum omnium genitores.

[53] Cic. pro Arch. 3. 5 Erat Italia tum plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum ... Itaque hunc (Archiam) et Tarentini et Regini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt: et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt.

[54] Cic. de Rep. ii. 19. 34 Videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Cicero is speaking of the very earliest Hellenic influences on Rome, but his description is just as appropriate to the period which we are considering.

[55] Plut. Paul. 28.

[56] Sulla brought back the library of Apellicon of Teos, Lucullus the very large one of the kings of Pontus (Plut. Sulla 26; Luc. 42; Isid. Orig. vi. 5). Lucullus allowed free access to his books. Here we get the germ of the public library. The first that was genuinely public belongs to the close of the Republican era. It was founded by Asinius Pollio in the Atrium Libertatis on the Aventine (Plin. H.N. vii. 45; Isid. Orig. vi. 5).

[57] Macrob. Sat. iii. 14. 7.

[58] Dionys. vii. 71.

[59] They had made contributions in 186 B.C. towards the games of Scipio Asiaticus (Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 138).

[60] Livy (xl. 44) after describing the senatus consultum, in which occur the words Neve quid ad eos ludos arcesseret, cogeret, acciperet, faceret adversus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset, adds Decreverat id senatus propter effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Sempronii aedilis, qui graves non modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis sed etiam provinciis externis fuerant.

[61] The effect was still worse when a rich man avoided it. Cic. de Off. ii. 17. 58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Sulla said that the people would not give him the praetorship because they wished him to be aedile first. They knew that he could obtain African animals for exhibition (Plut. Sulla 5).

[62] Cic. in Verr. v. 14. 36.

[63] Liv. x. 47; xxvii. 6.

[64] Liv. xxiii. 30.

[65] Liv. xxx. 39.

[66] Plin. H.N. xviii. 286.

[67] Mommsen Roem. Muenzw. p. 645.

[68] Liv. xxxvi. 36. On these festivals see Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals pp. 72. 91. 70. The Megalesia seem to have fallen to the lot of the curule aediles (Dio. Cass. xliii. 48), the others to have been given indifferently by either pair.

[69] Val. Max. ii. 4-7; Liv. Ep. xvi. It was exhibited in the Forum Boarium by Marcus and Decimus Brutus at the funeral of their father.

[70] Compare Livy's description (xli. 20) of the adoption of Roman gladiatorial shows by Antiochus Epiphanes—Armorum studium plerisque juvenum accendit.

[71] Polyb. xxx. 13.

[72] Liv. xxxix. 22.

[73] Liv. xliv. 18.

[74] Dig. 21. 1. 40-42 (from the edict of the curule aediles) Ne quis canem, verrem vel minorem aprum, lupum, ursum, pantheram, leonem ... qua vulgo iter fiet, ita habuisse velit, ut cuiquam nocere damnumve dare possit.

[75] Cic. de Off. ii. 17. 60 Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria. He adds the pious but unattainable wish Tamen ipsa et ad facultates accomodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. Compare the remarks of Poehlmann on the subject in his Geschichte des antiken Communismus und Sozialismus ii. 2. p. 471.

[76] Mommsen Staatsr. ii., p. 382.

[77] Plut, Ti. Gracch. 14.

[78] Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut, Cat. Maj. 18.

[79] Nitzsch Die Gracchen, p. 128.

[80] Cic. de Off. ii. 22. 76 (Paullus) tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. A deterrent to luxury could still have been created by imposing heavy harbour-dues on articles of value; but this would have required legislation. Nothing is known about the Republican tariff at Italian ports. The percentage may have been uniform for all articles.

[81] Liv. xxxiv. cc. 1-8; Val. Max. ix. 1. 3; Tac. Ann. iii. 33.

[82] Macrob. Sat. iii. 17; Festus pp. 201, 242; Schol. Bob. p. 310; Meyer Orat. Rom. Fragm. p. 91.

[83] This date (161) is given by Pliny (H.N. x. 139); Macrobius (Sat. iii. 17. 3) places the law in 159.

[84] Gell. ii. 24; Macrob. Sat. iii. 17; Plin. H.N. x. 139; Tertull. Apol. vi. The ten asses of this law are the Fanni centussis misellus of Lucilius.

[85] It seems that we must assume formal acceptance on the part of the allies in accordance with the principle that Rome could not legislate for her confederacy, a principle analogous to that which forbade her to force her franchise on its members (Cic. pro Balbo 8, 20 and 21).

[86] We may compare the enactment of 193 B.C., which was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents (Liv. xxxv. 7 M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset).

[87] The Lex Licinia, which is attributed by Macrobius (l.c.) to P. Licinius Crassus Dives, perhaps belongs either to his praetorship (104 B.C.) or to his consulship (97 B.C.).

[88] Gellius (ii. 24), in speaking of Sulla's experiments, says of the older laws Legibus istis situ atque senio obliteratis.

[89] Exaequatio (Liv. xxxiv. 4).

[90] Cic. de Rep. iii. g. 16; see p. 80.

[91] Compare Tac. Ann. iii. 53. The Emperor Tiberius here speaks of Illa feminarum propria, quis lapidum causa pecuniae nostrae ad externas aut hostilis gentes transferuntur.

[92] The prohibition belongs to the year 229 B.C. (Zonar. viii. 19). For other prohibitions of the same kind dating from, a period later than that which we are considering see Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2, p. 376 n. 95.

[93] Earlier enactments had been directed against canvassing, but not against bribery. The simplicity of the fifth century B.C. was illustrated by the law that a candidate should not whiten his toga with chalk (Liv. iv. 25; 433 B.C.). The Lex Poetelia of 358 B.C. (Liv. vii. 16) was directed against personal solicitation by novi homines. Some law of ambitus is known to Plautus (Amph. prol. 73; cf. Trinumm. iv. 3. 26), See Rein Criminalrecht p. 706

[94] Liv. xl. 19 Leges de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt. This was the lex Cornelia Baebia and that it referred to pecuniary corruption is known from a fragment of Cato (ap. Non. vii. 19, s.v. largi, Cato lege Baebia: pecuniam inlargibo tibi).

[95] Obsequens lxxi.

[96] Liv. Ep. xlvii.

[97] Polyb. vi. 56 [Greek: para men Karchaedoniois dora phaneros didontes lambanousi tas archas, para de Rhomaiois thanatos esti peri touto prostimon.]

[98] The position of the ruined patrician will be fully illustrated in the following pages when we deal with the careers of Scaurus and of Sulla.

[99] Liv. xxxiv. 52.

[100] Liv. xxxix. 7.

[101] Liv. xxxviii. 9.

[102] For the later history of the aurum coronarium see Marquardt Staatsverw. ii. p. 295. It was developed from the triumphales coronae (Festus p. 367) and is described as gold Quod triumphantibus ... a victis gentibus datur and as imposed by commanders Propter concessam vitam (al. immunitatem) (Serv. Ad. Aen. viii. 721).

[103] Liv. xxi. 63 (218 B.C.) Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris vectandos; quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus.

[104] It was antiqua et mortua (Cic. in Verr. v. 18. 45).

[105] Cicero (Parad. 6. 46) speaks of those Qui honeste rem quaerunt mercaturis faciendis, operis dandis, publicis sumendis. Compare the category of banausic trades in de Off, 1. 42. 150, although in the Paradoxa the contrast is rather that between honest and vicious methods of money-making. Deloume (Les manieurs d'argent a Rome pp. 58 ff.) believes that the fortune of Cicero swelled through participation in publica.

[106] Plut. Cato Maj. 21.

[107] Plut. Crass. 2.

[108] Plut. Cato Maj. 21. Cato employed this method of training as a means of increasing the peculium of his own slaves. But even the peculium technically belonged to the master, and it is obvious that the slave-trainer might have been used by others as a mere instrument for the master's gain.

[109] Plat. l.c. [Greek: haptomenos de syntonoteron porismou taen men georgian mallon haegeito diagogaen hae prosodon.]

[110] Plaut. Trinumm. Prol. 8:

Primum mihi Plautus nomen Luxuriae indidit: Tum hanc mihi gnatam esse voluit Inopiam.

[111] Liv. xxxiv. 4 (Cato's speech in defence of the Oppian law) Saepe me querentem de feminarum, saepe de virorum, nec de privatorum modo, sed etiam magistratuum sumptibus audistis; diversisque duobus vitiis, avaritia et luxuria, civitatem laborare. Compare Sallust's impressions of a later age (Cat. 3) Pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant.

[112] Polyb. vi. 56.

[113] Polyb. xxiv. 9.

[114] Cato ap. Gell. xi. 18. 18. The speech was one De praeda militibus dividenda.

[115] We first hear of a standing court for peculatus in 66 B.C. (Cic. pro Cluent. 53. 147). It was probably established by Sulla.

[116] Rein Criminalr. pp. 680 ff.; Mommsen Roem. Forsch. ii. pp. 437 ff.

[117] Liv. xxxvii. 57 and 58 (190 B.C.).

[118] See especially the case of Pleminius, Scipio's lieutenant at Locri (204 B.C.), who, after a committee had reported on the charge, was conveyed to Rome but died in bonds before the popular court had pronounced judgment (Liv. xxix. 16-22).

[119] Liv. xlii. 1 (173 B.C.) Silentium, nimis aut modestum aut timidum Praenestinorum, jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.

[120] For such requisitions see Plut. Cato Maj 6 (of Cato's government of Sardinia) [Greek: ton pro autou strataegon eiothoton chraesthai kai skaenomasi daemosiois kai klinais kai himatiois, pollae de therapeia kai philon plaethei kai peri deipna dapanais kai paraskeuais barhynonton.]

[121] Liv. xxxii. 27 Sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati (198 B.C.).

[122] The Lex de Termessibus (a charter of freedom given to Termessus in Pisidia in 71 B.C.) enjoins (ii. l. 15) Nei ... quis magistratus ... inperato, quo quid magis iei dent praebeant ab ieisve auferatur nisei quod eos ex lege Porcia dare praebere oportet oportebit. This Porcian law was probably the work of Cato (Rein Criminalr. p. 607).

[123] Liv. xxxviii. 43; xxxix. 3; Rein, l.c.

[124] Liv. xliii. 2.

[125] Cic. Brut. 27. 106; de Off. ii. 21. 75; cf. in Verr. iii. 84. 195; iv. 25. 56.

[126] Liv. xli. 15. (176 B.C.) Duo (praetores) deprecati sunt ne in provincias irent, M. Popillius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam pacare &c.... Probata Popillii excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret. Citerior Hispania obvenerat. Ceterum aut ire jussus aut jurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi.... Praetores ambo in eadem verba jurarunt. I have seen the passage cited as a proof that governors would not go to unproductive provinces; but Sardinia was a fruitful sphere for plunder, and the excuses may have been genuine. That of Popillius seems to have been positively patriotic.

[127] Liv. xlii. 45 Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.

[128] Cic. in Verr. v. 48. 126 (70 B.C.) Patimur ... multos jam annos et silemus cum videamus ad paucos homines omnes omnium nationum pecunias pervenisse.

[129] For the principle see Gaius iii. 151-153.

[130] Polybius (vi. 17), after speaking of various kinds of property belonging to the state, adds [Greek: panta cheirizesthai symbainei ta proeiraemena dia tou plaethous, kai schedon hos epos eipein pantas endedesthai tais onais kai tais ergasiais tais ek touton].

[131] Polyb. vi. 17. The senate can [Greek: symptomatos genomenou kouphisai kai to parapan adynatou tinos symbantos apolysai taes ergonias]. Thus the senate invalidated the locationes of the censors of 184 B.C. (Liv. xxxix. 44 Locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset.)

[132] In 169 B.C. it was the people that released from an oppressive regulation (Liv. xliii. 16). In this case a tribune answered the censor's intimation, that none of the former state-contractors should appear at the auction, by promulgating the resolution Quae publica vectigalia, ultro tributa C. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset. Ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue jus esset.

[133] Deloume op. cit. pp. 119 ff. Polybius (vi. 17) has been quoted as an authority for the distinction between these two classes. He says [Greek: oi men gar agorazousi para ton timaeton autoi tas ekdoseis, oi de koinonousi toutois, oi d' enguontai tous aegorakotas, oi de tas ousias didoasi peri touton eis to daemosion.] The first three classes are the mancipes, socii and praedes. In the fourth the shareholders (participes or perhaps adfines, cf. Liv. xliii. 16) are found by Deloume (p. 120); but the identification is very uncertain. The words may denote either real as opposed to formal security or the final payment of the vectigal into the treasury. A better evidence for the distinction between socii and shareholders is found in the Pseudo-Asconius (in Cic. in Verr. p. 197 Or.) Aliud enim socius, Aliud particeps qui certam habet partem et non indivise agit ut socius. The magnas partes (Cic. pro Rab. Post. 2. 4) and the particulam (Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) of a publicum, need only denote large or small shares held by the socii. Dare partes (Cic. l.c.) is to "allot shares," but not necessarily to outside members. Apart from the testimony of the Pseudo-Asconius and the mention of adfines in Livy the evidence for the ordinary shareholder is slight but by no means fatal to his existence.

[134] E.g. by loan to a socius at a rate of interest dependent on his returns, perhaps with a pactum de non petendo in certain contingencies.

[135] These are, in strict legal language, the true publicani; the lessees of state property are publicanorum loco (Dig. 39. 4, 12 and 13).

[136] Later legal theory assimilated the third with the first class. Gaius says (ii. 7) In eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur. But the theory is not ancient-perhaps not older than the Gracchan period. See Greenidge Roman Public Life p. 320. From a broad standpoint the first and second classes may be assimilated, since the payment of harbour dues (portoria) is based on the idea of the use of public ground by a private occupant.

[137] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 31. 84.

[138] Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.

[139] Compare Cunningham Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects vol. i. p. 162.

[140] Cic. in Verr. ii. 55. 137; iii. 33. 77; ii. 13. 32; 26. 63.

[141] Ibid. ii. 13. 32.

[142] Liv. xxv. 3.

[143] Liv. xxiii. 49.

[144] Liv. xxiv. 18; Val. Max. v. 6. 8.

[145] Plut. Cato Maj. 19.

[146] Liv. xliii. 16.

[147] Cic. Brut. 22. 85 Cum in silva Sila facta caedes esset notique homines interfecti insimulareturque familia, partim etiam liberi, societatis ejus, quae picarias de P. Cornelio, L. Mummio censoribus redemisset, decrevisse senatum ut de ea re cognoscerent et statuerent consules. For the value of the pine-woods of Sila see Strabo vi. 1. 9.

[148] Liv. xlv. 18 Metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationesque praediorum rusticorum tolli placebat. Nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse, et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut jus publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. The praedia rustica were probably public domains, that might have formed part of the crown lands of the Macedonian Kings and would now, in the natural course of events, have been leased to publicani.

[149] It might happen that the interest of the negotiator was opposed to that of the publicanus. The former, for instance, might wish portoria to be lessened, the latter to be increased (Cic. ad Att. ii. 16. 4). But such a conflict was unusual.

[150] Cato R.R. pr. 1. Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem quaerere, nisi tam periculosum sit, et item fenerari, si tam honestum sit. Majores nostri sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto pejorem civem existimarint feneratorem quam furem, hinc licet existimare. Cf. Cic. de Off. i. 42. 150. Improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum.

[151] Cic. de Off. ii. 25. 89. Cum ille ... dixisset "Quid fenerari?" tum Cato "Quid hominem," inquit, "occidere?"

[152] For such professional money-lenders see Plaut. Most. iii. 1. 2 ff.; Curc. iv. 1. 19.

[153] Liv. xxxii. 27.

[154] On the history and functions of the bankers see Voigt Ueber die Bankiers, die Buchfuehrung und die Litteralobligation der Roemer (Abh. d. Koenigl. Saechs. Gesell. d. Wissench.; Phil. hist. Classe, Bd. x); Marquardt Staatsverw, ii. pp. 64 ff.; Deloume Les manieurs d'argent a Rome, pp. 146 ff.

[155] Plin. H.N. xxi. 3. 8.

[156] Cf. Cic. de Off, iii. 14. 58. Pythius, qui esset ut argentarius apud omnes ordines gratiosus....

[157] Yet the two never became thoroughly assimilated. The argentarius, for instance, was not an official tester of money, and the nummularii appear not to have performed certain functions usual to the banker, e.g. sales by auction. See Voigt op. cit. pp. 521. 522.

[158] Plaut. Cure. iv. 1. 6 ff.

Commonstrabo, quo in quemque hominem facile inveniatis loco. * * * * * Ditis damnosos maritos sub basilica quaerito. Ibidem erunt scorta exoleta, quique stipulari solent. * * * * * In foro infumo boni homines, atque dites ambulant. Sub veteribus, ibi sunt qui dant quique accipiunt faenore.

[159] To be bankrupt is foro mergi (Plaut. Ep. i. 2. 16), a foro fugere, abire (Plaut. Pers. iii. 3. 31 and 38).

[160] Cic. de Off. ii. 24. 87. Toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius a quibusdam optumis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus ... disputatur. For Janus medius and the question whether it means an arch or a street see Richter Topogr. der Stadt Rom. pp. 106. 107.

[161] Liv. xxxix. 44; xliv. 16. The Porcian was followed by the Fulvian Basilica (Liv. xl. 51). The dates of the three were 184, 179, 169 B.C. respectively.

[162] Deloume op. cit. pp. 320 ff.; Guadet in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Basilicae.

[163] Large transport ships could themselves come to Rome if their build was suited to river navigation. In 167 B.C. Aemilius Paulus astonished the city with the size of a ship (once belonging to the Macedonian King) on which he arrived (Liv. xlv. 35). On the whole question of this foreign trade see Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2, pp. 373-378.

[164] Voigt op. cit. p. 377 n. 99.

[165] Compare Cunningham Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects vol. i. p. 165, "It is only under very special conditions, including the existence of a strong government to exercise a constant control, that free play for the formation of associations of capitalists bent on securing profit, is anything but a public danger. The landed interest in England has hitherto been strong enough to bring legislative control to bear on the moneyed men from time to time.... The problem of leaving sufficient liberty for the formation of capital and for enterprise in the use of it, without allowing it licence to exhaust the national resources, has not been solved."

[166] Plut. Numa 17. On the history of these gilds see Waltzing Corporations professionelles chez les Remains pp. 61-78.

[167] The praetor was Rutilius (Ulpian in Dig. 38. 2. 1. 1), perhaps P. Rutilius Rufus, the consul of 105 B.C. (Mommsen Staatsr. in. p. 433). See the last chapter of this volume. For the principle on which such operae were exacted from freedmen see Mommsen l.c.

[168] Inliberales ac sordidi quaestus (Cic. de Off. i. 42. 150).

[169] Gell. vii. (vi.) 9; Liv. ix. 46; Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 497.

[170] Cf. Cic. de Off. i. 42. 151 Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agricultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius.

[171] See de Boor Fasti Censorii. A disturbing element in this enumeration is the uncertainty of numerals in ancient manuscripts. But the fact of the progressive decline is beyond all question. No accidental errors of transcription could have produced this result in the text of Livy's epitome.

[172] Liv. Ep. xvi.

[173] Ibid. lvi.

[174] Ibid. xlvi. xlviii.

[175] Euseb. Arm. a. Abr. 1870 Ol. 158.3 (Hieron. Ol. 158.2 = 608 A.U.C.).

[176] Liv. Ep. lvi.

[177] Eorum qui arma ferre possent (Liv. i. 44); [Greek: ton echonton taen strateusimon haelikian] (Dionys. xi. 63); [Greek: ton en tais haelikiais] (Polyb. ii. 23).

[178] Besides the proletarii all under military age would be excluded from these lists. Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. p. 411) goes further and thinks that the seniores are not included in our lists.

[179] The limit to the incidence of taxation was a property of 1500 asses (Cic. de Rep. ii. 22. 40), the limit of census for military service was by the time of Polybius reduced to 4000 asses (Polyb. vi. 19). Gellius (xvi. 10. 10) gives a reduction to 375 asses at a date unknown but preceding the Marian reform. Perhaps the numerals are incorrect and should be 3,750.

[180] Liv. xl. 38.

[181] Gell. i. 6. Cf. Liv. Ep. lix.

[182] See Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 276.

[183] Concubinatus could not, by the nature of the case, become a legal conception until the Emperor Augustus had devised penalties for stuprum. It was then necessary to determine what kind of stuprum was not punishable. But the social institution and its ethical characteristics, although they may have been made more definite by legal regulations, could not have originated in the time of the Principate. For the meaning of paelex in Republican times see Meyer Der roemische Konkubinat and a notice of that work in the English Historical Review for July 1896.

[184] Cunningham Western Civilisation p. 156. Cf. Soltau in Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums p. 318.

[185] Plin. H.N. xviii. 3. 22; Varro R.R. i. 1. 10.

[186] Colum. 1. 1. 18. The Latin translation was probably made shortly after the destruction of Carthage, circa 140 B.C. (Mahaffy The Work of Mago on Agriculture in Hermathena vol. vii. 1890). Mahaffy believes that the Greek translation by Cassius Dionysius (Varro R.R. i. 1. 10) was later, and he associates it with the colonies planted by C. Gracchus in Southern Italy.

[187] Saturnia in 183 (Liv. xxxix. 55), Graviscae in 181 (Liv. xl. 29), Luna in 180 and again in 177 (Liv. xli. 13; Mommsen in C.I.L. i. n. 539). See Marquardt Staatsverw, i. p. 39.

[188] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 198.

[189] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 198.

[190] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[191] Varro R.R. ii. 5. II Pascuntur armenta commodissime in nemoribus, ubi virgulta et frons multa. Hieme secundum mare, aestu abiguntur in montes frondosos.

[192] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 16.

[193] Nitzsch op. cit. p. 17.

[194] Cic. de Off. ii. 25. 89. So in Cato's more reasoned estimate (R.R. i. 7) of the relative degrees of productivity, although vinea comes first (cf. p. 80) yet pratum precedes campus frumentarius.

[195] App. Hannib. 61.

[196] App. l.c.; Gell. x. 3. 19.

[197] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 193 So zerfiel denn Mittelitalien in zwei scharf-getheilte Haelften, den ackerbauenden Westen und den viehzuchttreibenden Osten; jener reich an Haefen, von Landstrassen durchschnitten, in einer Menge von Colonien oder einzelnen Gehoeften von Roemischen Ackerbuergern bewohnt; dieser fast ohne Haefen, nur von einer Kuestenstrasse durchschnitten, fuer den grossen Roemer der rechte Sitz seiner Sclaven und Heerden. Cf. p. 21. For the pasturage in Calabria and Apulia see op. cit. pp. 13 and 193.

[198] Liv. xxviii. II; cf. Luc. Phars. i. 30.

[199] Dureau de la Malle (Economie Politique ii. p. 38) compares the precept of the Roman "Quid est agrum bene colere? bene arare. Quid secundum? arare. Tertio stercorare" with the adage of the French farmer "Fumez bien, labourez mal, vous recueillerez plus qu'en fumant mal et en labourant bien".

[200] See Dreyfus Les lois agraires p. 97. Varro (R.R. i. 12. 2) is singularly correct in his account of the nature of the disease that arose from the loca palustria:—Crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos. The passage is cited by Voigt (Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2. p. 358) who gives a good sketch of the evils consequent on neglect of drainage.

[201] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 228.

[202] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[203] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 237.

[204] Polyb. xxxvii. 3.

[205] Polyb. ii. 15.

[206] For such purchases from Sardinia see Liv. xxxvi. 2, from Sicily (at a period later than that which we are considering) Cic. in Verr. iii. 70, 163.

[207] Cf. Cato R.R. i. 3 (In choosing the situation of one's estate) oppidum validum prope siet aut mare aut amnis, qua naves ambulant, aut via bona celebrisque.

[208] For the traditions which assign a very early date for laws dealing with the ager publicus see the following chapter, which treats of the legislation of Tiberius Gracchus.

[209] App, Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek: taes de gaes taes doriktaetou sphisin ekastote gignomenaes taen men exeirgasmenaen autika tois oikizomenois epidiaeroun hae epipraskon hae exemisthoun, taen d' argon ek tou polemou tote ousan, hae dae kai malista eplaethyen, ouk agontes po scholaen dialachein, epekaerytton en tosode tois ethelousin ekponein epi telei ton etaesion karpon].

[210] For the evidence for this and other statements connected with the ager publicus see the citations in the next chapter.

[211] In consequence of the doubtfulness of the traditions concerning early agrarian laws this time cannot even be approximately specified. See the next chapter.

[212] Tradition represents the first laws dealing with the ager publicus (e. g. the supposed lex Licinia) as earlier than the lex Poetelia of 326 B.C., which abolished the contract of nexum.

[213] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8 [Greek: hysteron de ton geitnionton plousion hypoblaetois prosopois metapheronton tas misthoseis eis eautous.]

[214] App. Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek: oi gar plousioi ... ta ... anchou sphisin, osa te haen alla brachea penaeton, ta men onoumenoi peithoi ta de bia lambanontes, pedia makra anti chorion egeorgoun.] Cf. Seneca Ep. xiv. 2 (90). 39 Licet agros agris adjiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel injuria.

[215] [Greek: pedia makra] (App. l.c.), Plin. H.N. xviii. 6. 35 Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam. (For the expression lati fundi see Siculus Flaccus pp. 157, 161). Frontinus p. 53 Per longum enim tempus attigui possessores vacantia loca quasi invitante otiosi soli opportunitate invaserunt, et per longum tempus inpune commalleaverunt. For the invasion of pasturage see Frontinus p. 48 Haec fere pascua certis personis data sunt depascenda tunc cum agri adsignati sunt. Haec pascua multi per inpotentiam invaserunt et colunt.

[216] In spite of the fertility of the land, the native Gallic population had vanished from most of the districts of this region as early as Polybius' time (Polyb. ii. 35). Cf. Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 60.

[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.

[218] Steinwender Die roemische Buergerschaft in ihrem Verhaeltnis zum Heere p. 28.

[219] App. Bell. Civ. i. 7.

[220] Polyb. vi. 39.

[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus:—Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse ... Duodecim (coloniae) ... negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent.

[222] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 194.

[223] Cato R.R. 144 etc.

[224] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 187.

[225] Cato R.R. 5. 136.

[226] Cato R.R. 136 Politionem quo pacto partiario dari oporteat. In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat, satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat ... Hordeum quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.

[227] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 188.

[228] Dureau de la Malle Economie Politique ii. pp. 225, 226.

[229] Cato R.R. i. 7 Vinea est prima,... secundo loco hortus inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria silva.

[230] Cic. de Rep. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.

[231] See Cato R.R. 7, 8 for the produce of the fundus suburbanus. Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of the hortus inriguus.

[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2 p. 370). Communities and corporations employed coloni on their agri vectigales (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin. de Cond. Agr. p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).

[233] Liv. xlv. 34.

[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" in Hermathena no. xvi. 1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.

[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.

[236] Cf. Arist. Pol. i. 8. 12 [Greek: hae polemikae physei ktaetikae pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin, hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon.]

[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the East—the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from Malta past Crete and Cyprus.

[238] Wallon Histoire de l'Esclavage ii. p, 45.

[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek: en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous halontas eleutherous homologountes.]

[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos, continues [Greek: hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore, katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai.]

[241] Plut. Cato Maj. 4.

[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of the prices given in Plautus are as follows:—A child, 600 denarii, a nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000. Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions 6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.

[243] Ter. Andria ii. 6. 26.

[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents (villici, villicae, procuratores) experience may have been an element in the prices which they fetched.

[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.

[246] Plut. Cato Maj. 21.

[247] Cato R.R. 56, 57.

[248] Ibid. 2.

[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the functions of villicus and those of procurator. The former still controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's Handbuch iv. 2 p. 368.

[250] Colum. i. 6.

[251] An inspection of all the ergastula of Italy was ordered by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 32) and Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 8). Columella (i. 8) recommends inspection by the master.

[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3). See Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio Dict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.

[253] Plaut. Most. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.

[254] For the distinction between the vincti and soluti see Colum. i. 7.

[255] Varro R.R. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to believe that these had not developed some kind of training.

[256] Varro R.R. ii. 10. 7.

[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.

[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.

[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them as nationis eius. He has just mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.

[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.

[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.

[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[263] Buecher Die Aufstaende der unfreien Arbeiter p. 34. Cf. Soltau in Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums p. 326.

[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.

[265] Mahaffy l.c.

[266] Cf. Buecher op. cit. p. 79.

[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3—(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.

[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.

[269] Diod. l.c.

[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on the administration of the island must always have been great. But Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is true only of the period preceding the second servile war.

[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).

[272] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 228.

[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek: hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes taes naesou.]

[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek: oud estin eipein ... hosa enybrizon te kai enaeselgainon.]

[275] [Greek: planon te apekaloun] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).

[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.

[277] Ibid. 2. 39.

[278] Ibid., 2, 24.

[279] Liv. Ep. lv.; App. Syr. 68. Cf. Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 288.

[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the tragic poet of Eretria.

[281] [Greek: kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).

[282] Ibid. 2. 42.

[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.

[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum—nec nominare ipsos pudebit—castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P. Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: epi tae prophasei ton drapeton] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48). Wallon (Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. Ep. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This Mamertium oppidum of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (Mamertinorum oppidum, Buecher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schaefer, however (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (Murgentinum oppidum).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 ext. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the lex Rupilia see Cic. in Verr. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16. 39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek: epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 203.

[302] Cic. Brut. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. Inst. Or. i. 1. 6; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1.

[303] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[305] Nitzsch Die Gracchen pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou] (money penalties) [Greek: pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (circa 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood. Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4.

[314] Cic. pro Cael. 14. 34; Suet. Tib. 2.

[315] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv. 2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4 [Greek: tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, the teichos was probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 244); cf. App. Lib. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 7; cf. App. Iber. 83; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 280; Long Decline of Rom. Rep. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 7 [Greek: ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d' allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion.] Cf. Cic. de Off. iii. 30. 109.

[321] Cic. Brut. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. de Har. Resp. 20. 43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C. Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. Inst. Or. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass. frg. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. Acad. Prior. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 9.

[328] App. Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek: esemnologaese peri tou Italikou genous]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 9.

[331] App. Bell. Civ. i. 9; cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law having dealt with the land question is Varro (R.R. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. Cam. 39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment punishes intent (for the Rhodians were charged with having intended hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following reductio ad absurdum of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau Das Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla ... agrum Campanum attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus, which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed in the extant Lex agraria (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C. Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur.... The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (ad Att. 1. 19. 4) of his own attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuus p. 229.

[339] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 9 [Greek: anekainize ton nomon maedena ton pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton]. Liv. Ep. lviii. Ne quis ex publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, Bell, Civ. 1. 11 [Greek: ekeleue tous plousious ... mae, en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin, ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea]. If [Greek: aneu timaes] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to the timae mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a valuation to be received by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean "without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, Ti. Gracch. 9 [Greek: ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant Lex Agraria (C. I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis ... agri jugra Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. Bell. Civ. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, Bell. Civ. i. 10

[348] Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek: prosetithei ... taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. Bell. Civ. i. 21). See Mommsen Staatsr. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the plebeian assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. de Leg. Agr, ii. 7. 16).

[349] App. Bell, Civ. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides] would naturally be the municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria l. 31); but Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the civitates foederatae are here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the municipia to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship, still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron, oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen anepitaedeion.]

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai thalattan.]

[358] App. Bell. Civ. i. 12.

[359] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10 [Greek: paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous]. Plutarch is apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the timae (c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 12. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 11) preserves a tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of the possessores who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree, carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: Mallios kai phoulbios] (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 11). Schaefer (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 12 oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai.

[365] App. l. c.

[366] App. l. c.

[367] Or in contio held before the meeting. The scene is described in Plut. Ti. Gracch, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon.]

[369] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen Staatsr. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (Bell. Civ. 1. 13); Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. Iber. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. Ep. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear as III vir a. d. a. (Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae, C.I.L. 1. 197; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 9; cf. Lex Acilia Repetundarum 1. 13, C.I.L. i. 198; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn. 552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 13.

[378] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[381] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 315.

[382] Liv. Ep. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali fuisset divideretur. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (Brut. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus. Brut. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. De Leg. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit; quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (pro Mil. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. Quaest. Rom. Section 81.

[388] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[389] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 15.

[390] App. Bell. Civ. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: authis allois nomois anelambane to plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison arithmon.] Dio Cass. Frg. 88 [Greek: ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes epi tous hippeas metaege] (Cf. Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19). What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt. According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies. The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt Staatsverw. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by Gracchus is unknown.

[394] Lex Acilia ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. de Fin. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv. ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv. xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae civitatem.

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention, of the Gracchan legislation when he says (de Rep. iii. 29. 41) Ti. Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. Bell. Civ. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 505.

[401] Dio Cass. frg. 88 [Greek: epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (fr. 22) [Greek: koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein]; but tradition held that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 13. The scene is thus described by Asellio (a contemporary):—Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat, produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5). Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. Ti. Gracch., 16.

[407] App. Bell. Civ. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou] (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 17).

[409] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16.

[410] Richter Topographie p. 128.

[411] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 18.

[412] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[413] App. Bell. Civ. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19) the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid ... res publica detrimenti capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19 [Greek: epei ... prodidosin ho archon taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite.] The most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7): —In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant, cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit, consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero.... Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods. Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[420] [Cic.] ad Herenn, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] ad Herenn. iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:—Iste spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat, relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16.

[423] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 19.

[424] App. Bell. Civ. i. 16 [Greek: kai pantas autous nyktos exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou]. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 64 (Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. C. Gracch. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro dijudicatae (cf. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20; App. Bell. Civ. i. 17). Cic. de Rep. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20 [Greek: tautaen protaen historousin en Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono politon diakrithaenai.]

[428] Sall. Jug. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent ... Cf. Vellei. ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. de Amic. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.

[431] Cic. de Amic. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington Fastes p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica ... ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. in Cat. i. 1. 3; Val. Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21; App. Bell. Civ. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A. I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P. Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These termini suggest the limites Graccani of the Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian assignments under the leges Semproniae (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. Ep. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae. App. Bell. Civ. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac., C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A. (cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. Ep. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor Fasti Censorii.

[442] Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. Bell. Civ. i. 18 [Greek: amelounton de ton kektaemenon autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (de Condic. Agr. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R., quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes.... The passage seems to state that some agri which owed vectigal to communities belonged to the Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption, although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. Bell. Civ. i 19.

[447] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21. Hom. Od. i. 47.

[448] Cic. Phil. xi. 8. 18; Liv. Ep. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. Ep. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. de Amic. 25. 95 Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius. Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas! ... Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. de Or. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti. Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium," inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos adduxi." Cf. Cic, pro Mil. 3. 8; Liv. Ep. lix; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 21.

[451] App. Bell. Civ. i. 19 [Greek: ho d' es tous polemous autois kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein ... oknaese.]

[452] Liv. Ep. lvii.

[453] App. Bell. Civ. i 19.

[454] Liv. Ep. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. de Amic. 3. 12.

[460] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[461] Plut. Rom. 27 [Greek: oi men automatos onta physei nosodae kamein legousin.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. C. Gracch. 10 [Greek: kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou zaetoumenou genaetai.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita est quaestio. Cf. Liv. Ep. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. ad Cic. Milon. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21. 3, ad Q. fr. ii 3. 3, de Or. ii. 40. 170. Cf. de Amic. 12. 41.

[469] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. Bell. Civ. i. 20 [Greek: hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito.] For the theory of suicide cf. Plut. Rom. 27 [Greek: oi d' auton hyph' eautou pharmakois apothanein (legousin).]

[472] Schol. Bob. in Milon, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. de Leg. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. Ep. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. Civ. i. 21 [Greek: kai gar tis haedae nomos ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek panton epilegesthai.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute majority required for election (explere tribus), any one—even a tribune already in office—should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. Bell. Civ. i 21 [Greek: kai tines esaegounto tous symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes ton chorion taen politeian.]

[479] Cic. de Off. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros.... Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law see Cic. Brut. 28. 109:—Fuit ... M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C. Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni Mueller) et peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".

[481] App. Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek: Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti hypaekoon esomenous]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius Flaccus consul, ... cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a rogatio to grant voting rights to the municipia of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit ... Flaccus in totius amplissimi ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 21.

[484] App. Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek: esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian exepemphthae dia tode].

[485] Liv. Ep. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. Ep. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90; Plut. C. Gracch. 3; [Cic.] ad Herenn. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino ... consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. C. Gracch. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's death in 172 B.C. See F. Koepp De Attali III patre in Rhein. Mus. xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa Real, Enc. p. 2170, and for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. de Frat. Amor. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix. 34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2. The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by inscriptions (Fraenkel Inschriften von Pergamon nn. 214 ff., 224, 225, 248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king [Greek: ho tadelphon nios] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: ho theios mon] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fraenkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa Real. Enc. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172; Ussing Pergamos p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. Macrob. 12. He was sixty-one years old at his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success, as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fraenkel Inschr. von Pergamon n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek: aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton hupenantion] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.