Continuing their course along the coast of Chili, they met an Indian in a canoe, who mistook them for Spaniards, and told them of a great Spanish ship at St Jago, laden for Peru. Rewarding him for this intelligence, the Indian conducted them to where the ship lay at anchor, in the port of Valparaiso, in lat. 33 deg. 40' S.[27] All the men on board were only eight Spaniards and three negroes, who, supposing the English to have been friends, welcomed them with beat of drum, and invited them on board to drink Chili wine. The English immediately boarded and took possession; when one of the Spaniards leapt overboard, and swam ashore to give notice of the coming of the English. On this intelligence, all the inhabitants of the town, being only about nine families, escaped into the country. The admiral and his men landed, and rifled the town and its chapel, from which they took a silver chalice, two cruets, and an altar cloth. They found also in the town a considerable store of Chili wine, with many boards of cedar wood, all of which they carried on board their ships. Then setting all the prisoners on shore, except one named John Griego, born in Greece, who was detained as a pilot, the admiral directed his course for Lima, the capital of Peru, under the guidance of this new pilot.

[Footnote 27: More correctly, 33 deg. 00' 30" S. and long. 71 deg. 38' 30" W. from Greenwich.—E.]

Being now at sea, they examined the booty in their prize, in which they found 25,000 pezos of pure gold of Baldivia, amounting to above 37,000 Spanish ducats. Continuing their course for Lima, they put into the harbour of Coquimbo, in lat. 29 deg. 54' S. where the admiral sent fourteen men on shore for water. This small company being espied by the Spaniards, they collected 300 horse and 200 foot, and slew one of the Englishmen, the rest getting back to the ship. From thence they went to a port named Taropaca in Peru, in lat 20 deg. 15' S. where landing, a Spaniard was found asleep on the shore, having eighteen bars of silver lying beside him, worth about 4000 Spanish ducats, which they carried away, leaving him to his repose. Going again on shore, not far from thence, in search of water, they met a Spaniard and an Indian, driving eight Peruvian sheep, laden with fine silver, each sheep having two leather bags on his back, in each of which were about fifty pounds weight. These they carried on board, finding in the whole of these bags 800 pounds weight of silver. From thence they went to Arica, in lat. 18 deg. 40' S. in which port they plundered three small barks of fifty-seven bars of silver, each bar being in shape and size like a brick-bat, and weighing about twenty pounds. Not having sufficient strength, they did not assault the town, but put again to sea, where they met another small bark, laden with linen, part of which was taken out, and the bark dismissed.

They came to Calao, the port of Lima, in lat. 12 deg. 10' S. on the 13th February, 1579, where they found twelve ships at anchor, with all their sails down, without watch or guard, all their masters and merchants being on shore. On examining the contents of these ships, they found a chest full of dollars, with great store of silks and linen, and carried away all the silver, and part of the other goods to their own ships. Here the admiral got notice of a very rich ship, called the Cacafuego, which had sailed for Paita, in lat. 5 deg. 10' S. Pursuing her thither, they learnt, before arriving at Paita, that she had sailed for Panama. In continuing the pursuit to Panama, they took another, which paid them well for their trouble; as, besides her ropes and other tackle, she yielded eighty pounds weight of gold, together with a large golden crucifix, richly adorned with emeralds.

Continuing to pursue the Cacafuego, the admiral promised to give his gold chain to the first person who descried the chase, which fell to the share of Mr John Drake, who first discovered her, one morning about three o'clock. They came up with her about six, gave her three shots, which struck down her mizen-mast, and then boarded. They found this ship fully as rich as she was reported, having thirteen chests full of dollars, eighty pounds weight of gold, a good quantity of jewels, and twenty-six tons of silver in bars.[28] Among other rich pieces of plate found in this ship, there were two very large gilt silver bowls, which belonged to her pilot. On seeing these, the admiral said to the pilot, that these were fine bowls, and he must needs have one of them; to which the pilot yielded, not knowing how to help himself; but, to make this appear less like compulsion, he gave the other to the admiral's steward. The place where this rich prize was taken was off Cape San Francisco, about 150 leagues from Panama, and in lat. 1 deg. N. [00 deg. 45'.] When the people of the prize were allowed to depart, the pilot's boy told the admiral, that the English ship ought now to be called the Cacafuego, not theirs, as it had got all their rich loading, and that their unfortunate ship ought now to be called the Cacaplata, which jest excited much mirth.[29]

[Footnote 28: Without calculating on the jewels, for which there are no data, the silver and gold of this prize could hardly fall short of 250,000l—worth more than a million, in effective value, of the present day.—E.]

[Footnote 29: This forecastle joke turns on the meaning of the words, Cacafuego and Cacaplata, meaning Fartfire and Fartsilver.—Harris.]

Having ransacked the Cacafuego of every thing worth taking, she was allowed to depart; and continuing their course westwards, they next met a ship laden with cotton goods, China dishes, and China silks. Taking from the Spanish owner a falcon of massy gold, having a large emerald set in his breast, and chasing such other wares as he liked, the admiral allowed this ship to continue her voyage, only detaining her pilot for his own use. This pilot brought them to the harbour of Guatalca, in the town adjacent to which, he said, there were only seventeen Spaniards. Going there on shore, they marched directly to the town-house, where they found a judge sitting, and ready to pass sentence on a parcel of negroes, who were accused of plotting to set the town on fire. But the arrival of the admiral changed affairs, for he made both the judge and the criminals prisoners, and carried them all aboard the ships. He then made the judge write to the citizens, to keep at a distance, and make no resistance; after which the town was plundered, but the only thing valuable was about a bushel of Spanish dollars, or rials of plate. One of the people took a rich Spaniard fleeing out of town, who ransomed himself by giving up a gold chain and some jewels. At this place the admiral set some of his Spanish prisoners ashore, together with the old Portuguese pilot he took at the Cape Verd islands, and departed from thence for the island of Cano. While there, he captured a Spanish ship bound for the Philippine islands, which he lightened of part of her merchandise, and allowed her to proceed. At this place the admiral landed every thing out of his own ship, and then laid her on shore, where she was repaired and graved; after which they laid in a supply of wood and water.

Thinking he had in some measure revenged the public injuries of his country upon the Spaniards, as well as his own private losses, the admiral began to deliberate about returning home; but was in some hesitation as to the course he ought to steer. To return by the Straits of Magellan, the only passage yet discovered, he concluded would throw himself into the hands of the Spaniards, who would probably there waylay him with a greatly superior force, having now only one ship left, which was by no means strong, though very rich.[30] He therefore, on maturely weighing all circumstances, determined to proceed by way of the Moluccas, and following the course of the Portuguese, to get home by the Cape of Good Hope. Endeavouring to put this design in execution, but being becalmed, he found it necessary to steer more northwardly along the coast of America, in order to get a wind; in which view he sailed at least 600 leagues, which was all the way he was able to make between the 16th of April and the 3d June.

[Footnote 30: We have no account of the loss of any of the squadron, except that the Elizabeth was lost sight of after passing the Straits of Magellan. Perhaps the other vessels had been destroyed, to reinforce the crew of the Hind, weakened by the diseases incident to long voyages.—E.]

On the 5th June, being in lat. 43 deg. N. they found the air excessively cold, and the severity of the weather almost intolerable; for which reason they returned along the coast to the southward, till in lat. 38 deg. N. where they found a very good bay, which they entered with a favourable wind.[31] The English had here a good deal of intercourse with the natives, whose huts were scattered along the shores of this bay. These people brought presents of leathers and net-work to the admiral, who entertained them with so much kindness, that they were infinitely pleased. Though the country is very cold, the natives contrive to erect their houses in a very ingenious manner to defend themselves from the severity of the weather. Surrounding them by a deep trench, they raise great pieces of timber on its outer edge, which close all in a point at the top, like the spire of a steeple. Their fire is in the middle of this conical hut, and they sleep on the ground strewed with rushes, around the fire. The men go naked, but the women wear a kind of petticoat of bull-rushes, dressed in the manner of hemp, which is fastened round their waists, and reaches down to their hips; having likewise a deer-skin on their shoulders. The good qualities of these women make amends for their ordinary dress and figure, as they are very dutiful to their husbands.

[Footnote 31: This bay of Sir Francis Drake, on the western coast of North America, is nearly in lat 58 deg. N. as stated in the text, and long. 122 deg. 15' W. from Greenwich. It is now named by the Spaniards, the Bay of San Francisco in California, on the southern side of which they have a mission of the same name—E.]

Soon after his arrival, the admiral received a present from the natives of feathers and bags of tobacco, which was given in much form by a numerous concourse of the Indians. These convened on the top of a hill or rising ground, whence one of their number harangued the admiral, whose tent was pitched at the bottom of the hill. When this speech was ended, they all laid down their weapons on the summit of the hill, whence they descended and offered their presents, at the same time civilly returning those which the admiral had before given them. All this time the native women remained on the top of the hill, where they seemed as if possessed, tearing their hair, and howling in a most savage manner. This is the ordinary music of their sacrifices, something of that nature being then solemnizing. While the women above were thus serving the devil, the men below were better employed, in listening attentively to divine service, then performing in the admiral's tent These circumstances, though trivial in themselves, are important in ascertaining the first discovery of California by the English.

News of the arrival of the English having spread about the country, two ambassadors came to the admiral, to inform him that the king was coming to wait upon him, and desired to have a token of peace, and assurance of safe conduct. This being given to their satisfaction, the whole train began to move towards the admiral, in good order, and with a graceful deportment. In front came a very comely person, bearing the sceptre before the king, on which hung two crowns, and two chains of great length. The crowns were made of net-work, ingeniously interwoven with feathers of many colours, and the chains were made of bones. Next to the sceptre-bearer came the king, a very comely personage, shewing an air of majesty in all. This deportment, surrounded by a guard of tall martial-looking men, all clad in skins. Then followed the common people, who, to make the finer appearance, had painted their faces, some black, and some of other colours. All of them had their arms full of presents, even the children not excepted.

The admiral drew up all his men in line of battle, and stood ready to receive them within his fortifications. At some distance from him, the whole train of natives made a halt, all preserving the most profound silence, except the sceptre-bearer, who made a speech of half an hour. He then, from an orator, became a dancing-master, and struck up a song, being joined in both by the king, lords, and common people, who came all singing and dancing up to the fences which the admiral had thrown up. The natives then all sat down; and, after some preliminary compliments, the king made a solemn offer of his whole kingdom and its dependencies to the admiral, desiring him to assume the sovereignty, and professing himself his most loyal subject; and, that this might not seem mere empty compliment, he took off his illustrious crown of feathers from his own head, with the consent and approbation of all his nobles there present, and placing it on the head of the admiral, invested him with all the other ensigns of royalty, constituting the admiral, as far as in him lay, king of the whole country. The admiral, as her majesty's representative, accepted of this new-offered dignity in her name and behalf; as from this donation, whether made in jest or earnest, it was probable that some real advantage might redound hereafter to the English nation in these parts. After this ceremony, the common people dispersed themselves about the English encampment, expressing their admiration and respect for the English in a most violent and even profane manner, even offering sacrifices to them, as in the most profound devotion, till they were repressed by force, with strong expressions of abhorrence, and directed to pay their adorations to the supreme Creator and Preserver of all things, whom only they ought to honour with religious worship.[32]

[Footnote 32: The whole of this story, of a king and his nobles, and the investiture of Drake in the sovereignty of California, which he named New Albion, is so completely absurd as not to merit serious observation.—E.]

After this ceremony, the admiral and some of his people penetrated to some distance into the interior country, which they found to be extremely full of large fat deer, often seeing about a thousand in one herd. There were also such immense numbers of rabbits, that the whole country seemed one vast warren. These rabbits were of the size of those of Barbary, having heads like our own rabbits in England, with feet like those of a mole, and long tails like rats. Under the chin on each side, they have a bag or pouch in the skin, into which they store up any food they get abroad, which they there preserve for future use. Their flesh is much valued by the natives, and their skins are made into robes for the king and nobles. This country seemed to promise rich veins of gold and silver; as wherever they had occasion to dig, they threw up some of the ores of these metals.[33] Partly in honour of England, and partly owing to the prospect of white cliffs which this country presented from the sea, the admiral named this region New Albion. Before his departure, he erected a monument, on which was a large plate, engraven with the name, picture, and arms of queen Elizabeth, the title of her majesty to the sovereignty of the country, the time of its discovery, and Drake's own name. In this country the Spaniards had never had the smallest footing, neither had they discovered this coast of America, even for several degrees to the southwards of New Albion.

[Footnote 33: This surely is a gross falsehood, as even the Spaniards, so much experienced in mines of the precious metals, have found none in California, though possessing missions among its rude and scanty population in every corner, even in this very spot.—E.]



SECTION IV.

Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England.

Sailing from this port of New Albion, [now called by the Spaniards the Bay of San Francisco,] they had no sight of land till the 13th October, 1579, when, in the morning of that day, they fell in with certain islands in lat. 8 deg. N.[34] They here met many canoes, laden with cocoa-nuts and other fruits. These canoes were very artificially hollowed, and were smooth and shining, like polished horn. Their prows and sterns were all turned circularly inwards; and on each side there lay out two pieces of timber, or out-riggers, a yard and a half long, more or less, according the size of the canoes. They were of considerable height in the gunwales; and their insides were ornamented with white shells. The islanders in these canoes had large holes in the lower parts of their ears, which reached down a considerable way, by the weight of certain ornaments. Their teeth were as black as jet, occasioned by chewing a certain herb with a sort of powder, which they always carry with them for that purpose.[35]

[Footnote 34: These probably were some of the Caralines, being in the direct route from Port Sir Francis Drake to the Moluccas.—E.]

[Footnote 35: Areka nut and betel leaf, with pounded shell-lime.—E.]

The 18th October they came to other islands, some of which appeared to be very populous, and continued their course past the islands of Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra. The first of these produces great store of cinnamon; and the inhabitants are in friendship with the Portuguese. Without making any stop at these islands, the admiral continued his course, and fell in with the Moluccas on the 14th November. Intending to steer for Tidore, and coasting along the island of Motir, which belongs to the king of Ternate, they met the viceroy of that king, who came fearlessly on board the admiral's ship. He advised the admiral by no means to prosecute his voyage to Tidore, but to sail directly for Ternate, as the king, his master, was a great enemy to the Portuguese, and would have no intercourse with him, if at all connected with Tidore or the Portuguese. Upon this, the admiral resolved on going to Tidore, and came to anchor before the town early next morning.

He immediately sent a messenger to the king, with a present of a velvet cloak, and to assure him that his only purpose in coming to his island was to trade in a friendly manner. By this time the viceroy had been to the king, whom he had disposed to entertain a favourable opinion of the English, so that the king returned a very civil and obliging answer, assuring the admiral that a friendly intercourse with the English was highly pleasing to him, his whole kingdom, and all that it contained, being at his service; and that he was ready to lay himself and his dominions at the feet of the glorious queen of England, and to acknowledge her as his sovereign. In token of all this, he sent his signet to the admiral, delivering it with much respect to the messenger, who was treated with great pomp and ceremony at court.

Having a mind to visit the admiral on board ship, the king sent before hand four large canoes, filled with his most dignified attendants, all in white dresses, and having large awnings of perfumed mats borne over their heads on a frame of canes or bamboos. They were surrounded by servants, all in white; outside of whom were ranks of soldiers, and beyond them were many rowers in well-contrived galleries, three of these on each side all along the canoes, raised one above the other, each gallery containing eighty rowers.[36] These canoes were well furnished with warlike implements and all kind of weapons, both offensive and defensive, and were filled with soldiers well appointed for war. Bowing near the ship in great order, they paid their reverence to the admiral, saying that their king had sent them to conduct his ship into a safer road than that it now occupied.

[Footnote 36: This surely is a great exaggeration, employing 480 rowers to each canoe.—E.]

The king himself came soon afterwards, attended upon by six grave and ancient persons. He seemed much delighted with English music, and still more with English generosity, which the admiral expressed in large presents to him and his attendants. The king promised to come aboard again next day, and that same night sent off great store of provisions, as rice, poultry, sugar, cloves, a sort of fruit called Frigo, and Sago, which is a meal made out of the tops of trees, melting in the mouth like sugar, and tasting like sour curds, but when made into cakes will keep fit for eating at the end of ten years. The king did not come on board next day, according to promise, but sent his brother to excuse him, and: to invite the admiral on shore, while he remained as a pledge for his safe return. The admiral declined going ashore himself, but sent some gentlemen of his retinue along with the king's brother, detaining the viceroy till their return.

They were received on shore by another of the king's brothers with several nobles, and conducted in great state to the castle, where there was a court of at least a thousand persons, the principal of whom were sixty grave counsellors, and four Turkish envoys dressed in scarlet robes and turbans, who were there to negociate trade between the Turkish empire and Ternate. The king came in under a glorious canopy, embroidered with gold, and guarded by twelve men armed with lances. He was dressed in a loose robe of cloth of gold, having his legs bare, but with leather shoes or slippers on his feet. Several circular ornaments of gold were braided among his hair, a large chain of gold hung from his neck, and his fingers were adorned with rich jewels. A page stood at the right-hand side of his chair of state, blowing cool air upon him with a fan, two feet long and a foot broad, curiously embroidered, and enriched with sapphires. The English gentlemen were kindly received; and, having heard their message, he sent one of his counsellors to conduct them back to the ships. The king of Ternate is a prince of great power, having seventy islands under his authority, besides Ternate, which is the best of the Molucca islands. His religion, and that of all his subjects, is Mahometism, in obedience to which they keep the new moons and many fasts, during which they mortify the flesh all the day, but make up for their abstemiousness by feasting in the night.

Having dispatched all his affairs at Ternate, the admiral left the place, and sailed to a small island to the southwards of Celebes, where he remained twenty-six days. This island is all covered with wood, the trees being of large size, tall, straight, and without boughs, except at the top, the leaves resembling our English broom. There were here vast numbers of shining flies, no bigger than our common flies in England, which, skimming at night among the trees and bushes, made them appear as if all on fire. The bats in this island were as large as our ordinary poultry, and there was a sort of land cray-fish, which burrowed in the ground like rabbits, being so large that one of them was a sufficient meal for four persons.

Setting sail from thence, and being unable to proceed westwards on account of the wind, the course was altered to the southwards, yet with much danger, by reason of the shoals which lie thick among these islands. Of this they had most dangerous and almost fatal experience on the 9th January, 1580, by running upon a rock, on which they stuck fast from eight at night till four in the afternoon of next day. In this distress, the ship was lightened by landing three tons of cloves, eight pieces of ordnance, and some provisions on the rock; soon after which, by the wind chopping round, they happily got off.

On the 18th of February, they fell in with the fruitful island of Baratene,[37] having in the mean time suffered much from cross winds and dangerous shoals. They met with a friendly reception from the people of this island, who were handsomely proportioned, and just in all their dealings. The men wore no cloathing, except a slight covering round their middles, but the women were covered from the waist to the feet, having likewise many large heavy bracelets of bone, horn, or brass, on their arms, the smallest weighing two ounces, and having eight or ten of these on at once. This island affords gold, silver, copper, sulphur, nutmegs, ginger, long-pepper, lemons, cocoas, frigo, sago, and other commodities, and linen was found to be in much request by the natives, as of it they make girdles and rolls for wearing on their heads. Among the productions of this island, there was a particular sort of fruit, resembling barberries in size, form, and husk, very hard, yet of a pleasant taste, and becoming soft and easy of digestion when boiled. In short, they met with no place in the whole voyage that yielded greater abundance of every comfort than this island, excepting Ternate.

[Footnote 37: No circumstance in the text serves to indicate what island is here meant, except that it appears to have been to the eastward of Java.—E.]

Leaving Baratene, they sailed to Java Major, where also they were courteously and honourably entertained. This island was ruled over by six kings, who lived in entire peace and amity with each other, and they once had four of them on board at one time, and very often two or three together.[38]

[Footnote 38: The names of the kings or princes of Java, when Sir Francis Drake was there, were Rajah Donaw, R. Rabacapala, R. Bacabatra, R. Tymbanton, R. Mawgbange, and R, Patemara.—Hakluyt.]

The Javans are a stout and warlike people, well armed with swords, targets, and daggers, all of their own manufacture, and are very curious and ingenious, both in the fashion of their weapons, and in giving them an excellent temper. They wear turbans on their heads, the upper parts of their bodies being naked; but, from the waist downwards, they have a pintado, or a silken wrapper, trailing on the ground. They manage their women quite differently from the Moluccans; for, while these will hardly let them be seen by a stranger, the Javans will very civilly offer a female bedfellow to a traveller. Besides being thus civil and hospitable to strangers, they are good humoured and sociable among themselves; for in every village they have a public-house, where the inhabitants meet together, each bringing their shares of provisions, and joining the whole in one social feast for the keeping up of good fellowship.

The Javans have a peculiar mode of boiling rice. It is put into an earthen pot of a conical form, open at the large end, and perforated all over with small holes, which is placed within a larger earthen pot full of boiling water. The rice swells and fills the holes of the inner pot, so that very little water gets in, and by this mode of boiling the rice is brought to a firm consistency, and cakes into a sort of bread, of which, with butter or oil, sugar, and spices, they make several very pleasant dishes. The lues venerea prevails among the inhabitants of this island; but, instead of expelling the poison by salivation, they drive it out by perspiration, sitting for this purpose in the sun for some hours, by which the pores are opened, giving free vent to the noxious particles of the disease.

While in Java, the following words in the native language were taken notice of, and are recorded by Hukluyt.

Sabuck, silk. Gula, black sugar. Sagu, bread. Tadon, a woman. Larnike, drink. Bebeck, a duck. Paree, rice in the husk. Aniange, a deer. Braas, boiled rice. Popran, ointment. Calapa, cocoa nuts. Coar, the head. Cricke, a dagger. Endam, rain. Catcha, a mirror. Jonge, a ship. Arbo, an ox. Chay, the sea. Vados, a goat. Sapelo, ten. Gardunge, a plantain. Dopolo, twenty. Hiam, a hen. Treda no. Seuit, linen. Lau, understand you? Doduck, blue cloth. Bayer, go! Totoppo, a cap. Adadizano, I will fetch it. Cabo, gold. Suda, enough.

Having news of some great ships being at no great distance, and not knowing whether they might prove friends or enemies, the admiral set sail from Java, sailing directly for the Cape of Good Hope, which was the first land he fell in with; neither did he touch at any, till he arrived at Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea. He passed the cape on the 18th June, 1580, and by the facility of the navigation round that southern promontory of Africa, found how much the Portuguese had imposed upon the world by false representations of its horrors and dangers. He arrived at Sierra Leona on the 22d July, where were elephants, and abundance of oysters fastened on the twigs of trees, hanging down into the water, where they grow and multiply. With these, and lemons, with which they were abundantly supplied, his people were much refreshed.

After two days stay at that place, taking in a supply of wood and water, and procuring refreshments, they sailed from thence on the 24th July. Next day, they were in lat. 25 deg. 30' N. under the tropic of Cancer, fifty leagues from land. Being completely supplied with all necessaries, they continued their voyage, without stopping any where, and arrived at Plymouth on Monday the 26th of September, 1580, having been absent two years, nine months, and thirteen days. By their reckoning, the day of their arrival was only Sunday the 25th, as in going completely round the world in the same course with the sun, that luminary had risen once seldomer to them than to those who remained stationary, so that they had lost a day in their computation.

SECTION V.

Reception of Sir Francis Drake in England, and same Notices of his remaining Actions.

The fame of his return from this wonderful voyage round the world soon spread over England, and all strove to express their sense of the worthiness of Captain Drake, by praises and other testimonies of regard. Several collections were made of poems, epigrams, and songs, celebrating him and his ship in the highest strains. Yet, in the midst of almost universal applause, some endeavoured to censure his conduct, and to place this great exploit in a wrong light. These persons alleged, that his circumnavigation of the globe served only to amuse the minds of the vulgar, while the main purpose of the voyage had been plunder, of which they pretended he had acquired sufficient to exempt the nation from taxes for seven years. They also set forth, as war had not been proclaimed against Spain, that it was dangerous to own such an adventurer, lest the nation might be made to pay dearly for his prizes: For, as the merchants had great effects in Spain, their goods might possibly be seized to make good his depredations.

The Spanish ambassador also assailed him with very warm memorials, styling him the Master Thief of the Unknown World. The friends and patrons of Drake, finding themselves wounded through his sides, took all manner of pains to vindicate his conduct, alleging that he had the queen's commission and authority to justify him in making reprisals; that by so much wealth as he had brought home the nation would be enriched; that the Spaniards had already done us much injury; and, if the king of Spain were disposed to seize the effects of our merchants, the public ought to receive this treasure as an equivalent; which, were it returned, would break the spirit of our brave tars, who otherwise were more likely to humble the pride of the Spaniards.

In the mean time, matters remained long in suspense, during which Drake must have suffered considerable anxiety, lest, after all his toils abroad, he might be deemed a pirate at home. The queen long delayed to declare her sentiments, perhaps wishing to see what effects her conduct might have with the court of Spain, which was probably withheld from precipitating hostilities, by the hope of being able to recover this great treasure. To keep up this hope, she artfully consented to part with some small sums to Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador. At length, matters coming to a crisis, she threw off the veil, and giving notice to Captain Drake of her intentions, she visited him on the 4th April, 1581, on board his ship, then at Deptford, where she was magnificently entertained; and, after dinner, she was graciously pleased to confer the honour of knighthood on Captain Drake, telling him that his actions did him more honour than the title she had conferred. A prodigious crowd attended the queen on this occasion, so that the bridge laid from the ship to the shore broke down with their weight, and more than 200 persons fell into the Thames, yet no one was drowned, or even materially hurt. After this public approbation from the sovereign, all ranks of people redoubled their congratulations, and henceforward the reputation of Sir Francis Drake continually increased, so that he became a kind of oracle in maritime affairs, both to the nation and the court.—Here, strictly speaking, we ought to conclude our account of this illustrious navigator; yet it may not be amiss to give a short sketch of his succeeding actions.

The war with Spain still continuing, he went out in 1585, general by sea and land, of an expedition to the West Indies, where he took the cities of St Jago, St Domingo, and Carthagena, and the fort and town of St Augustine; returning from this expedition with great glory and advantage, the profits amounting to L60,000, after defraying all charges, of which L20,000 were divided among the seamen, and L40,000 came clear to the undertakers or adventurers. In 1587, he had the command of another fleet, with which he sailed to the bay of Cadiz, and thence to the Tagus, where he destroyed 10,000 tons of shipping, which the king of Spain had collected for the purpose of invading England. He likewise brought home the St Philip, a very rich prize, said by the writers of these times to have been the first carack ever taken and brought home to England.

In the glorious year 1588, by commission from the queen, Sir Francis Drake was appointed vice-admiral of the fleet of England, then fitted out for opposing the invincible Spanish Armada. In this arduous service, on which the independence and existence of England depended, he performed even more than his former actions gave reason to expect. In the very beginning of the fight, he captured two very large ships of war, one commanded by the Spanish vice-admiral Oquendas, and the other by Don Pedro de Valdez. This latter officer defended his ship with great gallantry for a long time; and at length, on surrendering, and delivering his sword to Sir Francis, he addressed him to the following effect: "That they had all resolved to have died fighting, if they had not fallen into his hands, whose valour and fortune were so great, that Mars and Neptune seemed to aid him in all his enterprises." To requite these Spanish compliments with solid English kindness, Sir Francis lodged Don Valdez in his own cabin, and entertained him at his table. Drake's crew were recompensed by the plunder of the Spanish ship, in which were found 55,000 ducats in gold, which they joyfully shared. Sir Francis performed many other signal services on this memorable occasion against the Armada, and particularly distinguished himself by advising the employment of fire-ships, which some have alleged he then invented.

He was next year admiral of a great fleet, sent to Portugal for the purpose of restoring Don Antonio to the throne of that kingdom. This expedition, though it did not succeed in its grand object, occasioned considerable damage to Spain, on which it retorted the compliment of an invasion, and by which it was rendered unable to repeat another attempt of the same nature. On the whole, therefore, Sir Francis spoiled no less than three Spanish invasions. In 1595, he went upon another conjunct expedition against the Spanish West Indies, in which he performed signal services; but aiming at still greater, and being unsuccessful, he died in the harbour of Porto Bello, on the 28th of January, 1596, as is said, of a broken heart, occasioned by his disappointment. His body, being put into a leaden coffin, was committed to the deep, under a general discharge of all the artillery of the fleet. In his person, though of low stature, Sir Francis Drake was well made, with a fresh and fair complexion, having large lively eyes, light-brown hair, and an open cheerful countenance. He was naturally eloquent, gracefully expressing what he clearly conceived. He was thoroughly versant, not only in the practical part of his profession, but in all the sciences connected with it, being able to discharge all the offices necessary in a ship as occasion required, even that of the surgeon. In his conduct as a naval commander he was skilful and valiant, just to his owners, kind to his seamen, loyal to his sovereign, and merciful to his enemies after victory. His many glorious exploits justly entitle him to high fame; and he died, at fifty-five, in the ardent pursuit of glory, in the cause of his queen and country.

* * * * *

The fame of this Voyage round the World, with the wealth brought home by Sir Francis Drake, and the desire of rivalling him in riches and reputation, inspired numbers of young men of all ranks with the inclination of trying their fortunes at sea. Men of rank and fortune fitted out ships at their own expence, manning them with their dependants. Others, in lower situations, hazarded their persons as subaltern officers in these ships, or in men-of-war belonging to the queen. This spirit grew to such a height, that honest John Stowe informs us that there were many youths, from eighteen to twenty years of age, towards the close of Queen Elizabeth's reign, who were capable of taking charge of any ship, and navigating to most parts of the world.

So alarmed were the Spaniards by the courage and conduct of Sir Francis, and his maritime skill, that they ordered that no draughts or discourses should be published of their discoveries in America, lest they might fall into his hands. What most surprised them was, that he should find his way so easily through the Straits of Magellan, which they had hitherto been unable to perform. They therefore resolved immediately to have these straits completely explored and discovered, by means of ships fitted out in Peru. For this purpose, Don Pedro Sarmiento, who was thought the best seaman in the Spanish service, was sent from Lima, and actually passed from the South Sea into the Atlantic, and thence to Spain. He there proposed to plant a colony in the straits, and to fortify them in such a manner as might prevent all other nations from passing through them. This project was so well relished by Philip II that a fleet of twenty-three ships was fitted out, with 3,500 men, under the command of Don Diego Floris de Valdez; and Sarmiento, with 500 veterans, was appointed to form a settlement in the straits.

This fleet was extremely unfortunate, insomuch that it was between two and three years before Sarmiento arrived with his people in the straits of Magellan. On the north side, and near the eastern entrance, he built a town and fort, which he named Nombre de Jesus, and in which he left a garrison of 150 men. Fifteen leagues farther on, at the narrowest part of the straits, and in lat. 53 deg. 18' S.[39] he established his principal settlement, which he named Ciudad del Rey Felippe, or the City of King Philip. This was a regularly fortified square fortress, having four bastions; and is said to have been in all respects one of the best-contrived settlements ever made by the Spaniards in America. At this place Sarmiento left a garrison of 400 men and thirty women, with provisions for eight months, and then returned into the Atlantic. These transactions took place in the years 1584, 5, and 6. Sarmiento, after several fruitless attempts to succour and relieve his colony, was taken by an English vessel, and sent prisoner to London.

[Footnote 39: The Narrows of the Hope are eighteen leagues of Castile, or about forty-eight English miles from Cape Virgin, the northern cape at the eastern mouth of the straits, in lat. 52 deg. 5' S. long. 69 deg. W. from Greenwich.—E.]

The Spanish garrison, having consumed all their provisions, died mostly of hunger, perhaps aided by the scurvy, in their new city. Twenty-three men quitted it, endeavouring to find their way by land to the Spanish settlements, but are supposed to have all perished by the way, as they were never more heard of. Sarmiento fell into discredit with the king of Spain, for deceiving him as to the breadth of the straits, which he asserted did not exceed a mile over; whereas the king was certainly informed that they were a league broad, and therefore incapable of being shut up by any fortifications. However this may be, even supposing the report of Sarmiento true, and that his fortress could have commanded the straits, even this could have proved of little or no service to Spain, as another passage into the South Sea was discovered soon afterwards, without the necessity of going near these straits.

SECTION VI.

First Supplement to the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake; being on Account of Part of the foregoing Navigation, by Nuno da Silva.[40]

Nuna da Silva, born in Oporto, a citizen and inhabitant of Guaia, saith, that on the 19th January, 1578, while at anchor with his ship in the harbour of St Jago, one of the Cape de Verd islands, he was made prisoner by the admiral of six English ships, and detained because discovered to be a pilot for the coast of Brazil. Setting sail, therefore, with the said admiral from Brava, they held their course for the land of Brazil, which they descried on the first April, being in the latitude of 30 deg. S. whence they held on their course for the Rio Plata, where they provided themselves with fresh water.

[Footnote 40: Hakluyt, IV. 246.—This narrative was written by Nuno da Silva, the Portuguese pilot who accompanied Sir Francis Drake from the Cape Verd islands to Guatalco on the western coast of New Spain, and was sent from the city of Mexico to the viceroy of Portuguese India, in 1579.—E.]

From thence they proceeded to the latitude of 39 deg. S. where they anchored. They here left two of their ships behind them, and continued on with four only, that which had formerly belonged to Nuno being one of these. They next came into a bay, in lat. 49 deg. S. called Bahia de las Ilhas, or the Bay of Islands, where Magellan is said to have wintered with his ships, when he went to discover the straits which now bear his name. They entered this bay on the 20th June, and anchored within musket-shot of the shore. They here found Indians cloathed in skins, their legs downwards from the knees, and their arms below the elbows, being naked. These Indians were a subtle, great, and well-formed race, strong, and tall in stature, being armed with bows and arrows. Six of the English going here on shore to fetch water, four of the Indians came into their boat before they landed, to whom the Englishmen gave bread and wine; after eating and drinking of which heartily they went on shore, and when at some distance, one of them cried to them, and said, Magallanes! este he minha terra; that is, Magellan, this is my country. Being followed by the sailors, they slew two of them with their arrows; one of whom was an Englishman, and the other a Hollander; on which the others made their escape to the boat, and put off from the shore.

Leaving this place on the 17th of August, they came to the mouth of the straits on the 21st or 22d, but did not enter them till the 24th, owing to the wind being contrary. The entry into the straits is about a league in breadth, both sides being naked flat land. Some Indians were seen on the north side, making great fires; but none appeared on the south side of the straits. This strait is about 110 leagues long, and a league in breadth; and for about half-way through, is straight and without turnings; from thence, to about eight or ten leagues from the farther end, it has some capes and turnings, at one of which there is a great cape or head-land, which seems as if it went down to join the southern land; and here the passage is less than a league across, after which it again runs straight. Although there are thus some crooks and turnings, none of them are of any importance, or any dangerous obstacle. The western issue of these straits, about eight or ten leagues before coming out, begins to grow broader, and is then all high-land on both sides to the end; as likewise all the way, after getting eight leagues in from the eastern entrance, the shores along these first eight leagues being low. In the entry to the straits, we found the stream to run from the South Sea to the North Sea, or Atlantic.

After beginning to sail into the straits, with the wind at E.N.E. they passed along without let or hindrance either of wind or weather, and because the land on both sides was high, and covered with snow, the whole navigation being fair and clear of shoals or rocks, they held their course the whole way within musket-shot of the north-side, having always nine or ten fathoms water on good ground; so that everywhere there was anchorage if need were. The hills on both sides were covered with trees, which in some places reached to the edge of the sea, where there were plains and flat lands. They saw not any large rivers, but some small brooks or streams that issued from rifts or clefts of the land. In the country beside the great cape and bending of the strait, some Indians were seen on the south side, fishing in their skiffs or canoes, being similar to those formerly seen on the north side at the entrance into the straits; and these were the only natives seen on the south side during the whole passage.

Being out of the straits on the eastern side on the 6th of September, they held their course N.W. for three days, and on the third day they had a storm at N.E. which drove them W.S.W. for ten or twelve days with few sails up; after which, the storm increasing, they took in all their sails, and drove under bare poles till the 30th September. Having lost sight of one of their ships, of about 100 tons, and the wind growing more moderate, they hoisted sail, holding their course N.E. for seven days, at the end of which they came in sight of certain islands, for which they steered, meaning to have anchored among them, but the weather would not permit; and the wind coming N.W. they made sail to the W.S.W. Next day they lost sight of another ship, in very foul weather; so that the admiral was now left alone, as my ship had been left in the bay where they remained some time before entering the straits. With this new storm of adverse wind, they had to proceed southwards, till they came into the latitude of 57 deg. S. where they entered a bay in an island, and anchored in twenty fathoms, about a cannon-shot from the shore. After remaining here three or four days, the wind changed to the south, and they again made sail to the northwards for two days, when a small uninhabited island was descried, where they procured many birds and seals.

Next day they again proceeded, holding their course N. and N.N.E. and came to the island of Mocha, in 38 deg. 30 S. five or six leagues from the main, where they anchored in twelve fathoms, a quarter of a league from the shore. This island is small and low land, all full of Indians. Here the admiral and twelve Englishmen landed, on purpose to seek fresh water and provisions, and bought two sheep in exchange of other things from the Indians, together with a little maize, and some roots of which the Indians make bread; and being now late, went on board ship for the night. Next day the admiral again landed with twelve men armed with muskets, and sent two men with vessels to fetch water. Some Indians lay in ambush at the watering-place, who suddenly fell upon the two Englishmen, and made them prisoners; which being perceived by the admiral and those with him, they advanced to rescue their companions, but were so sore assailed by stones and arrows, that all or most of them were hurt, the admiral receiving two wounds from arrows, one in his face and the other on his head; so that they were compelled to retreat to their boat, without hurting any of the Indians, who were so bold as even to carry away four of their oars.

They sailed from hence along the coast to the northwards, with a southern wind, for six days, passing the harbour of St Jago, and put into another haven, where they took an Indian, who was fishing in a canoe, giving him some linen, knives, and other trifles. Not long after there came another Indian to the ship, whose name was Felippe, and who spoke Spanish. He gave notice to the English admiral of a certain ship being in the harbour of St Jago, which they had overpassed six leagues. So, taking this Indian as their guide, they went back to St Jago, where they took the said ship, in which were 1770 botijas, or Spanish pots, full of wine, besides other commodities. They then landed, and took a quantity of sacks of meal, and whatever else they could find, taking also the ornaments and relics from the church. They departed then from thence, taking with them the captured ship, with two of her men, running along the coast till they came to the latitude of between 30 deg. and 31 deg. S. where they had appointed to meet, in case of separation. They here anchored right over against a river, whence they filled six butts of fresh water, having twelve armed men on land to defend those who filled the casks. While busied in this work, they saw a company of armed men coming towards them, half Spaniards and half Indians, being about 250 horse and as many foot, on which they made all haste to get into their boat, escaping with the loss of one man.

They set sail again that same night, going about ten leagues farther along the coast, where they took in some more fresh water, but were soon obliged to quit this place also, by the appearance of some horsemen. Proceeding thirty leagues farther along the coast, still to the northwards, they went into a bay or haven, in a desert or uninhabited place, but seeing some persons daily on the shore, they did not venture to land. At this place, the English put together the pieces of a small pinnace, which they had brought ready framed with them from England. Having launched this pinnace, the English captain went into her with fifteen men, accompanied by John the Greek, who was chief boatswain, being master of the ship formerly taken in the harbour of St Jago. At this time they went to look for the two vessels they had parted from formerly in a storm, and also in hopes of being able to procure fresh water; but seeing always persons on shore, they durst not land, and returned again to the ship without hearing of their other ships. They now took all the ordnance out of their ship, and new dressed and rigged her; after which, arming the pinnace with a small piece of ordnance, they resumed their course to the northwards.

Having sailed thirteen days, they came to an island about the shot of a culverin from the main, where four fishermen told them of fresh water on the main; but understanding it was but scanty, and somewhat distant from the shore, they continued their course. Next day they espied some fishers houses on shore, when the English captain landed and took three of the fishers, taking away half of the fish that lay packed on the shore. The day following they took a bark laden with fish belonging to the Spaniards, in which were four Indians, and bound it by a rope to the stem of their ships; but the Indians in the night cut her loose, and went away. Next day the English captain went ashore to certain houses, where he found 3000 pezos of silver, each being equal to a rial of eight, or Spanish dollar; getting also seven Indian sheep, some hens, and other articles, all of which he brought on board, and resumed his voyage. Two days after, going to the harbour of Arica, they found two ships, one of which was laden with goods and Spanish wares, out of which they only took 200 botijas, or pots of wine, and from the other thirty-seven bars of silver, each weighing ten or twelve pounds. They meant also to have landed at this place; but seeing some horsemen coming towards them, they desisted.

Next morning they burnt the ship which was laden with Spanish wares, and took the other along with them, continuing their course, the captain sailing along shore in the pinnace, while the ship kept about a league farther out to sea, going in search of a ship of which they had intelligence. After sailing in this manner about forty-five leagues, they found the ship of which they were in search, at anchor in a haven; but having intelligence a few hours before, of an English pirate or sea-rover, she had landed 800 bars of silver belonging to the king of Spain; but the English durst not go on shore to search for it, as many Spaniards and Indians stood there as a well-armed guard. They found nothing, therefore, in this ship except three pipes of water. Taking this ship out to sea about a league, they hoisted all her sails and let her drive, doing the like with the ship they took at Arica, and that also they had taken at St Jago, continuing their course with their own ship and pinnace.

When about seven leagues from Calao de Lima, they spied three ships, one of which they boarded, and took three men out of her, and then continued their course for Calao, which haven they entered about two or three hours after night-fall, sailing in among the middle of seventeen ships which lay there at anchor. Being among these ships, they enquired for the ship which had the silver on board; but learning that all the silver had been carried on shore, they cut the cables of all the ships and the masts of the two largest, and so left them. At this time, there arrived a ship from Panama, laden with Spanish wares and merchandise, which anchored close by the English ship, while the English captain was searching among the other ships for the silver. When the ship of Panama was anchored, a boat came off from the shore to examine her, but coming in the dark to the English ship, was told by one of the Spanish prisoners she was the ship of Michael Angelo from Chili; on which one of the Spaniards from the boat came up the side, but coming upon one of her cannon, he was afraid and they made off, as the ships in these seas carry no guns. The Panama ship hearing of this, cut her cables and put to sea; which being perceived by the English, who were close by, they followed in their pinnace. On getting up with her, the English called out for them to surrender, but the Spaniards killed one of their men by a musket-shot, on which the pinnace returned. The English ship then set sail and overtook the Spanish ship, when the crew took to their boat and escaped on shore, leaving their ship to the English, who took her, and continued her course to the northwards.

Next day the English saw a boat under sail making towards them, which they suspected to be a spy, and soon afterwards perceived two great ships coming to meet them, which they supposed had been sent on purpose to fight them. On this they cast loose the Panama ship, in which they left John the Greek and two men they had taken the night before in Calao harbour; and then made all sail, not once setting eye again upon the two great ships, which made direct for the Panama ship. The English continued their course to the northwards along the coast; and some days afterwards met a frigate or small vessel bound for Lima, laden with wares and merchandise of the country, whence the English took a lamp and fountain of silver. They enquired of the people in this ship if they had met a ship, which they understood was laden with silver; on which one pilot said he had not seen any such, while another said he had met her about three days before. This frigate was taken by the pinnace, in which the English captain sailed close by the shore, the English ship keeping about a league and a half from land. On receiving this information, the English let the frigate go, and continued their course to the northwards.

Two days afterwards, they came to the harbour of Payta, where they found a ship laden with Spanish wares, which was boarded and taken by the pinnace, without resistance, most of the crew escaping on shore. From this ship, the English took the pilot, with all the bread and other provisions. About two days after, they boarded a ship belonging to Panama, from which they only took a negro. Next day, being the 1st February, they met another ship of Panama, laden with fish and other victuals, having also forty bars of silver and some gold, but I know not how much, which they took, sending the passengers in a boat to the land, among whom were two friars. Next day, the English captain hanged a man of the Panama ship, for secreting two plates of gold, which were found about him, after which that ship was turned adrift.

Towards noon of the 1st March, they descried the ship laden with silver, being then about four leagues to seawards of them: and, as the English ship sailed somewhat heavily, being too much by the head, they hung a quantity of botijas, or Spanish earthen pots which had contained oil, and now filled with water, over the stern of their ship, to give her a better trim and to improve her sailing. The treasure ship, thinking the English vessel had been one of those which usually sail upon that coast, made towards her, and when near, the English captain hailed her to surrender: As the Spanish captain refused, the English fired some cannons, by one of which the Spanish ship's mast was shot over board, and her master being wounded by an arrow, she presently yielded. Thereupon the English took possession of her, and sailed with her directly out to sea all that night, and the next day and night. Being entirely out of sight of land, they began to search their prize on the third day, removing her cargo into their own ship, being 1300 bars or wedges of silver, and fourteen chests of rials of eight, besides some gold, but how much of that I know not, only that the passengers said there was great store. They told me also, that 300 of the silver bars belonged to the king, and all the rest to the merchants. That done, they allowed the ship to go away with all her men, putting into her the three pilots they had hitherto carried with them.

From thence they sailed onwards for Nicaragua, and descried land about the 13th March, being an island named Canno, not very high, about two leagues from the main land, where they found a small bay, in which they anchored in five fathoms close to the shore, remaining there till the 20th. On that day a bark passed close to the land, which was captured by the English pinnace, being laden with sarsaparilla, and botijas or pots of butter and honey, with other things. Throwing all the sarsaparilla overboard, the English removed all their cannon into this bark, and then laid their own ship on shore to new caulk and trim her bottom. This being done, and taking in a supply of wood and water, they held their course along shore to the westwards, taking the Spanish bark along with them. After two days, they removed the men from her, giving them the pinnace. Among these were four sailors, bound for Panama, meaning to go thence for China, one of whom had many letters and patents, among which were letters from the king of Spain to the governor of the Philippines, as also the charts which are used in that voyage.

Continuing their course, the English descried, on the 6th of April, a ship about two leagues out to sea, which they took early next morning, in which was Don Francisco Xarate. Continuing their course, they came to the haven of Guatalco on Monday the 13th April, where they remained at anchor till the 26th of that month, on which day they sailed to the westwards, putting me, Nuno da Silva, on board a ship then in the said harbour of Guatalco.

SECTION VII.

Second Supplement, being the Voyage of Mr John Winter, after parting from Sir Francis Drake.[41]

We passed Cape Deseado into the South Sea on the 6th September, 1578, and run to the N.W. about 70 leagues, when the wind turned directly against us, with extremely foul weather, as rain, hail, snow, and thick fogs, and so continued for more than three weeks, during which time we could bear no sail, and were driven into the latitude of 57 deg. S. On the 15th September, the moon was eclipsed, beginning to be darkened immediately after sun-set, about six in the evening, being then the vernal equinox in this southern hemisphere. This eclipse happened in England on the 16th before one in the morning, which is about six hours difference, agreeing to one quarter of the circumference of the globe, from the meridian of England to the west.

[Footnote 41: Hakluyt, IV. 253.—This narrative is said to have been written by Edward Cliffe, mariner. Only so much of the narrative is given here as relates to the voyage of Winter, after parting from Sir Francis Drake. One circumstance only may be mentioned, respecting the Patagons.—"These men be of no such stature as the Spaniards report, being but of the height of Englishmen; for I have seen men in England taller than I could see any of them. Peradventure the Spaniards did not think that any Englishmen would have come hither so soon, to have disproved them in this and divers others of their notorious lies; wherefore they presumed more boldly to abuse the world."—Yet even recent voyagers have presumed to abuse the world, with reporting that the Patagons are of gigantic stature.—E.]

The last of September, being a very foul night, we lost the Marigold, a bark of about thirty tons, the Pelican, which was our general's ship, and our ship the Elizabeth running to the eastwards, to get to the land. Of this we got sight on the 7th October, falling into a very dangerous bay, full of rocks; and that same night we lost company of Mr Drake. Next day, very difficultly escaping from the dangerous rocks among which we were embayed, we got again into the Straits of Magellan, where we anchored in an open bay for two days, making great fires on the shore, that Mr Drake might find us, if he also came into the straits.

We then went into a sound, where we remained about three weeks, naming it The Port of Health, as most of our men, having been sick with long watching, wet, cold, and bad diet, did wonderfully recover their health here in a short space, for which praised be God. We found here muscles of very great size, some being twenty inches long, yielding very pleasant meat, and many of them full of seed pearls. We came out of this harbour on the 1st November, abandoning our voyage by compulsion of Mr. Winter, sore against the will of the mariners. Mr. Winter alleged that he despaired of having winds to carry him to the coast of Peru, and was also in fear that Mr. Drake had perished. So we went back again to the eastwards through the straits, to St. George's island, where we laid in a quantity of a certain kind of fowl, very plentiful in that island, the meat of which is not much unlike that of a fat English goose. They have no wings, but only short pinions, which serve them in swimming, being of a black colour, mixed with white spots on their bellies and round their necks. They walk so upright, that they seem afar like little children; and when approached they conceal themselves in holes under ground, not very deep, of which the island is full. To take them, we used sticks having hooks fastened at one end, with which we pulled them out, while other men stood by with cudgels to knock them on the head; for they bit so cruelly with their hooked bills, that we could not handle them when alive.[42]

[Footnote 42: It is almost unnecessary to remark that these were penguins.—E.]

Departing from St. George's island, we passed Cape Virgin[43] on the 11th November, going out of the straits into the southern Atlantic ocean, and directed our course to the N.E. till the last day of that month, when we arrived at an island in the mouth of the Rio de la Plata, or River of Silver. On this island there is an incredible number of seals, some of which are sixteen feet long, not fearing the approach of men. Most of our men were ashore in this island for fifteen days, setting up a pinnace; during which time the seals would often come and sleep beside our men, rather resisting them than giving place, unless when mortal blows forced them to yield. Having finished our pinnace, we went to another island, where we watered, and afterwards departed on the 1st January, 1579. We went to the northwards till the 20th of that month, when we came to an island on the coast of Brazil, near a town called St Vincent, inhabited by the Portuguese, which is in lat. 24 deg. S. Here we lost our pinnace in foul weather, together with her crew of eight men. And here also our ship was in great danger, in consequence of a strong current, which almost forced her on shore before we were aware, so that we had to drop anchor in the open sea, broke our cable and lost our anchor, and had to let fell another, in weighing which afterwards our men were sore distressed; for, owing to the heaving of the ship with the sea, the capstan ran round with so much violence as to throw the men from the bars, dashed out the brains of one man, broke the leg of another, and severely hurt several more. At length we hove up our anchor, and ran to a place called Tanay. where we rode under the lee of an island, whence we had a supply of wood and water.

[Footnote 43: Called Cape Victory by Mr Cliffe.—E.]

While at this place, three Portuguese came aboard in a canoe, desiring to know who we were and what we wanted. Our captain made answer, that we were Englishmen, and had brought commodities with us for their country, if they would trade with us, at which they seemed much surprised, as they said they had never before heard of any English ship being in that country. So they went ashore, taking one of our men with them to speak with the governor of the town, while we detained one of the Portuguese as a pledge. Soon after there came another canoe on board, in which was one Portuguese, all the rest being naked natives of the country. From this man we had two small oxen, a young hog, and several fowls, with pome-citrons, lemons, oranges, and other fruits, for which our captain gave them linen cloth, combs, knives, and other articles of small value. In the mean time, the governor of the town sent word that we should have nothing, unless the ship was brought into the harbour, to which our captain would not consent, lest they might betray us.

Receiving back our man, and returning the Portuguese pledge, we went afterwards to the island of St. Sebastian, where we took fish. At this place the Portuguese would have betrayed us, had not a Brasilian slave informed us by signs, that they were coming in canoes to take us, as it actually fell out: For, next morning, they came on in twelve or fourteen canoes, some of these having forty men; but being on our guard they retired. That same night, two of our men carried away our boat, deserting to the Portuguese. Leaving this place, we had sight of Cape St Augustine in lat. 8 deg. S. We afterwards had sight of the isle of Fernando Noronha, within three degrees of the equator. We crossed the line on the 13th of April, and got sight of the north star on the 19th of that month.

From the 1st to the 5th of May, we sailed about 100 leagues through the Sea of Weeds, under the tropic of Cancer. Holding our course from thence to the N.E. till we were in lat. 47 deg. N. we changed our course on the 22nd May to E.N.E. The 29th of May we had soundings in seventy fathoms on white ooze, being then in lat. 51 deg. N. The 30th of May we got sight of St Ives on the north coast of Cornwall, and arrived on the 2nd of June at Ilfracomb, in Devonshire.



CHAPTER III.

VOYAGE OF SIR THOMAS CANDISH ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1586—1588.[44]

INTRODUCTION.

It was the constant policy, during the reign of queen Elizabeth, to encourage, as much as possible, the flame of public spirit in private individuals, by shewing the utmost readiness on all occasions to honour all who performed any remarkable service to their country, though sparing of such marks of favour on other occasions. By this wise conduct, and by her frequent public discourses on the glory resulting from an active life, she excited many of the young nobility, and gentlemen of easy fortunes, to hazard their persons and estates in the public service, exciting a desire of fame even among the wealthy, and by this means uniting the rich, who desired to purchase honour, and the indigent, who sought to procure the means of living, in the same pursuits. It thus happened in her reign, that such men were of most use to their country, as are scarcely of any utility in other reigns; for, merit being then the only recommendation at court, those were most forward to expose themselves in generous undertakings, who would at any other time have thought themselves excused from such dangers and fatigues.

[Footnote 44: Hakluyt, IV. 816. Harris, Col. I. 23. Callender, Voy. I. 424. The earliest account of this voyage, according to the Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages, I. 113, appears to have been published in Dutch at Amsterdam, in folio, in 1598. But must assuredly have been a translation from the English.—E.]

Thus the earls of Cumberland and Essex, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Robert Dudley, and, many other persons of rank and fortune, employed great sums of money, and exposed themselves to the greatest dangers, in expeditions against the Spaniards, making discoveries in distant parts of the world, and planting colonies, which were the glory of those times. Among these, no one distinguished himself more than the gentleman whose voyage forms the subject of this chapter: whether we consider the expence he incurred, the difficulties he encountered, or the success of his enterprise; all of which proceeded from that greatness of mind and ardent desire of fame, which taught him to despise danger and to encounter fatigue, at an age when most men of fortune think the season of youth a sufficient excuse for the indulgence of luxury and ease.

Thomas Candish, or Cavendish, of Trimley, in the county of Suffolk, Esquire, was a gentleman of an honourable family and large estate, which lay in the neighbourhood of Ipswich, then a place of very considerable trade. This circumstance gave him an early inclination for the sea, which he gratified as soon as he came of age, by selling part of his estate, and employing the money in equipping a stout bark of 120 tons, called the Tiger, in which he accompanied Sir Richard Greenvile in his voyage to Virginia in 1585. In this expedition he underwent many dangers and difficulties, without any profit, but returned safe to Falmouth on the 6th October of the same year. This want of success did not discourage him from undertaking still greater and more hazardous expeditions. Having, in his voyage to Virginia, seen a considerable part of the Spanish West Indies, and conversed with some persons who had sailed with Sir Francis Drake in, his circumnavigation, he became desirous of undertaking a similar voyage, as well for repairing the loss he had sustained in this first expedition, as to emulate that great and fortunate commander, who was now raised to the highest honours in his profession.

Returning home, therefore, he immediately applied himself to make such preparations as were necessary for the accomplishment of his new design; and either sold or mortgaged his estate, to procure a sufficient sum for building and equipping two such ships as he deemed requisite for the voyage; using such diligence, that his carpenters were at work upon his largest ship within a month, and in six months more his little squadron was entirely finished, and completely supplied with every necessary for the voyage.

The narrative of this voyage is chiefly taken from that given by Harris, compared and corrected from that in the collection of Hakluyt, which is said to have been written by Mr. Francis Pretty of Eye, in Suffolk, a gentleman who sailed, in the expedition. In Hakluyt, this circumnavigation is thus styled:—"The admirable and prosperous voyage of the worshipful Mr. Thomas Candish of Trimley, in the county of Suffolk, Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole earth, began in the year of our Lord 1586, and finished 1588."

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Pacific.

The larger ship of this little squadron was named the Desire, of 140 tons burden, and the lesser the Content of 60 tons, to which was added a bark of 40 tons, called the Hugh Gallant, all supplied at his own expence with two years provisions, and manned with 123 officers and men, most of them men of experience, and some of whom had served under Sir Francis Drake. For their better encouragement, he entered into a fair agreement with them, with respect to the proportions in which all prizes should be shared among them. He was likewise careful in providing maps, sea charts, and draughts, and all such accounts as could be procured of voyages already made into those parts which he intended to visit. Likewise, by means of his patron, Lord Hansdon, the lord-chamberlain, he procured a commission from Queen Elizabeth.

Having thus completed his preparations, he set out from London on the 10th July, 1586, for Harwich, where he embarked in the Desire, and sailed thence for Plymouth, where he arrived on the 18th, and waited there for some of his company till the 21st of that month, when he hoisted sail on his intended voyage. On the 25th of that month, one Mr. Hope died, of a wound received in a duel, during their stay at Plymouth. Next day, they fell in with five ships of Biscay, well manned, coming, as they supposed, from the great bank of Newfoundland, which attacked the Desire; but Mr. Candish gave them so warm a reception, that they were glad to sheer off, and continued their course without giving him any farther disturbance. As it grew dark, and he feared losing sight of his consorts, Mr. Candish did not continue the chase.

They fell in with the island of Fuertaventura, on the 1st August, whence they sailed for Rio del Oro and Cape Blanco, and thence along the coast of Guinea, with which navigation Mr Brewer, who sailed in the Desire, was well acquainted. The men now began to complain much of the scurvy, wherefore it was resolved to put them on shore for their recovery on the first opportunity. They made Sierra Leona on the 23d of August, and reached its southern side on the 25th, where they had five fathoms at the lowest ebb; having had for about fourteen leagues, while running into this harbour, from eight to sixteen fathoms. At this place they destroyed a negro town, because the inhabitants had killed one of their men with a poisoned arrow. Some of the men went four miles up the harbour in a boat, on the 3d September, where they caught plenty of fish; and going on shore, procured some lemons. They saw also some buffaloes, on their return to the ship. The 6th they went out of the harbour of Sierra Leona, and staid one tide three leagues from the point at its mouth, the tide there flowing S.W.

The 7th they departed for one of the islands which lie about ten leagues from the point of Sierra Leona, called the Banana isles,[45] and anchored that same day off the principal isle, on which they only found a few plantains. At the east end of this island they found a town, but no inhabitants, and concluded that the negroes sometimes resort thither, by seeing the remains of their provisions. There is no fresh water on the south side of this island that they could find; but there is in three or four places on its north side. The whole island was one entire wood, except a few small cleared spots where some huts stood, and these were encompassed by plantain-trees, the fruit of which is an excellent food. This place is subject to severe thunder-storms, with much rain, in September.

[Footnote 45: Harris erroneously names these the islands of Cape Verd, which are at a vast distance from Sierra Leona. The Banana isles are in lat. 8 deg. N. and long. 12 deg. 30' W. from Greenwich. In Hakluyt these are called the isles of Madrabumba, and are said to be ten leagues from the point of Sierra Leona.—E.]

Leaving these islands and the African coast on the 10th September, and holding their course W.S.W. obliquely across the Atlantic, they fell in with a great mountain in Brazil, on the 31st of October, twenty-four leagues from Cape Frio. This mountain has a high round top, shewing from afar like a little town. On the 1st November, they stood in between the island of St Sebastian and the main; where they carried their things on shore, and erected a forge, and built a pinnace, repairing also every thing that was out of order, in which work they were detained till the 23d of November. Sailing from this place on the 26th, they fell in with the coast of South America again in lat. 47 deg. 20' S. whence they proceeded along shore till they came to lat. 48 deg. S. finding a steep beach all along. On the 27th of November they came to a harbour, into which Candish first entered, giving it the name of Port Desire, from that of his ship.[46] Near this harbour they found an island or two well stocked with seals, and another in which there were vast numbers of grey gulls.[47]

[Footnote 46: As laid down in modern maps, the latitude of Port Desire is only 47 deg. 15' S.]

[Footnote 47: Probably penguins.—E.]

This haven of Port Desire was found very favourable for careening and graving of ships, as the tide there ebbed and flowed considerably. At this place the savages wounded two of the Englishmen with their arrows, which were made of canes or reeds, tipt with sharpened flints. These savage natives of the country round Port Desire were exceedingly wild and rude, and as it would seem of a gigantic race, as the measure of one of their foot marks was eighteen inches long.[48] This agrees well with the assertion of Magellan, though some pains have been taken to represent that as fabulous. Magellan called this country Patagonia, and its inhabitants Patagons, meaning to signify that they were five cubits, or seven feet and a half high. Hence, as the Portuguese are not commonly very tall, we need not wonder if they styled them giants. If we take the usual proportion of the human foot, as between a fifth and a sixth part of the height of the whole body, the account given by Magellan agrees very exactly with this fact afforded us by Mr Candish; and it will be seen in the sequel, that this is not falsified by any of our subsequent navigators. When any of these savages die, he is buried in a grave constructed of stones near the sea-side, all his darts being fastened about his tomb, and his treasure, consisting of shells, laid under his head.

[Footnote 48: Without meaning to impugn the received opinion, that the Patagons are beyond the ordinary size of man, it may be permitted to say, that the evidence, in the text, the only one here adduced, is altogether inconclusive; and the subsequent reflections are evidently those of Harris, not of Candish.—E.]

They left Port Desire on the 28th December, and anchored near an island three leagues to the southward. The 30th they came to a rock, much like the Eddystone at Plymouth, about five leagues off the land, in lat 48 deg. 30' S. and within a mile of it had soundings in eight fathoms, on rocky ground. Continuing their course along shore S.S.W. they found vast numbers of seals every where on the coast. January 2d, 1587, they fell in with a great white cape in lat. 52 deg. S. and had seven fathoms within a league of the cape. Next day they came to another cape, in lat. 52 deg. 45' S. whence runs a long beach about a league to the southwards, reaching to the opening into the Straits of Magellan.[49] January 6th, they entered the straits, which they found in some places five or six leagues wide, but in others considerably narrower. The 7th, between the mouth of the straits and its narrowest part, they took a Spaniard, who had been left there with twenty-three others of that nation, being all that remained alive of four hundred, who had been landed three years before in these straits. This Spaniard shewed them the hull of a small bark, supposed to have been left by Sir Francis Drake.

[Footnote 49: The cape at the north side of the eastern entrance into the Straits of Magellan, is named Cape Virgin, and is in lat 52 deg. 28' S. The great white cape in lat. 52 deg. S. is not so easily ascertained. Cape Blanco, on this coast, is in lat. 47 deg. S. which cannot have any reference to the white cape of the text.—E.]

The eastern mouth of the straits is in lat. 52 deg. S. From thence to the narrowest part is fourteen leagues W. by N. From thence to Penguin Island is ten leagues W.S.W. by S. They anchored at Penguin Island on the 8th January, where they killed and salted a great store of seals, to serve as sea provisions in case of need. Leaving this place on the 9th, they sailed S.S.W. The fortress built in these straits by the Spaniards, called Ciudad del Rey Felippe, had four bulwarks or bastions, in each of which was one large cannon, all of which had been buried, and their carriages left standing. The English dug them all up, and carried them away. Tins city seemed to have been well contrived, especially in its situation in regard to wood and water; but miserable was the life this forlorn remnant of Spaniards had endured for the last two years, during which they had hardly been able to procure any other food than a scanty supply of shell-fish, except when they had the good fortune to surprise a deer, coming down from the mountains in search of water.

The object of the Spaniards, in erecting this fortress, was to have fortified the straits, so as to have excluded all other nations from any passage into the South Sea: but, besides the barrenness of the soil, and excessive severity of the climate their most implacable enemies, the Indians, frequently assailed them, so that they were reduced to the last extremity of distress. All the stores they had brought from Spain were expended, and none could be procured in the country, which produced nothing but deer, and when hunting these for the preservation of their lives, they were sure to be fallen upon by the Indians. At length almost all the Spaniards died in their houses, and the stench of the putrefying carcasses became so intolerable to the few survivors, that they were forced to quit the fortress, and to range along the seacoast living upon roots, leaves, and sea weeds, or any animals they could occasionally fall in with. In this miserable extremity they had determined to attempt exploring their way to the Rio Plata, and were already on their way, when this Spaniard was taken by the English.

Mr Candish named the haven where the fortress stood Port Famine, owing to the utter want of all necessaries. It is in lat. 53 deg. S. Leaving this place on the 14th, they ran five leagues S.W. to Cape Froward, in the southernmost part of the straits, in lat. 54 deg. S. Sailing five leagues W. by N. from this cape, they put into a bay, called Muscle Cove, from the great quantities of muscles found there. Leaving that place on the 21st, and sailing N. by W. ten leagues, they came to a fair bay, which Candish named Elizabeth Bay. Leaving that place on the 22d, they found a good river two leagues farther on, up which a boat was towed for three miles. The country about this river was pleasant and level, but all the other land on both sides of the straits was rugged, mountainous, and rocky, inhabited by a strong and well-made, but very brutish kind of savages, who are said to have eaten many of the Spaniards, and seemed much disposed to have feasted also on English flesh; but they failed in their attempts to circumvent them. Discovering a plot laid by these savages to entrap him and his men, Candish gave them a volley of musquetry, which slew several of them, and the rest ran away.