We were forced to go under an easy sail, as our prize sailed very heavily, wherefore we went into Sardinas Bay, in lat. 1 deg. 20' N. where we anchored with our prize in ten fathoms, about four miles from the shore, for the purpose of rummaging her. We durst not go farther in, because of many shoals and sand-banks, which were very imperfectly laid down in all our charts. The sea-coast is inhabited by Indians, but not in any great numbers, and has several small fresh-water rivers. From hence, all the way south, till we came to the Bay of Atacarnes, in lat. 0 deg. 54' N. the sea-side is composed of white cliffs; and there are many shoals as far as Punta de la Galera, in lat. 0 deg. 48' N. Six leagues S.W. of Sardinas Bay is the great river of St Jago, the mouth of which is about three quarters of a mile wide, but has no good anchorage till well within. This river is seldom used by ships, being out of the way, yet the country here produces abundant provisions of all sorts. We careened our ship and rummaged our prize in the Bay of Sardinas, and watered at one of the fresh-water rivers, which was as white as milk, and both smelt and tasted very strong of musk, occasioned by many alligators swimming in it. We shot several of these creatures, one of which measured thirty feet in length, and was bigger about than a bullock.

The alligator is covered over with great scales from head to tail, having very large sharp teeth, and very long claws. It is amphibious, living both on land and in the water, and when lying on shore is often mistaken at a distance for a great tree fallen down. It runs very fast on the land, and is of such strength that one of them will take a horse or a cow into the water, and there devour it. They will seize on any thing, either on land or in the water, and often make great havock among cattle near their haunts, which are usually in fresh-water rivers. The Indians are not greatly afraid of them, either on land or in the water. In the former case, they run in circles, and this unwieldy animal is unable to turn his body quickly, so that they easily get away from them. The Indians also go into the water to seek them, taking in one hand a piece of iron pointed and baited at both ends, with two cross pieces a little below the points. Holding this iron by the middle, when the alligator rises to bite, which he always does with, the head above water, the Indian holds out the iron to him which he snaps at, and it fastens in his mouth, keeping his jaws open like a gag. The female lays about 100 eggs at a time, as large as goose eggs; but quite spherical, and having shells as thick almost as those of an ostrich. The flesh of the alligator is not fit to be eaten, being very strong and musky; and the very water of the rivers they frequent was so strong of musk that a draught of it was like to suffocate us, yet there are no instances of its being injurious to health.

Being off the Bay of Guayaquil on the 21st June, we saw a ship, and came up with her next day, being one of the Spanish men of war fitted out to take us, carrying thirty-two guns. We did all we could to gain the weather-gage, but carrying away our fore-top-mast, were obliged to come to action from the leeward, so that she kept a good distance from us, and we could not use our small arms. Dividing our crew into two equal parts, one managed the guns while the other looked on, and when those at the guns were weary, the others took their places, alternately refreshing those who were not employed, by which means we fired much faster than the enemy, making about 560 discharges, while they only made 110 or 115. We thus fought from noon till half past six, though at such distance that our shot would hardly reach him, while his flew over us. Growing dusk, both ceased firing, none of our men being either killed or wounded, and only two through carelessness had their hands and faces scorched. We lay-to all night, expecting in the morning to renew the fight; but he had made sail from us in the night.

We now returned to the Bay of Atacames in search of provisions, for which purpose we sent our boat ashore with twenty men, who soon returned, saying they had found an Indian village of fifty houses, but the inhabitants were all fled and had left nothing behind. In the river we found a fine bark of about fifty tons, with as much new plank in her as would have built another of equal size; and we took another of about ten tons, laden with plantains. This we resolved to retain, instead of a long-boat. She had two masts and two square-sails, and having fitted her for our purpose, we called her the Dragon. The country in the neighbourhood of this bay is very pleasant, being well wooded and watered. About seven leagues to the N.E. is the Bay of St Mattheo, the land about it being very high, and there are many shoals about it, running two leagues out to sea. For three or four leagues the water is only from four fathoms to six, and this bay has white cliffs both to the north and south. In the bottom of the bay there are two rivers running into the sea, both of which are what the seamen call alligator water, that is, white and musky as before described. On each side of these rivers there are shoals of sand; and near their mouths are fine groves of tall spreading green trees, which are the marks by which they may be found, as their mouths are narrow, and not discernible at a distance. These rivers are seldom frequented by the Spaniards, except for refreshments, for which they are well adapted, as all the adjoining country abounds with every kind of provisions that this part of the world produces. About two leagues up these rivers there are several Indian villages, who furnish the Spanish ships which come here with cocoa-nuts, plantains, bananas, and other kinds of fruit.

The cocoa-tree is generally from fifty to an hundred feet high, and for the most part straight and slender. The leaves are four fathoms, or four and a half long, at the very top of the tree, and serve excellently for thatching houses. At the bottom of the leaves the cocoa nuts grow in clusters of ten, fifteen, or twenty, hanging by a small string which is full of joints. Each nut, with its outer rind, is larger than a man's head, and within this outer rind is a hard woody shell which will hold near a quart of liquid. The nut or kernel lines the inside of this shell, and within this kernel is about a pint and half of pure clear water, very cool, sweet, and pleasant. The kernel also is very good and pleasant; but when old, we scrape it all down, and soak it in about a quart of fresh water for three or four hours, which is then strained, and has both the colour and taste of milk, and will even throw up a thick head not unlike cream. This milk, when boiled with rice, is accounted very wholesome and nourishing by the doctors, and was given to our sick men. When the nut is very old, the kernel of itself turns to oil, which is often used to fry with, but mostly for burning in lamps. The outer end of the nuts may be applied to the purposes of flax, and of it the natives make a kind of linen, and it is also manufactured into ropes and cables, which are sold in most parts of America and the West Indies. The shell of this nut makes very pretty drinking cups, and it also burns well, making a fierce hot fire. Thus the cocoa-tree affords meat, drink, oil, clothing, houses, firing, and rigging for ships.

The plantain-tree is only about thirteen or fourteen feet high and four feet round, its leaves being eight or nine feet long and two broad, ending in a round point. The fruit grows at the bottom of the leaves, on a great stalk, in a pod about eight inches long and the size of a black pudding, being of a fine yellow colour, often speckled with red. The inside of this is white, but the plantain itself is yellow like butter, and as soft as a pear. There sometimes grow fifty or sixty of these pods on one stalk, and five or six stalks on one tree. They are an excellent fruit, and most parts of the East and West Indies abound with them. The banana tree is much the same with the plantain, but the fruit is only about six inches long, fifty or sixty of them growing on one stalk, and is extraordinarily mellow, sweet, and good.

We left the bay of Atacames on the 31st July, accompanied by our prize the Dragon, and passing the Bay of Panama, came to the Bay of Nicoya on the 16th August, in lat 9 deg. 30'N. in which we anchored near certain islands near the centre of the bay, called Middle Islands, where we careened. While here, Mr Clippington, the chief mate, having quarrelled with Captain Dampier, drew over twenty-one men to his party, and making himself master of the bark, in which was all our ammunition and the best part of our provisions, hoisted anchor, and went without the islands, whence he sent us word that he would put ashore at an Indian house all our powder, shot, and other ammunition, reserving only what was necessary for his own use, which he did accordingly, and we sent our canoes to fetch it on board.

These islands in the Bay of Nicoya are extremely pleasant and fruitful, abounding in all things necessary for life, such as birds of various kinds, several sorts of fish, and amphibious animals, particularly turtles and guanas. Among the birds is a very beautiful one called the Maccaw, having feathers of all the colours of the rainbow. It is in shape like a large parrot, with a white bill, and black legs and feet. The carrion crow is as big as a small turkey, which it perfectly resembles in shape and colour; but its flesh smells and tastes so strong of muck that it is not eatable. The pelican is almost as big as a swan, being mostly white with brown tips to the wings, having a long bill with a large cross joining the lower part of the bill, and hanging down the throat like a bag or satchel of great size, into which it receives oysters, cockles, conchs, and other shell-fish, which it is unable to break, and retains them there till they open, when it throws them out and picks out the meat. They are good food, but taste a little fishy. Their feet are broad, and webbed like ducks, being water fowl, yet they commonly roost on rocks or trees, and always sit with their heads to the wind, varying their posture as that changes. They are heavy birds and fly slowly, and always when sitting rest their long bills upon their breasts. The Guana is an amphibious animal, found both on land and in the water. It is about three feet long, some more some less, and is very ugly, having large sharp scales, black and green, from the fore part of the head to the end of the tail. The mouth is furnished with numerous large and sharp teeth, and it has four long claws on each foot. They commonly breed in holes about the roots of old trees near the water. When stewed with some spice, their flesh is very white and eats well, making also good broth; but if not extraordinarily well boiled, it is very dangerous meat, making men very sick and often occasioning fevers.

There are several kinds of turtles, or sea tortoises, but we account the green turtle the best meat. When they want to lay their eggs, they go on shore in some sandy bay, where they make a hole in the sand with their fins, two feet and a half deep, in which one turtle will deposit from eighty to ninety eggs, which they cover over with the sand, leaving them to hatch by the heat of the sun. They lay in this manner two or three times every year, and go immediately off to sea, leaving their young when hatched to shift for themselves; which, as soon as they get out of the eggs and from the sand, retire to the sea. The eggs are round and white, as large as those of a duck, being covered with a thin tough skin, but no shell. I have seen of the green turtle 200, 350, and even 400 pounds weight. The lean of this animal looks like beef, but the fat is as green as grass, yet is very wholesome food. The pearl-oyster is much about the size of our common oyster, but thick and broad, and hangs to the rocks by a long string or beard, like that of a muscle. The pearl is found in its thickest part, and some have six or seven pearls. The Spaniards often make voyages to this gulf of Nicoya and to California in quest of pearls, employing Indian divers, who go down in seven or eight fathoms, and bring up eight, ten, or twelve oysters at a time, which are opened by other men on board. The meat of this oyster is very green and fat, and eats tolerably well, boiled or stewed. The great-oyster grows to the rocks, not hanging from them by a beard. When opened, one part of the meat is of a fine red colour like a cherry, and the rest a fine white. I have often eat of this oyster, for want of better victuals; and they are so large, that one of them cut in pieces and stewed is a sufficient meal for five or six men. The muscles here are so large that one will suffice for a meal to two men, and they are tolerably good when, stewed with pepper and vinegar.

We sailed from the Gulf of Nicoya on the 23d September, and were in lat. 13 deg. 7' N. on the 7th October, when we got sight of two high mountains, commonly called the Volcanoes of Guatimala. That which is to the north of the city is the highest, and affords a fine prospect from the sea; and in the year 1534 threw out a torrent of water, which totally overwhelmed the old city of St Jago de Guatimala, and occasioned the building of a new city at the distance of thirty-five miles S.E. The other mountain is really a volcano, which rages terribly in the rainy season, from April to November, sometimes throwing out stones as big as a house, and with such prodigious eruptions of flame, that one may see to read a letter in a dark night at the distance of six miles. This is to the south of Guatimala.

The 9th October we took a bark of eighty tons in ballast, but which had a small quantity of provisions, which were very acceptable. This bark was commanded by a Spaniard named Christian Martin, born in the Canaries, but brought up in London, who had formerly been servant to Captain Eaton, and came with him to the South Sea in quality of gunner; but, falling out with the men, he ran away from them in the island of Gorgonia, where he lay concealed for six days till the ship departed. He then cut down two trees, which he drew to the water side, and bound together with withes, fixed a mast, and made a sail of two shirts which he had with him. Then filling a bag with oysters, he put off early in the morning from Gorgonia, and got next day in the afternoon into the river Bonaventura. He was here ill used by the Spaniards, who sent him to Lima, where he was set at liberty. We were now sixty-four men and boys, all in good health and spirits, and on the 23d November, captured a small bark of sixty tons from California laden with plank, but having also several parcels of pearls, that had been fished on that coast. December 4th we came into the Bay of Nativity, or Puerto Nauidad, in lat. 19 deg. 22' N. where we took a new ship of about sixty tons, laden with ammunition and military stores for the Acapulco ship, for which we were now in search, and for the sight of which our people longed as earnestly as if there had been no difference between seeing and taking her; neither was it long before they had their wish in one respect, but not in the other. We took from our prize what ammunition was left; for, on perceiving our design, the ship's company quitted her, having first thrown overboard the best part of her cargo, and left the rest scattered about in the utmost confusion.

Being off the volcano of Colima on the morning of the 6th December, we descried a sail to which we gave chace, and soon came up with her, when she proved to be the great Acapulco ship or Manilla galleon, which we had so long wished to fall in with. As we were well provided, we gave her a great many broadsides before she could get any of her guns cleared for action, as she had not suspected us of being an enemy, and was not at all prepared for us. Martin, who was still a prisoner on board our ship, advised us to lay her aboard immediately, while the Spaniards were all in confusion, as we might then easily succeed by boarding; but if we gave them time to get out their great guns, they would certainly tear us to pieces, and we should lose the opportunity of acquiring a prize worth sixteen millions of dollars. Thus it accordingly happened; for the time being wasted in disputing, between those of us that were for boarding, and those of a different opinion, she got out one tier of guns, and then proved too hard for us, so that we could not lie along side of her to do her any damage. Our five pound shot, which was the biggest we had, signified little against such a ship; but when any of her eighteen and twenty-four pound shot struck our ship, which was much decayed, it drove in a piece of plank of three or four feet. Being thus greatly damaged, and having received a shot between wind and water in our powder room, by which two feet of plank were driven in on each side of our stern, orders were given to stand off from the enemy.

Our design being thus disappointed, all our men became much discontented, and were for going home, seeing we could do no good in these parts, either for ourselves or owners; our ship also being ready to fall in pieces of herself, and having provisions only for three months at short allowance. Captain Dampier requested that we would consent to prolong our cruize for six weeks longer; after which he promised to permit us to sail for India to some factory, where we might all dispose of ourselves as we thought best for our advantage. To this we all agreed, and we accordingly cruized along shore to the S.E. in sight of land, passing the noted ports of Acapulco,Puerto de los Angelos, Guatalco, and several others; when we proposed to seek out a proper place in which to water our ships and bark, previous to our intended voyage to the East Indies; and, after some consideration, the Gulf of Amapalla or Fonseca was fixed upon for that purpose.

On the 5th January, 1705, we met with such vast quantities of fish, that in half an hour we caught near three score albicores, from sixty to ninety pounds weight each, besides vast quantities of other fish. The albicore is about four or five feet long, weight from 50 to 100 and even 150 pounds. It has eleven fins on its back, one pretty large, a second of middle size, and nine small yellow fins near the tail; one large fin on each side near the gills; and one near the middle of the belly. This is a very fleshy fish, having hardly any bones besides the back bone, and is extraordinary good eating. It has prodigious strength, while in the water, and preys mostly on flying fish, as do dolphins and bonetoes. On the 6th of this month, a new revolution took place in our affairs, as thirty of our men agreed to remain along with Captain Dampier in the South Sea; but with what view or on what terms, we others, who were not in the secret, never knew. Our company, who were not of Dampier's party, consisted of thirty-three men; and, notwithstanding this new arrangement, we all sailed to the Gulf of Amapalla, where we anchored on the 26th January.

That same day, all the remaining provisions were equally divided between the two companies by the agent for the owners, and we had four pieces of cannon, with a proper proportion of small arms and ammunition, assigned for us, for our defence during the voyage to India. Our next care was to take in water, for which purpose we landed on the island of Conchagua; and after some search, we found a large bottom behind the hills, in which was a large plantain walk, and a large reservoir of rain water, which came from the mountains. This was very inconvenient, as we were forced to carry all our water over a high hill, which we could hardly climb by ourselves; but there was no alternative, and we set to work to cut down the bushes in our way, to make a clear path. After this, as the hill was very steep on the land side towards the bottom whence we had to fetch water, we cut steps in the hill with axes and shovels; and our sail-maker made a hose or canvass pipe of ninety fathoms long, which carried the water from the top of the hill down to our water cask at its foot towards the sea. We then fell to work, each man having a six gallon keg, in which the water was carried to the top of the hill, where it was emptied into the hose. We were thus employed four days, in which time we filled twenty-six tons, which we carried on board. The 31st January, we all went to the plantain walk, where we cut down as many plantains as we could carry, with which we returned on board our ship, meaning to set sail next day.

This evening, two of the men who had agreed to remain with Captain Dampier, left him and came over to us, so that our number was now thirty-five, viz. thirty-four English, and a little negro boy we had taken from the Spaniards. While we were employed in watering our bark, the men on board the St George were busied in refitting that ship as well as they could; the carpenter stopping up the shot-holes in the powder-room with tallow and charcoal, not daring, as he said, to drive a nail, for fear of making it worse. The four great guns, which usually stood between decks, were put down into the hold, there being sixteen besides, which was more than they now had men to manage, as there only remained twenty-eight men and boys with Captain Dampier, who were mostly landsmen, a very insignificant force indeed with which to make war on a whole nation.

SECTION II.

Sequel of the Voyage of William Funnell, after his Separation from Captain Dampier.

We left the Gulf of Amapalla on the 1st February, 1705, where Captain Dampier remained at anchor in the St George, having a fine gale of wind at N.E. While in any of the harbours on the coast of Mexico, we were seldom allowed any thing except flour, only that we used to go on shore, and found on the rocks plenty of concks, oysters, muscles, and other shell-fish, on which we made many a hearty meal. Being now bound, as we hoped, for a land of plenty, we bore hunger and short commons with great patience, of which we had much need, as our allowance was no more than half a pound of coarse flour a day to each man, and two ounces of salt meat every other day. Our vessel was a small bark of about seventy tons with two masts, which we had taken from the Spaniards, which was so eaten with worms while in the Gulf of Amapalla, that she already began to grow very leaky. To add to our distress, we had no carpenter, neither had we a doctor or any medicines, if any of us happened to fall sick, and we had no boat to aid us if our vessel should fail. The carpenter, doctor, and boat being all left with Captain Dampier. Yet, trusting to God's providence, who had already delivered us out of so many dangers, we proceeded on our voyage to India; and a bolder attempt was perhaps never made by such a handful of men in so frail a bark, and nothing but our anxious desire to revisit our native country could have supported us under all the difficulties and dangers of this extensive voyage.

The prospect of our difficulties gave us spirit and resolution to provide against them; and in a council, which we held on this occasion, we determined on the course we were to pursue, and the allowance of provisions during the course. We knew the wind we now had was merely a land breeze, and that by running 100 leagues out to sea we should fall in with the regular trade-wind, which blows always N.E. or E.N.E. our first purpose was, therefore, to get into the latitude of 13 deg. N. which is that of Guam, and then to bear away before the wind in that parallel. This resolution was formed on the 2d February, all which day and most of the ensuing night we had fine calm weather, and caught abundance of yellow-tails, which swam about the vessel. This fish is about four feet long, having twenty fins on its back; a middling one behind the head, a large one on the middle of the back, and eighteen small ones between that and the tail. It has a large fin on each side near the gills, and thirteen under the belly, viz. a middling one under the gills, a large one near the middle of the belly, which goes in with a dent, and eleven small ones between that and the tail, which is yellow and half-mooned. This fish has a very great head, with large eyes, and is good eating, having no bones except the back-bone. It is all white, except the tips of the fins and the tail, which, are yellow. These fish were very acceptable to us, as we fed upon them for three days, saving our other provisions. On the 3d February, five or six turtles came near our bark, two of which we caught, which also served to save our scanty store of provisions, which otherwise had not sufficed to keep us from starving.

On the evening of the 3d February, having a brisk gale from the land at N.E. we took our departure from Mount St Miguel in the Gulf of Amapalla, steering S.W. and S.S.W. till we were in the lat. of 10 deg. N. when falling in with the tradewind, we set our course W.N.W. we then made studding-sails to our main and main-top sails, which we hoisted every morning at day-break, and hauling down at sun-set, as it commonly blew so fresh in the night that we had usually to furl our top-sail; but the wind commonly abated at sun-rise. During our whole voyage we steadily adhered to the rule of diet we had laid down, the slenderness of which may be judged of by the following particulars.

From the 3d of February to the end of that month, we fed entirely on plantains, making two meals a day, and allowing two plantains to each man for a meal. We had then recourse to our flour, of which half a pound was allowed daily to each man, and two ounces every other day of salt beef or pork; but the meat had been so long in salt, that it shrunk one half when boiled, wherefore we concluded it was better to eat it raw, which we did as long as it lasted. By the beginning of April that began to fail, so that we were reduced to flour alone, which was sore spoiled, being full of maggots, spiders, and other vermin, so that nothing but the extremity of want could have induced us to eat it. It was surprising to behold this strange alteration in the flour, which only a few days before was white and fine, and was now in a manner all alive, the maggots tumbling over each other in prodigious numbers. On strict enquiry, these maggots seemed to proceed from the eggs of spiders deposited among the flour, out of which the maggots were bred, and then fed voraciously on the flour. Words can only faintly describe the miseries of our situation, which was somewhat alleviated by work, and our spirits were buoyed up by the hopes of accomplishing our long and difficult voyage. Some occasional assistance we derived by now and then catching a dolphin. At other times we saw many sea fowl, such as boobies, noddies, and others, which would come and perch on some part of our rigging, and happy was he that could catch one. In this manner we spent ten weeks, at the end of which we were in a very melancholy condition, and nothing but the hope of seeing land could possibly keep us from despair.

The 10th of April, we observed the clouds to gather more than usual in the horizon, which is a sure indication of land, as it is common between the tropics to be foggy over the land, though perfectly clear at sea; wherefore we kept an anxious look-out all this night, and early in the morning of the 11th, we saw the island of Magon W. ten leagues distant. This is a high woody island, very plain, and green on the top. When within a mile of this island, we lay to, and several fishing boats came to us, bringing us fish, yams, eggs, potatoes, and other provisions, to our great joy. The men in these boats were very tall and large-limbed, of tawny complexions, with long black hair reaching to their middles, and were all utterly stark naked, not even covering their parts of shame. In exchange for what we had of these people we offered them money, which they looked at and returned, making signs to give them tobacco, which we did, and they seemed much pleased. We also gave them some old shirts, which they tore in pieces and wrapped round their heads. We would have given each a dram of brandy, but they were afraid of it; only one man accepted a glass, which he drank off, but we thought he would never have closed his mouth again, he seemed so astonished at the heat it left in his mouth and stomach, that I believe he thought himself on fire. He lay down and roared like a bull near half an hour, when he fell asleep; and we being in haste, put him into his boat, making signs to his companions to take care of him.

These islanders seemed a very civil people, yet we did not venture to allow too many of them to come on board at once. When they first came near us, they tied two sticks together in form of a cross, which they held up, as we supposed, to signify to us that they had some knowledge of Christianity; whereupon we shewed them a crucifix, we had taken from the Spaniards, at the sight of which they all bowed their bodies, and came on board. This island of Magon, as I reckoned, is in lat. 15 deg. N. and we made its longitude by computation, 120 deg. 9' W. from St Miguel, or 7029 English miles, allowing 58-1/2 miles to the degree of longitude in this parallel.[210]

[Footnote 210: From the sequel, this island of Magon appears almost certainly to have been one of the Ladrones, perhaps to the N.E. of Guam, now named Rota. Point Candadillo, near San Miguel, the N.W. cape of the Gulf of Amapalla, is in long. 87 deg. 58' W. and the Ladrones are in long. 216 deg. W. from Greenwich, so that the difference, or run across the Pacific, is 128 deg. 2', which, at 58-1/2 miles, extend to 7590 miles, besides the allowance for difference of latitude.—E.]

On mature deliberation, we resolved to proceed directly from this place to New Guinea, without putting in at the island of Guam, which was in sight. The weather continued fair, and the wind brisk and favourable, till we came into the latitude of 4 deg. N. when we had a calm for seven days, during which time we had no means of relieving our hunger, except by taking large draughts of water, and then lying down to sleep. On the 3d May we had a fine gale, which continued till the 5th, and then died quite away before we got sight of land; but about ten that night we were all sensible of a very odoriferous smell, whence we concluded that we were near land, on which we examined our charts, but found none laid down. Next morning, however, we saw land at no great distance. This day also we caught two bonetoes, which were most welcome, as they made a hearty meal to our whole company. This fish is commonly about three feet long and two in circumference, having a very sharp head, with a small mouth, full eyes, and a semilunar tail. It is very fleshy, and makes good broth. About noon we were in sight of three small islands, all low land, but very green and pleasant, especially to us, who had been so long of seeing any land. We had this day an observation of the sun, by which we found our latitude to be 50' N. and as the eastermost of these islands was four leagues S.E. of the ship, it must of consequence be in lat. 0 deg. 42' N.[211]

[Footnote 211: The only islands in modern maps which agree with the slight notice in the text, are Frevilla, or St David's Isle,, nearly in lat. 1 deg. N. and long. 135 deg. E. from Greenwich: Yet it is singular that Funnell should have passed through the numerous group of the Carolines without seeing any of them.—E.]

As we were fearful of entering upon an unknown coast in the dark, we stood off all night, which was well for us, as we found ourselves at day-break next morning, 7th May, within a ship's length of a great reef of rocks, which extended from one island to the other, and thinking to have gone between the islands, we had nearly run upon this dangerous ledge. Having a small breeze from shore we were fortunately able to stand off, and went to the westermost island, because we saw many shoals off the others. The rocks we were so near running upon were off the northmost isle, which we named the Island of Deceit. On getting near the westermost island which was the biggest of the three, forty or fifty of their flying proas came off, in which there might be 450 men, allowing ten to each proa, and we could also see multitudes of people on the shore looking at us as we passed. The flying proas kept at a distance from us, till we beckoned and made signs for them to come near, and at length one came within a ship's length, in which were ten men entirely naked, in the midst of whom was a grave old man of a pleasant countenance, entirely naked like the rest, except that he had a four-cornered cap on his head without a crown. By the respect shewn him by all the rest in the boat, we judged this man to be a king or prince. On their approach, they sung a song which continued near a quarter of an hour, and had a very pretty tune. When this was done, they came almost close to our vessel, and then sung another song, which was begun by the old man, and followed by all the rest in the boat. At the end of which, they put themselves in a posture of prayer, making many bows and cringes towards us; and then one of the men in the boat, who had a very sore leg, held it up to us, as if desiring us to cure it, whence we supposed they had never seen white men before, and deemed us more than mortals.

After some time, we made signs to let them know we wanted victuals and drink, when they shook their heads as if by way of denial. Seeing us proceeding towards the island, one of the men in the boat blew a horn, on which all the other boats made boldly towards us; and thinking they meant to board us, we fired a junket over their heads to intimidate them, at the noise of which they seemed much surprised and drew back, menacing us at a distance with their paddles, and still following. Seeing such multitudes on the shore, and finding we could have nothing from them but by force, and besides not having anchors and cables on which we could depend, or any boat in which to land, we concluded that we could do no good here; and on examining our water, which was found sufficient for eighteen days, at a quart each man daily, we resolved to quit these islands, and trust to Providence for guiding us to some more friendly place, where we might supply our wants. So we left these islands, naming the westermost the Island of Disappointment, because we made certain of procuring water here, but could not.

These three islands were all low, flat, and almost even with the water, yet full of trees of various sorts, all very green and flourishing; and doubtless, if we had possessed a boat, we must have found something beneficial to ourselves, perhaps useful to our country, as we might also at several other islands which we afterwards passed. The inhabitants of most of these islands were a very large and strong-boned race of men, having long black lank hair reaching to their middles, and were all entirely naked, not so much as covering their parts of shame; and I certainly never saw such, a parcel of stout-limbed men together in all my life. These islands, therefore, are abundantly peopled, though they were utterly averse from any communication with us, perhaps from a notion that all whites are Spaniards; and yet it is not quite clear that even the Spaniards have ever attempted to form a settlement at any of these islands.

We left these islands with a fresh breeze at E. steering S.W. and continually met with weeds and grass on our way, which made us believe we were not far from land, yet we had no ground with 100 fathoms. Early in the morning of the 9th May, we descried the coast of New Guinea, more than eighteen or nineteen leagues distant. We now saw the necessity of constructing a boat, with a few old boards and such other materials as we had, though not quite suitable for the purpose; and though neither strong nor handsome, it proved exceeding useful in the sequel. On the 9th we had very bad weather, the wind shifting to every point of the compass. This part of New Guinea appeared very mountainous, black, and rocky, without harbour, bay, or road, in which we might anchor in safety. The mountains seemed so bleak and barren, and the vallies so deep and narrow, that at first we conceived the country to be uninhabited; neither did we afterwards see any inhabitants or signs of any. That same day we passed two small islands, each about a league in length, which were very low, and well clothed with small green trees. At the same time we saw part of the great island of Gilolo, at the distance of eight leagues, and held our course W.S.W.[212] intending to pass through between that island and New Guinea, into the East Indian Sea.

[Footnote 212: The only way of explaining this part of the text, is by supposing Funnel may have mistaken the island of Waygoo for a part of New Guinea, and even the N.W. point of that island is at least sixty leagues from the S.W. leg or peninsula of Gilolo, to which the direction of his course certainly points.—E.]

We had very bad weather till the 11th of May, and the night being very dark, we missed the common passage, and found ourselves among many small islands; and as the wind was at E. we resolved to look out for some passage among these islands to the south. After infinite difficulty and much danger, we at length made our way through a strait, which we named St John's Straits, after the name of our bark. At this time we were boarded by a large Indian proa, on board of which was a freeman of Amboina, whom we acquainted with our great want of victuals, having had nothing for a great while to support us except a scanty allowance of spoilt flour and water, and so very little of that as hardly sufficed to keep us alive. He told us, if we would go to the island of Manissa, which was then in sight, he would be our pilot, where he had no doubt we might have enough of rice for our money to carry us to Batavia. We accordingly proceeded for Manissa, passing by the island of Keylan, which is small and high, but well inhabited, and clothed with many kinds of trees. Its chief produce is rice, and a few cloves; and on this island there is a Dutch corporal with six soldiers, whose only business is to see all the clove trees cut down and destroyed. From thence we proceeded to Manissa, where we arrived about midnight, and came to anchor in a small bay at the N.W. end of the island, when our Dutch pilot sent two men ashore with a letter to the governor, acquainting him of our urgent wants.

Early of the 23d May, a Dutch corporal and two soldiers came on board, and read to us a general order from the Dutch East-India Company, that if any ships, except their own, came there to anchor, they were not to be supplied with any thing whatever. We told him that extreme want of provisions had constrained us to put in here, and that we should not have touched any where before reaching Batavia, if we could possibly have subsisted; wherefore we requested he would inform the governor of our urgent wants. This he engaged to do, seeing us in a very weak condition, and came back about four in the afternoon, saying that we could have no provisions here, but might be supplied at Amboina. We were forced therefore to leave this unfriendly place, and to attempt going to Amboina, if the wind would serve. Manissa is about fifteen miles from S.E. to N.W. and about eight in breadth, in lat. 3 deg. 25' S. and about twenty miles west from the island of Bonou. It is a remarkably high island, and pretty well inhabited by Malays, as are all the Molucca Islands. It is surrounded by shoals almost on every side, and some of these stretch a league and a half from the shore, so that it is very dangerous to come near, unless with very good charts, or with an experienced pilot. It has several good springs of fresh water, and the Dutch have a small fort with six guns on its S.W. side. It is governed by a Dutch serjeant, having under him three corporals, a master gunner, and twenty European soldiers; and produces vast plenty of rice and cloves, both of which are sent to Amboina. The inhabitants are mostly fishers, and catch such abundance of fish as not only supplies themselves, but enables them also to carry a great deal to Amboina.

We stood to the S.W. having the wind at S.S.E. and blowing fresh, so that we sailed under our courses, and were now much out of heart, not expecting to reach Amboina, the S E. monsoon being now set in; which was right against us. Almost in despair, we continued our course till we were over against the island of Bouro, and then the wind veering to the S.S.W. we stood away S.E. but finding a strong current setting to leeward, we rather lost ground, and seeing no likelihood of getting to Amboina, we, by general consent, shared among us all that was eatable on board, each man's share being six pounds and three quarters of flour, and five pounds of bran, every one resolving to use his share as sparingly as possible. On the 25th, the wind veered to S.S.E. when we tacked to S.W. and soon weathered the island of Amblow. This is a small island of moderate height, in lat. 4 deg. 5' S. tolerably furnished with trees, but not inhabited. On the 26th, we had a fine fresh gale at S.E. when we tacked and stood away N.E. for the island of Amboina. Continuing the same course all the 27th, we got sight of Amboina early in the morning of the 28th, bearing due N. about six leagues distant. We now stood directly for the island, and about noon came just off the harbour, a joyful sight to us then, though we soon had cause to think it the worst thing that had befallen us.

As we entered the harbour of Amboina, we met two Dutch ships coming out, laden with cloves and bound for Batavia. The captain of one of these came on board our bark, desiring to know whence we came and whither we were bound, and required to have a journal of our voyage, promising to return it when he again met us at Batavia. We gave him the best answers we could to all his questions, and the agent of our owners gave him a succinct relation of our voyage, which was of happy consequence to us, as to that we afterwards owed our preservation as will appear in the sequel. We stood into the harbour that night, and next morning, which, according to our account, was Tuesday, but with the Dutch Wednesday, two Dutch orambies, as they call the vessels used at that place, came on board us, each of which was paddled by forty men. In these vessels came the fiscal and several Dutch gentlemen, with eighty soldiers, who immediately took possession of our bark. They also went below and sealed up all our chests, after which the two orambies towed us farther into the harbour, so that by noon we were up as high as the town of Amboina, where they moored our bark in the ordinary anchorage.

We continued on board till the 31st, two days, not knowing how they meant to dispose of us; in which time they would not supply us with any victuals, though we offered a crown a pound for beef, pork, or bread. In the evening of this day they took us all on shore, lodging us in two rooms near the Stadt-house, our bark, with all our money and goods, being taken from us, except what we happened to have about our persons, and soon after our vessel and goods were sold by auction. We were fed with bad meat, which our stomachs could ill digest, being very weak with having been so long on short allowance, and if we desired to have better we had to buy it with our own money. Several of us had fortunately some money about us, and as long as that lasted we purchased provisions from our keeper. For a Spanish dollar, which was worth five shillings and a penny, he would only give us five Dutch skellings, or the value of about two and six-pence; and even for this he gave us no more victuals than we could have bought for five-pence, if we had been at liberty to go into the town; so that, instead of five shillings for the Spanish dollar, we in reality had only five-pence. During my leisure, I had many opportunities of enquiring into the condition of Amboina, by which I was enabled to draw up a pretty large account of the island and its inhabitants, which I flatter myself will be acceptable to the public, as the Dutch are careful to prevent any accounts of this place from being published.

This island of Amboina, so famous, or rather infamous, for the cruelties and injustice formerly committed there by the Dutch upon the English, is twelve leagues long from N. to S. being high and mountainous, with intermediate vallies, which are very fertile, but the hills are in a great measure barren. The soil of the vallies is black, and affords salt-petre. The middle of the island is in lat. 3 deg. 40' S. The original inhabitants of the island are Malays, who are of middle stature and tawny complexions. The women are brighter than the men, and have long black hair, reaching to the calves of their legs. They have round faces, with small mouths, noses, and eyes. Their dress is a linen or cotton waistcoat, reaching only below their breasts, and a cloth round their waists, four yards long and a yard broad, which serves as a petticoat, as the Dutch women only are permitted to wear petticoats; neither are any of the men allowed to wear hats, except the king or rajah. The natives are numerous, yet the Dutch possess the whole sea-coast, and have here a strong castle, built of stone, mounted by sixty pieces of cannon, besides several small forts in other parts of the island. Near the castle is a small town of about 100 houses, of stone, brick, or timber, inhabited by the Dutch. None of the houses exceed one storey, as the place is subject to earthquakes, which would endanger the houses if higher, and even low as they are they often fall. While we were there we had a great earthquake for two days, which did much mischief as the ground opened in several places, and swallowed up several houses with their inhabitants. Several of their people were dug out of the ruins, but most of them dead, and many others had their legs and arms broken by the fall of the houses. Where we were, the ground swelled up like a wave of the sea, but no damage was done.

This island is governed by a council of five, consisting of the governor, the senior merchant, or ober koop-man, the Malay king, the captain of the fort, and the fiscal, which last is the judge. There are said to be on the island 350 Dutch soldiers, with 120 or 130 Dutch freemen and petty officers, and about as many Chinese, who reside here for the benefit of trade, though not allowed to participate in the spice trade, which the Dutch reserve entirely to themselves. I thus estimate that the Dutch are able to muster in this island about 550 fighting men, including themselves and the Chinese; for they can count very little on the Malays, who would gladly join any other nation against them. The Malay women are said to be very loose, and not ashamed of having intercourse with men. They are soon ripe, being often married at nine years of age, and are said to have children by ten or eleven. All who reside near the coast must live under the Dutch government, which is very dissolute and tyrannical, and they are severely punished for even small faults, being often reduced to slavery, and condemned to wear an iron on their legs for life. Those dwelling near the coast under the controul of the Dutch are a kind of Christians; but those in the interior, among the hills, are Mahometans, and are always at war with the Dutch. When these hill Malays take any prisoners, they never give quarter; but, after detaining their prisoners a few days, without meat or drink, they are produced in public, and have their breasts ripped open, and their hearts taken out, all the Malays present making great rejoicings. The heads of these slaughtered prisoners are then embalmed with spice, and those who can shew the greatest number of Dutch heads are held in highest honour. In retaliation, when the Dutch take any of these hill Malays, they load them with irons, and after keeping them some days in prison, they cut off their ears and noses, and after being kept some time longer in prison, they are publicly racked to death.

When any of the Malays, living under the Dutch government, are found guilty of thieving, their ears and noses are cut off, and a great iron chain is fastened to their legs, in which condition they are made slaves for life. While we were there, about 500 poor wretches were in this condition, who were kept constantly employed, in sawing timber, cutting stones for building, carrying burdens, or other work. They are let out of prison at sunrise, the men being kept in one prison and the women in another, and are kept hard at work till noon, when they return to prison for an hour, being allowed for dinner a pint of coarse boiled rice for each. They return again to work at one o'clock, and return to prison at six in the evening, when they have a similar allowance for supper. Soon afterwards they are locked up in their lodgings, where they lie on the bare boards, having only a piece of wood for a pillow. Sometimes these poor wretches make shift to escape, but are used with great severity if again caught. One of the female slaves having escaped, and being retaken, cut her own throat to avoid the severe punishment awaiting her, when she was dragged out by the hair all round the town, and then hung on a gibbet by the feet. Such as are in debt, and cannot satisfy their creditors, are turned over by their creditors to the Dutch company, who send them to work among their slaves, having the same allowance of boiled rice with the rest, with two-pence a day towards paying their debts; but they seldom get free till carried out dead.

Though the poor natives are thus harshly treated, the Dutch wink at the faults of their countrymen, who are seldom punished for any crime, unless it be for murder, as in any other case they get off for a small sum of money, even for a great fault. The women slaves belonging to the free Dutch burgesses have all reasonable indulgence, but are obliged to find their own clothes and provisions, and pay an acknowledgement of about a sixpence daily, in default of which they are severely used. If they bring the daily tribute, they may whore or steal, and have no questions asked, provided no complaint is made against them. The chief products of this island are cloves, ginger, pepper, rattans, canes, and a few nutmegs.

The clove-tree is rather slender, and is from twelve to thirty or even forty feet high, having small branches, with tapering leaves about five inches long and two broad, which smell strong of cloves, when rubbed between the fingers. The cloves grow out at the tips of the branches, ten, twelve, or fourteen in a cluster, being white at first, then green, and lastly of a dark copper colour, in which state they are ripe and fit for gathering. At this period, they spread cloths or sheets on the ground round the bottom of the tree to a good distance, and shake the tree, when all the ripe cloves fall down. This is repeated every six or seven days for four or five times, till all the cloves have ripened and are shaken off. The usual time of gathering is October and February, those got in October, which is the end of their winter, being called winter cloves, and are not accounted so strong and good as the others. These are commonly preserved in small jars of about a quart each, of which great quantities are sent to various parts of the world. Those gathered in February are termed summer cloves, being better and stronger than the others, as ripening in the best part of the summer; whereas the former have not above a month of fair weather, all the rest of their winter season, which is our summer, being rainy and cloudy, so that the cloves want sun to ripen them. It is a common opinion, but extremely erroneous, that cloves, nutmegs, and mace grow all on one tree. One clove-tree commonly produces sixty, seventy, or eighty pounds of cloves in one season; and every sixth year they are sure to have a double crop.

There are a vast number of clove-trees on this island, which are carefully looked after, and a register of them is kept in the books of the company, being all numbered once every year, and they are not allowed to increase beyond a certain limited number, for fear of lessening the price, all beyond being cut down. All these trees belong to the Company, or the free burgesses, every burgess having only a fixed number; and if any one is found to have more than his allowance, he is severely fined, and all his trees forfeited to the company. Besides, the burgesses are bound to deliver the whole produce of their trees to the company at six-pence the pound. If any freeman or other is convicted of having sold or conveyed cloves from the island, to the value of ten pounds, his whole property is forfeited to the company, and he becomes a slave for life. The inhabitants used formerly to cheat the Dutch in the sale of their cloves, in the following manner. They hung up their cloves in a large sheet by the four corners, and set a large tub of water underneath, which the cloves, being of a very hot and dry nature, drew up by degrees, and thus made a large addition to their weight. But the Dutch are now too cunning for them, as they always try the cloves, by giving them a small filip on the head with the forefinger: if thoroughly ripe, and no deceit has been used, the head breaks off like a piece of thin brittle glass; but if watered, the clove is tough, and will sooner bend than break.

The nutmeg-tree is much like the peach, and there are a few of these in this island, but they grow mostly on the island of Banda, whence two or three ship-loads are exported yearly. The fruit of this tree consists of four parts. The first and outer rind is like that of a green walnut. The second, which we call mace, is dry and thin. The third is a tough thin shell, like that of a chesnut; and the fourth is the nutmeg, being the kernel included in that shell.

There are said to be some gold-mines in the island of Amboina; and a Malay once shewed me some of the ore, which, he said, came from these mines: but he said, at the same time, that he would be severely punished if the Dutch knew of his having any, as they wish, as much as possible, to keep this from the knowledge of all other Europeans.

Once every year the Dutch have to send a large force from Amboina on the following business, about the 20th of October. On this occasion the governor is attended by about seventy-five orambies, or boats of the country, some rowed by 100 paddles, some eighty, fifty, or forty paddles each, and in each of which there are two Dutch soldiers. I reckon therefore in this fleet 150 to 160 Dutch soldiers, and about 5250 Malays, allowing seventy to each oramby on the average. These seventy-five orambies are divided into three squadrons. The van-division of twenty orambies, is always commanded by a member of the council, who carries a yellow flag. The rear-squadron consists also of twenty orambies, and is commanded by the fiscal, having a red flag. The rest form the centre-squadron, and attend the governor, who has a serjeant and corporal, with twelve Dutch soldiers, for his body guard, and carries a blue flag. The governor is also attended by the Malay king and all their princes or chiefs, lest they should rebel in his absence. In this order the fleet proceeds to visit and victual the eastern, or Banda islands, especially those that produce cloves or nutmegs; and at every island it goes to, it is joined by additional boats. This cruize generally lasts for six weeks, during which they cut down and destroy all the clove and nutmeg-trees they can find, except those which are reserved for the use of the company. All or most of these islands would produce cloves, but they will not suffer them, having enough at Amboina alone to supply all Europe. On all of these islands the Dutch keep a few soldiers, three, six, nine, or twelve, according to their size, whose only business is to see the trees cut down, or at least to take care that they do not increase; as they are very jealous lest the English or French should serve them as they did the English at Amboina. During this annual expedition, the governor levies tribute from all the petty kings and chiefs of these islands, and commonly returns to Amboina at the end of six weeks.

The island of Amboina produces beavers, hogs, and deer, besides other animals. Among its birds are crocadores, cassawaries, birds of paradise, and others. The crocadore, or cockatoo, is of various sizes, some as large as a hen, and others no bigger than a pigeon, being all over white, except a crest of feathers on the top of their head, which is always either yellow or red. This bunch of feather usually lies flat, in a dent, or hollow, on the crown of the head, unless when the bird is frightened, when it is erected, and opens like a fan. The flesh and legs of this bird are very black, and they smell very sweet. When they fly up and down the woods, they cry crocadore, crocadore, or cockatoo, cockatoo, whence their name. The cassowary is as large as a Virginia turkey, having a head nearly the same with the turkey, with a long stiff bunch of hair on his breast, also like the turkey. His legs are almost as thick as a man's wrist, having five great claws on each foot. The back is high and round, both it and the pinions being covered with long hair instead of feathers. The female of this bird lays an egg so large that its shell will hold an English pint of fluid, having a thick shell, spotted with green and white, and exactly like China-ware. I never tasted the eggs of this bird, but its flesh is good eating, resembling that of a turkey, but stronger.

The birds of paradise are about the size of pigeons, and are never seen here alive, neither is it known whence they come. I have seen several of them at Amboina preserved in spice, in which state they are sent as rarities to several parts of the world. These birds are said to resort, in February and March, when the nutmegs are ripe, to Banda and Amboina, where they feed on the outer rind of the nutmeg, after which they fall to the ground, quite stupified, or as it were dead drunk, when innumerable ants gather about them, and eat them up. There are here many kinds of fish, but the most remarkable is the sea-porcupine, which is about three feet long, and two and a half feet round, having large eyes, two fins on the back, and a large fin on each side, near the gills. Its body is all beset with sharp spines, or quills, like a porcupine, whence its name is derived.

All round Amboina the bottom is sand, but the water is so deep that there is no anchorage near its shores, except to leeward, or on the west side, where a ship may anchor in forty fathoms, close to the shore in the harbour. This harbour runs so deep into the island as almost to divide it into two, which are joined by so narrow a neck of land that the Malays often haul their canoes across. On the east side of the entry into the harbour there is a small fort of six guns, close to which the depth is twenty fathoms. About a league farther up is the usual anchorage for ships, close under the guns of the great castle, which has been called Victoria ever since the massacre of the English at this place. About two miles farther to the N.E. and within the harbour, is the place where the English factory formerly stood; and near it is the hole into which the English were said to have been thrown after the massacre. Few of us who were now here but expected the same fate; and some of the inhabitants did not scruple to say that our only protection was our journal, which had been sent to Batavia by the Dutch ship we met when going into the harbour; as by this it would soon be known all over India that a part of Captain Dampier's crew had arrived at Aniboina, which would cause us to be enquired after.

A little to the eastward of Amboina there are several other small islands, the most noted of which are Boangbessay and Hinomsa, only a small distance east from Amboina. These two islands are moderately high, and not above a third part so large as Amboina. They are both well fortified, and produce store of cloves. The chief place for nutmegs is the island of Banda, which also belongs to the Dutch, being in lat. 4 deg. 20' S. 28 leagues S.S.E. from Amboina. This island is said to have the form of a man's leg and foot, and is well fortified. The governor of Amboina is supreme over all the spice islands, even to Ternate and Tidore, which are also spice islands belonging to the Dutch, and are about forty miles to the north of the equator. We were so troubled at Amboina by musquitoes, a sort of gnats, that we had every night to put ourselves into a bag before we could go to sleep, as otherwise these insects bit us so intolerably that we could get no rest. Wherever they bit, there commonly rose a red blister, almost as broad as a silver penny, which itched so violently that many cannot forbear from scratching, so as to cause inflammations that sometimes aid in the loss of a limb. During our stay, we were allowed to walk in a paved yard about sixty yards square; but were not permitted to go into the town, that we might not learn their strength, or make any discoveries prejudicial to them.

We remained at Amboina from the 31st of May to the 14th of September, 1705, when three of their sloops were ready to sail with cloves to Batavia, in which twenty-five of our men were sent away to Batavia, ten of us being left behind, who they said were to be sent in another vessel, almost ready to sail. On the 27th September, a Malay man was brought to the Stadt-house to be tried for his life, being accused by his own wife of having murdered his slave. The slave had been dead six months, when the wife falling out with her husband, she went to the fiscal in the heat of her rage and revealed the murder, on which the husband was thrown into prison, but it was generally believed that he was wrongfully accused by his wife. During his trial the earthquake took place, formerly mentioned, which made the court break up, fearful the house might fall on their heads. At this time I observed that it is an error to suppose that it is always calm during an earthquake; for we had a fine fresh gale at S.S.W. both days on which the earthquake happened. Next day the court sat about eleven o'clock, continuing the trial; and while the wife was in her greatest violence in the accusation of her husband, the earth shook again with much violence, which obliged the court again to break up.

That same day, the 28th September, I and four more of our men were sent off for Batavia in a Chinese sloop, the other five men being promised to be sent after us in a short time, but we never heard of them afterwards. We sailed westwards till we came to the island of Lancas, in lat. 5 deg. 27' S. and by my estimation, 2 deg. 21', or 155 miles W. from Amboina. We then steered W. by N. till we made two islands called the Cabeses, whence we procured some hundred cocoa nuts. The eastermost island, to which we sent our boat, is low and uninhabited, but has been planted full of cocoa-nut trees by the Dutch, for the use of their vessels going between the spice islands and Batavia, as it is a kind of miracle to see any other ship in these parts except those belonging to the Dutch. Off this island we met our own bark which had brought us from America to Amboina, the Dutch having fitted her up with a main-mast and converted her into a very good vessel. This island is in lat. 5 deg. 23' S. and nearly W. by N. from the island of Lancas, about forty-five miles distant, and has a shoal extending about two miles from the shore. To the S.W. of this is the other island of Cabeses, a pretty high island, on which the Dutch always keep a corporal and two soldiers, who go two or three times all over the isle to see that no cloves are planted, and if they find any to cut them down and burn them, lest any other nation might be able to procure that commodity, in which case Amboina would become of little value, as cloves are its only valuable product.

We next passed by the S. end of the island of Bouton, or Booton, which is pretty large, and in the lat. of 5 deg. 45' S. We steered W. from thence, between the islands Celebes and Zalayer or Salayr. The S.W. leg or peninsula of Celebes is very high land. Celebes is composed of very high land, very well inhabited, being a very large island, extending through seven degrees of latitude. On the west side of its southern end the Dutch have a factory named Macasser, where they have a fortress of about seventy guns, and a garrison of 600 or 700 Dutch soldiers. The chief product is rice, with which they supply most of their eastern islands from hence. There are said to be gold-mines in this island, of which the Dutch are not yet masters, as the inhabitants are often at war with them, and have hitherto been able to keep them from those parts of the island. Between the south end of Celebes and the island of Salayr there are three small low islands, and the best channel is through between the island next to Salayr, and another small isle to the northward. This is called the second passage, the first, third, and fourth of these passages being very dangerous, so that ships generally avoid them if possible. I would willingly give an account of every island I have occasion to mention, but as that is not in my power, I must rest satisfied with what I am able to say consistent with truth.

The island of Zalayer, or Salayr, is of moderate height, inhabited by Malays, and planted all round with cocoa-trees, the natives being obliged to send a considerable quantity of nuts and oil to the Dutch at Macasser as tribute. We steered from hence W. by N. till we had passed a dangerous shoal called the Porill, after which we stood to the S.W. and saw in the night a small island just in our way, which we were unable to weather, and therefore stood off till daylight, when we were to the S. of that isle, when we tacked and stood again S.W. and soon after saw two other small isles bearing from N. to N.W. For about two miles of our course at this time, the sea was so transparent that we could plainly discern the bottom, which was never less than five or more than six fathoms, yet appeared only two to the eye. We passed over this shoal about a league to the S. of these two small islands, this being the narrowest part of the shoal, for it is five or six leagues in breadth farther to the south; yet is it every where without danger, as it has very uniform soundings, seldom over or under five or six fathoms. To the north of these islands, however, it is very dangerous, being all over foul rocky ground, and having in some places not more than four or five feet water; it is proper, therefore, always to keep to the south of these islands, where the passage is perfectly safe. Yet in the Dutch charts, these dangers are laid down to the southward, which should have been to the northwards, and they lay down the safe shoals to the northward, whereas we now went to the southwards, as they always do. The captain of our vessel had a chart on board, which shewed these things exactly as I have now described, but which I compared with several others, also on board, which I found quite different. I asked our captain the reason of this, when he told me that all these shoals and dangerous places were well known to the Hollanders, but they did not wish they should be known by others, but rather that strangers might lose their ships among these rocks and shoals, as we certainly had done, if we had sailed according to these common charts.

We entered the harbour of Batavia on the 21st October, and sent immediately on landing to join the rest of our men, who were still detained in custody. We were soon afterwards visited by the first major, who desired us to transmit to the general, through him, an account of the losses we had sustained by our being taken prisoners at Amboina, and we should receive compensation for our effects, loss of time, and imprisonment. We each accordingly drew up accounts of our losses, which we sent by the major to the governor, who sent us back word that we should speedily have our freedom. On the 27th we were sent for to the fort, where most of our money was returned; but we could have no satisfaction for our goods, imprisonment, and loss of time, the governor-general saying that he had given us all that had been sent to him as ours by the governor of Amboina, and that we were now at liberty to go where we pleased. As our vessel had been taken from us for the use of the Dutch Company, we desired he would be pleased to find us some ship for our return home, which he promised; with which arrangement we were forced to be satisfied, and took lodgings in the city of Batavia, till an opportunity might offer for our return to Europe. In the course of seven weeks residence here, I made all the observations I could upon this place and its inhabitants. I found the city in as good a condition as could be wished, and the people seemed to be as prudent and as industrious as any I had ever seen: But, as the descriptions already published of this place are so exact as to render my observations superfluous, I shall content myself with a very short description, referring the curious reader to the large accounts that have been published by Dutch, French, and English writers, but especially the first.

BATAVIA is the chief place belonging to the Hollanders in India, and receives all the productions of India, Japan, and China. The Malays are the original natives; but besides these and the Dutch, who are the masters, it is inhabited by Portuguese, Chinese, Persians, and negroes. The town is large and handsome, having seven churches, belonging to the Dutch, Portuguese, Malays, and Chinese.[213] The town has many spacious houses built in the European manner, and is walled and moated all round, the ramparts being well provided with cannon. In the middle of the city there is a spacious square, in which is the stadt-house, where all public matters are transacted. This city is usually governed by a member of the States-General of the United Netherlands, with the title of Governor-General of India, all other governors of the possessions belonging to the Dutch Company being subordinate to his authority. The inhabitants are well pleased in the governor-general being often changed, as all prisoners are released at the installation of a new one, except those charged with murder. He has twelve counsellors to assist him, who are called the rads, or lords of India, and are mostly such as have formerly been governors in other places, as in Ceylon, Amboina, Malacca, &c.

[Footnote 213: This seems to indicate that, of the seven churches, some belong to the Dutch Calvinists and Portuguese Roman Catholics, while others are Mahometan places of worship for the Malays, and idol temples, or pagodas, frequented by the Chinese.—E]

The city is divided by many canals, over which there are bridges almost at the end of every street, together with booms to lay across, that no boats may go in or out after sunset. The chief product of the adjoining country is pepper, of which the Dutch export great quantities every year; and there are also some few diamonds and other precious stones. The chief fruits here are plantains, bananas, oranges, lemons, mangostans, and rumbostans. The mangostan is about the size of a golden rennet, quite round, and resembling a small pomegranate, the outer rind being like that of the pomegranate, but of a darker colour, but the inside of the rind of a fine red. The fruit lies within the rind, commonly in four or five cloves, of a fine white, very soft and juicy, within each clove having a small black stone or pip. The pulp is very delicious, but the stone is very bitter, and is therefore thrown away, after sucking the fruit The rumbostan is about the size of a walnut after the green outside peel is off, and is nearly of the shape of a walnut, having a thick tough outer rind of a deep red colour, full of red knobs, within which is a white jelly-like pulp, and within that is a large stone. The pulp is very delicate, and never does any harm, however much of it a man may eat, providing he swallow the stones; but otherwise they are said to produce fevers.

This island of Java, on the north side of which Batavia is situated, extends about ten degrees from east to west, or nearly 700 English miles. The weather is here extremely regular, and the inhabitants know how to use it to the best advantage. During the eastern monsoon, the land-winds are at S.E. Sometimes more southerly; and the sea-winds blow from the N.E. fine pleasant gales. This easterly monsoon is accounted the good monsoon, being fine clear and fair weather, and begins in April, ending in October. The other, or westerly, is called the bad monsoon, consisting of blustering rainy weather, accompanied with much thunder and lightning, especially in December, January, and February. This bad monsoon begins in November and ends in March or the beginning of April; during which the land-winds are W.S.W. or S.W. and the sea-winds at N.W. and W.N.W.

The anchoring ground all along the north side of Java, from Madura to Batavia, is a fine oozy bottom, free from rocks. The principal places on this side of the island are Batavia, Bantam, Japara, Samarang, Surabon, Taggal, Quale, and Rambang; all of which are possessed by the Dutch. These settlements afford abundance of rice, with which the Dutch supply all their out-factories near Java, and also produce excellent plank for ship-building. The principal place for ship-building is Rambang, where the free burgesses of Batavia usually go to build their small vessels, as sloops and brigs. Ships of five, six, and seven hundred tons, often load with timber at Rambang, Quale, Japara, and other places; and each ship, after being fully laden, takes a great raft or float of the largest timber, which she tows along with her to Batavia. Some of these rafts are said to be thirty feet square, and draw twenty feet water. There are commonly six ships employed in this timber trade, and they usually make four voyages yearly in the good monsoon, for in the bad they cannot do any thing. Ail this timber is for the most part landed on the island of Ormrust, between four and five leagues from Batavia, where there are about 200 ship-carpenters, who are constantly in full employ, and here the Dutch careen their ships. This island is well fortified, being, to use a sea phrase, all round a bed of guns.

We had notice on the 2d December, 1705, that all of us who wished to return to England should immediately go on board the homeward-bound Dutch East India fleet, which we did accordingly, and sailed next day. This fleet consisted of twelve ships, as well provided in all respects as any I had ever seen, and we made the voyage in good order. We arrived at the Cape of Good Hope on the 3d February, 1706. The Dutch have here a strong fortress, and about half a mile from this is a fine town of 150 houses, with a small church. The country in the neighbourhood is very high, and the mountains are mostly barren, producing only a few shrubs; but the country is full of lions, tigers, elephants, and other wild beasts, which give great disturbance to the settlers, for which reason the government gives a reward of fifty-two guilders for killing a lion, equal to four pounds six and eight-pence, and twenty-four guilders, or forty shillings, for killing a tiger. While we were there, a certain Scotsman killed four lions, three tigers, and three wild elephants, for all of which he got the rewards. The Dutch make here a great quantity of an excellent wine, called Cape wine, which is sold by retail at eight-pence a quart.

We sailed from the Cape the 24th of March, excellently provided with every thing requisite for the voyage. We were now twenty-four sail, having nine English and fifteen Dutch ships. On the 17th April we made the island of Ascension, but did not touch there even for turtle, although their season of laying, having been so well provided with fresh provisions at the Cape that we had no occasion for more. On the 19th there happened a great earthquake, when the ship seemed for some time as if she run along the ground, on which we heaved the lead on both sides, but had no ground at 200 fathoms. The whole fleet felt the shock at the same time; so that for about ten minutes every ship was making signals and firing guns. On the 14th June we saw four sail of French privateers, which were waiting for us; but after looking at us for some time, and observing the regular order in which we sailed, they did not think it adviseable to make any attempt against us, and bore away. This shewed the great advantage of the regular order observed by the Dutch in sailing, in which on this occasion they were imitated by the English ships in company.

On the 30th June we were in lat. 62 deg. 40' N. the highest north I was ever in, and I could not help noticing the great difference in point of cold here and in 60 deg. S. There we had continual showers of snow or hail, with bitter cold weather; while here the weather was fair, and the cold moderate. In the evening of the 3d July we saw the Faro Islands. On the 5th we met with eight Dutch men of war, which were cruizing on purpose to convoy us safe home, accompanied by four victuallers and three of the Company's privateers. On the 15th July we all arrived safely in the Texel, and got on the 17th to Amsterdam. After this, I and the rest of our company went to see several parts of Holland, and we arrived on the 26th August, 1706, in England, after many dangers by sea and land, being only 18 of us out of 183. The news of our misfortunes reached home before us, and every body was solicitous to have an account of our adventures, especially while under the power of the Dutch at Amboina. These importunities led me to believe that a faithful relation of our voyage would be acceptable to the public, and I hope some of the descriptions, observations, and discoveries contained in this small performance may be found useful, and not altogether destitute of entertainment.



SECTION III.

Brief Account of Stradling, Clipperton, and Dampier, after their respective Separations, till their Returns to England.

The reader may remember that Captain Dampier, in the St George, left Captain Stradling in the Cinque-ports on the 19th of May, 1704, at King's Island, in the Bay of Panama. The force under Captain Stradling was too insignificant to maintain him long in the South Sea, for which reason he went to the island of Juan Fernandez in search of shelter and refreshments. They were in so forlorn a condition at this time, that Alexander Selkirk[214] chose rather to remain by himself in that island, than to run the hazard of returning to the South Sea in the Cinque-ports. In this he shewed great judgment, as the Cinque-ports actually foundered on the coast of Barbacora (Barbacoas), and only Captain Stradling, with six or seven of his men, were saved, and sent prisoners to Lima. Captain Stradling was alive there at the time when Woods Rogers came into the South Sea, but what became of him afterwards is unknown.

[Footnote 214: This person, on whose simple adventures the romance of Robinson Crusoe was soon afterwards founded, will be more particularly mentioned in a subsequent chapter of this book.—E.]

The next person who left Captain Dampier was his mate, Mr Clipperton of whom we shall have occasion to say much in a succeeding voyage round the world. Clipperton was certainly a man of parts and resolution, and probably would not have deserted from Captain Dampier, if he had not thought that his commander was resolved to remain in his old crazy ship in the South Sea till she foundered. Finding many of the crew of the same opinion, he thought proper to leave him at the middle islands, as already related, where it was plain to every one that the St George was no longer fit for going to sea. Mr Clipperton set sail on the 2d September, 1704, having twenty-one men, in a small bark of ten tons, with two masts and two square sails, two swivels, two or three barrels of powder, and some shot. With this inconsiderable force, he ventured into Rio Leon, on the coast of Mexico, where he took two Spanish ships riding at anchor. One of these was very old and worm-eaten, which he immediately sunk. The other was new, and had goods on board to a considerable value, and for her Captain Clipperton demanded a ransom of 10,000 dollars, by two of his prisoners whom he set on shore. The prisoners spoke so handsomely of Clipperton that the governor resolved to treat with him, and sent him word that he did not think his offer unreasonable, but the owners were entirely ruined, and the town so poor that it was impossible to comply with his terms; but if 4000 dollars would content him, which was all they could raise, that sum should be sent aboard, and the governor would rely on the honour of Captain Clipperton for the release of the ship. Clipperton accepted this proposal, but as his bark was in want of provisions and water, he sent word to the governor, that every kind of provisions and drink were not to be considered as within the capitulation. This was readily agreed to, the money was sent on board, and as soon as the provisions were got out of her, the ship was honourably restored.

Clipperton went thence to the Bay of Salinas, where his little vessel was drawn on shore, and cleaned and effectually refitted, after which he resolved in this cockle-shell to sail for the East Indies, which he actually did, keeping in the latitude of 18 deg. N. and reached the Philippine Islands in fifty-four days. While among these islands, a Spanish priest came off to his bark in a canoe, and Clipperton detained him till furnished with a supply of fresh provisions, and then set him at liberty. His next scheme was to sail for the English settlement of Pulo Condore, in lat 8 deg. 40' N. off the river of Cambadia, and actually came there: But finding that the English had been massacred by their Indian soldiers on the 3d March, 1705, for which reason no relief or safety could be expected there, he bore away for Macao, a port belonging to the Portuguese on the coast of China, where he and his people separated, every one shifting for himself as well as they could. Some went to Benjar,[215] in order to enter into the service of the English East India Company, while others went to Goa to serve the Portuguese, and some even entered into the service of the Great Mogul, being so bare after so long a voyage, that any means of providing for themselves were desirable. Clipperton returned to England in 1706, and afterwards made another voyage round the world in the Success, of which an account will be found in its proper place.

[Footnote 215: This is perhaps an error for Bombay; yet it may have been Benjarmassin, on the southern coast of Borneo.—E.]

It is not easy to conceive a worse situation than that in which Captain Dampier was left at the close of the year 1704, when Mr Funnell and his people separated from him, being only able to retain twenty-eight of his men, and even these were prevailed upon to stay, by representing that it was easy to surprise some Spanish village, and that the fewer they were, each would have the greater share in the plunder. After some consultation, they resolved to attack Puna, a hamlet or village of thirty houses and a small church, the inhabitants of which are well to pass, and are under the command of a lieutenant. Dampier landed here in a dark night, and, surprizing the inhabitants in their beds, got possession of the place with very little trouble.

After plundering this town, they repaired to the island of Lobos de la Mar, and took a small Spanish bark by the way, well furnished with provisions. They now resolved to quit their own ship, and to endeavour to sail for the East Indies in this small bark; and accordingly left the St George at anchor under the island of Lobos, after taking every thing valuable out of her. They then sailed across the Pacific Ocean to the East Indies, and arrived at the Dutch settlements, where their bark was seized, and they were turned adrift to shift for themselves as they best might. Dampier returned naked to his owners, with a melancholy relation of his unfortunate expedition, occasioned chiefly by his own strange temper, being so self-sufficient and overbearing that few or none of his officers could bear with him; and when once disputation gets in among those who have the command, success is not to be expected. Even in this distress, he was received as an eminent man, notwithstanding his faillings, and was introduced to Queen Anne, having the honour to kiss her hand, and to give her majesty some account of the dangers he had undergone. The merchants were so sensible of his want of conduct, that they resolved never to trust him any more with a command; and this, with the poverty resulting from his late unlucky voyage, obliged him to make the tour of the world once more as pilot to the Duke, commanded by Captain Woods Rogers, the relation of which voyage forms the subject of next Section.



CHAPTER X.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN WOODS ROGERS, AND STEPHEN COURTNEY, IN 1708-1711.[216]

INTRODUCTION.

It has been universally allowed by all competent judges, that there never was a voyage of this nature so excellently adjusted or so well provided in all respects, as the present, or in which the accidents that usually happen in privateers were so effectually guarded against; owing to the abilities of the gentlemen at Bristol, who both charged themselves with the expence of fitting out this expedition, and took care of every thing relating to its being properly fitted out. Their first care was in the choice of proper officers, in which they were very fortunate. Captain Woods Rogers, who had the chief command, being a bold, active, and indefatigable officer, not too ready to give up his opinion to others, and not apt to be flattered by other people giving up theirs to him. He had been a great sufferer by the French; but his most singular qualities, and which chiefly recommended him to the command of this expedition, were a peculiar felicity in maintaining authority over his seamen, and a wonderful readiness in devising expedients under the most difficult circumstances.

[Footnote 216: A Cruizing Voyage round the World, &c. by Captain Woods Rogers, 8vo. London, 1712. Voyage to the South Sea, and round the World, &c. by Captain Edward Cooke, 2 vol. 8vo. London, 1712. Harris, I. 150. Callender, III. 231.]

Captain Stephen Courtney, the second in command, was a gentleman of birth, fortune, and amiable character, who had contributed considerably to the expence of the voyage, and went in the expedition that he might see how it was conducted, and either be able to prevent miscarriages, or at least to make a faithful report of its incidents. Captain Thomas Dover, the third in command, was a proprietor also. He was bred a physician, and afterwards made a noise in the world by recommending the use of crude mercury. He was a man of rough temper, and could not easily agree with those about him, yet his morose disposition hindered him from making any party to support him in his ill humours. Captain Cooke, fourth in command, was second to Captain Courtney. The pilot in the larger ship was Captain William Dampier, who was now to proceed for the fourth time into the South Sea, where his name and exploits were well known and terrible to the Spaniards. The adventurers were also extremely careful in the choice of inferior officers, and even as far as possible in procuring the best private men that could be found.

In the next place, the proprietors established rules for the proper conduct of the voyage, which were digested in the following articles of instruction, and signed by a committee of proprietors at Bristol, on the 14th July, 1708.

"For the better government and regulating the affairs of the present voyage of the ships Duke and Duchess, we do hereby appoint and constitute Captain Woods Rogers, Captain Thomas Dover, Captain William Dampier, Mr Charlton Vanbrugh, Messrs Green, Fry, Charles Pope, Glendall, Bullet, and Wasse, all of these officers on board the Duke, to be the council on board that ship: We also appoint Captain Stephen Courtney, Captain Edward Cooke, Messrs William Stratton, Bathe, John Rogers, White, and the master, officers on board the Duchess, to be council on board that ship, in case of the ships being separated from each other. But, when in company, the whole officers of both ships above named, are conjunctly to come on board either ship at the summons of Captains Rogers, Dover, and Courtney, or any two of them, and to be the council referred to in our general orders, to determine all matters and things that may arise or be necessary for the general good daring the whole voyage. In case of the death, sickness, or desertion of any of the above officers in either ship, the rest who are of the council of that ship shall convene on board their own ship, and chose another fit person into that office and council."

"We farther require and direct, that all attempts, attacks, and designs upon the enemy, either by sea or land, shall be first consulted and debated, either in the particular council if separated, or in the general council if together; and as the majority shall conclude how and when to act or do, it shall be indispensably and cheerfully put in execution, and without unnecessary delay. In case of any discontents, differences, or misbehaviours among the officers and men, which may tend to the disturbance of good order and government on board, either the men or persons may appeal to the captain to have a hearing by a council, or the captain shall call a council to have the matter heard and decided, and may prefer or displace any man according to desert. All decisions and judgments of the council shall be finally determined by the majority of voices; and in case of an equality, Captain Dover is to have a double voice as president, and we do accordingly order and appoint him president of the council. All matters transacted in this council shall be registered in a book by the clerk appointed for that purpose."

It was agreed between the owners and those employed in this voyage, that all prizes were to be divided after the following rule. Two-third parts of the clear profits were to belong to the owners, and one-third to the officers, seamen, and landsmen, which last was to be distributed according to the following proportions.

If wholly on Shares. If part on Shares, and part on Wages.[217] A captain, Shares 24 Second captain, 20 Wages. Shares First lieutenant, 16 L3 8 Second lieutenant, 10 2 10 5 Third lieutenant, 8 2 4 Master, 10 2 10 5 First mate, 6 2 3 Second mate, 4 1 15 2-1/2 Surgeon, 10 2 10 5 Surgeon's mate, 6 1 10 3 Owner's agent, 10 2 10 5 Pilot, 8 2 10 4 Carpenter, 6 2 3 Carpenter's mate, 4 1 10 2 Boatswain, 6 2 3 Boatswain's mate, 4 1 10 2 Gunner, 6 2 3 Gunner's mate, 3-1/2 1 10 1-3/4 Cooper, 5 1 10 2-1/2 Cooper's mate, 3-1/2 1 5 1-3/4 Midshipman, 4 1 10 2 Shares. Wages. Shares.

Quarter-master, 3 1 10 1-1/2 Sailors, 2-1/2 1 8 1-3/4 Land-men, 1-1/2 14 0-3/4

[Footnote 217: The wages were probably monthly, though not so explained.—E.]

"We have two relations of this voyage, one by Captain Rogers, and the other by Captain Cooke, both in the form of journals. On the present occasion I shall chiefly follow that written by Captain Woods Rogers, taking occasionally explanatory circumstances and descriptions from Captain Cooke: But as they agree pretty well in their relations, I do not think it necessary to break the thread of the discourse, but shall proceed as near as may be in the words of Captain Rogers."—Harris.

Besides using as the ground-work of the present chapter, the narrative drawn up by Harris from the publications of Captain Woods Rogers and Edward Cooke, we have carefully employed both of these original works on the present occasion; yet have not deemed it at all necessary or adviseable to retain the minute and tedious nautical remarks, and have chiefly attended to such interesting circumstances as had not been sufficiently illustrated in the preceding chapters of this book.—E.

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage, from England to the Island of Juan Fernandez.

Our force on this voyage consisted of the Duke of 300 tons, carrying thirty guns and 170 men, Captain Woods Rogers commander, with Captain Thomas Dover as second captain, and three lieutenants; and the Duchess of 270 tons, with twenty-six guns and 150 men, commanded by Captain Stephen Courtney, having Captain Edward Cooke as second captain, and three lieutenants. Both ships had commission from George Prince of Denmark, husband to Queen Anne, and Lord High Admiral of England, to cruize on the coasts of Peru and Mexico in the South Sea, against the French and Spaniards, and to act jointly and separately.

On the 15th June, 1708, we went down to King-road, to fit our ships for sea and the better to keep our men on board, where we continued till the 1st August, when we weighed anchor and towed down about five miles below the Holmes. We made sail at one next morning, and got into Cork harbour on the 5th August, where we remained till the 27th adjusting all things, taking on board additional men provided there for us, and discharging some we had brought from Bristol, who were found unfit for the voyage. Our complement of men in both ships was now 333, of which above a third were foreigners from most nations, several of her majesty's subjects we had on board being tinkers, tailors, haymakers, pedlars, fiddlers, and the like, with one negro and ten boys; yet we hoped to be well manned with this motley crew, when they had got their sea-legs and had learnt the use of arms. We had double the number of officers usual in privateers, which was meant to prevent mutinies, so usual in long voyages, and to secure a succession in case of deaths. Our holds were so full of provisions, that our cables, and a great deal of our bread and some water casks were between decks, and having 183 men in the Duke, and 151 in the Duchess, we were obliged to send our sheet, cable, and other new store cordage on shore at Cork, to make room for our men and provisions, yet were so much crowded and lumbered that we could not have engaged an enemy, without throwing much provisions and stores overboard.

Having agreed upon signals between our two ships, and appointed places of rendezvous in case of separation, and how long to wait at each for one another, we took sailing orders from the Hastings man of war on the 1st September, the better to keep company of her and a fleet bound to the southward and westward. We sailed that day, and the next we and our consort stood out from the fleet to chase a sail we saw to windward, when we had the satisfaction to find that our ship sailed as well as any in the fleet, not excepting the man of war, so that we hoped we should find our heels, although so deeply laden. We found the chase to be a small vessel coming from Baltimore to join the fleet. On the 4th, Captain Paul of the Hastings proposed to Captain Courtney and me, after he left the fleet, which would be soon, to cruise in company a few days off Cape Finister, and obligingly supplied us with some scrubbers, iron scrapers for the ships bottoms, a speaking-trumpet, and some other things of which we were in want, and would not accept any thing in return, as our voyage was to be so long, saying he hoped our owners would restore the same articles for his ship on his return. That evening, calling our crews on deck, we informed them whither we were bound, and the objects of our expedition; that if any disputes or mutinies had arisen, we might have sent home the refractory in the man of war. Only one poor fellow was dissatisfied, who was to have been tithing-man that year, and feared his wife might have to pay forty shillings for his default; but seeing all around him pleased with the hope of plunder, he too became easy, and drank as heartily as any one to the success of the voyage.

We gave chase to a ship on the 10th September, about six in the morning, which we came up with about three in the afternoon, when she shewed Swedish colours. On examining the master, we found he had come round Scotland and Ireland, and suspected he had contraband of war, as some of the men, whom we found drunk, told us they had gunpowder and cables on board; wherefore we resolved to examine her strictly, putting twelve of our men on board, and taking the Swedish master and twelve of his men aboard our ships. Next morning, having examined the men and searched the ship, we found it difficult to prove her a legal prize, and, not willing to lose time in carrying her into a port for farther examination, we let her go without embezzlement. She was a frigate-built ship, of about 270 tons, and twenty-two guns, belonging to Stadt, near Hamburgh. The crew of the Duke mutinied, headed by our boatswain and other three inferior officers, alleging the Swede was a good prize, and had much contraband goods on board, though we could find none: but being supported by my officers, well armed, I at length pacified the men, after putting ten of the mutineers in irons, and soundly whipping a sailor who had excited the rest. This mutiny would not have been easily got the better of, but for the number of our officers, whom we now found very useful in bringing our crews under good discipline, a very difficult matter in privateers, and without which it is utterly impossible to succeed in distant and important enterprises. We sent home Giles Cash, our boatswain, in irons, on board the Crown galley, with letters to our owners, justifying our severity; and next morning I discharged our prisoners from their irons, on their humble submission, and solemn promise of dutiful behaviour in future.