We now sent our pinnace on board the prize, and brought away the captain and other officers; from whom we learnt that a larger ship had come from Manilla along with them, having forty-six brass guns and as many swivels, but they had parted company with her about three months before, and supposed she had got to Acapulco by this time, as she sailed better than this ship. Our prize had the following high-sounding name Nostra Senoria de la Incarnacion Disenganio, commanded by the Chevalier Jean Pichberty, a Frenchman. She had twenty guns and twenty pattereroes, with 193 men, of whom nine were killed, ten wounded, and several sore scorched with gun-powder. We engaged her three glasses, in which time only I and another were wounded. I was shot through the left cheek, the bullet carrying away great part of my upper jaw and several of my teeth, part of which dropt on the deck, where I fell. The other was William Powell, an Irish landman, who was slightly wounded in the buttock. After my wound, I was forced to write my orders, both to prevent the loss of blood, and because speaking gave me great pain. We received little damage in our rigging during the engagement, except that a shot disabled our mizen-mast. On the 23d, after we had put our ship to rights, we stood in for the harbour where the Marquis was, distant about four leagues to the N.E. sending our surgeons on board the prize to dress her wounded men. We same to anchor in the harbour about four p.m. where we received the compliments of all on board the Marquis on our sudden and almost unlooked-for success, which gave us all much satisfaction. We found that ship in good condition and ready to sail, and all on board her in high spirits, eager for action. At eight the same evening we held a consultation on two important points: first, what we should do with our hostages; and, secondly, how we should act in regard to the other Manilla ship, which we still thought there was a strong probability of our taking, if we could remain here a little longer. As the hostages from Guayaquil, and the Chevalier Pichberty, brother to the famous Monsieur du Cass, appeared to be men of strict honour, we thought it was best to make the best terms we possibly could with them, and then set them at liberty. We had more difficulty in settling the other point in discussion, as to the mode of attacking the other Manilla ship. I was desirous of going out along with the Marquis on that service; but as some reflections had been cast on the Duchess for not engaging our late prize so soon as it was thought she might have done, Captain Courtney was absolutely bent on going out with his own ship and the Marquis, and having a majority in the committee, my proposal was overruled, and we in the Duke were reluctantly constrained to remain in harbour. It was agreed, however, that we should put ten of our best hands on board the Duchess, the better to enable her to engage the great Manilla ship, if she were fallen in with; and she and the Marquis sailed on Christmas-day. As soon as they were gone, we put part of the goods from our bark into the prize, in order to send away our prisoners in the bark; and as there were still due 4000 dollars of the Guayaquil ransom, we agreed to sell them the bark and her remaining cargo for 2000 dollars, taking the Chevalier de Pichberty's bill for 6000 dollars, payable in London, which he readily gave us, together with an acknowledgment under his hand that we had given him a good bargain. This matter being settled, we had only to look to our own safety while our consorts were out on their cruize for the Manilla ship. We posted two centinels on a hill, whence they had a clear view of the sea, with instructions to give us notice by a signal whenever they saw three ships in the offing, that we might have time to secure our prisoners, and to get out to the assistance of our consorts, as we expected they might have hot work, this other Manilla ship being much stronger and better manned than the one we had taken, and better provided in all respects.

On the afternoon of the 26th, our sentries made the appointed signal of seeing three ships; on which we immediately put all our prisoners into the bark, from which we removed her sails, and took away all our men, except two lieutenants and twenty-two men, whom we left to look after our prize and the prisoners. As the prisoners, though 170 in number, were secured in the bark, without sails, arms, rudder, or boat, and moored near a mile distant from our prize, there were more than sufficient for guarding them and giving them provisions and drink during our absence. This being arranged, we immediately weighed and stood to sea, in order to assist our consorts in attacking the great ship. Captain Dover thought proper to go on board the prize, instead of one of our lieutenants, whom he sent to me. I was still in a very weak condition, my head and throat being very much swelled, so that I spoke with great pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance; insomuch that all the chief officers and our surgeons wished me to remain in the prize, but I would not consent. We got under sail about seven p.m. and saw lights several times in the night, which we supposed to be false fires in the boats of our consorts. In the morning of the 27th at day-break, we saw three sail to windward, but so far distant that it was nine o'clock before we could make out which were our consorts and which the chase. At this time we could see the Duchess and the chase near together, and the Marquis standing to them with all the sail she could carry. We also made all the sail we could, but being three or four leagues to leeward, and having a very scant wind, we made little way. At noon they bore S.E. from us, being still three leagues right to windward. In the afternoon we observed the Marquis get up with the chase, and engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to leeward out of cannon shot, where she lay a considerable time, which made us conclude that she was somehow disabled.

I sent away my pinnace well manned, with orders to dog the chase all night, making signals with false fires that she might not escape us; but before our boat could get up to them, the Marquis made sail again towards the chase, and went to it again briskly for more than four glasses. At this time we saw the Duchess steer ahead to windward, clear of the enemy, as I supposed to stop her leaks or repair her rigging. Meanwhile the Marquis kept the enemy in play, till the Duchess again bore down, when each fired a broadside or two, and left off because it grew dark. They then bore south of us in the Duke, which was right to windward, distant about two leagues; and about midnight our boat came to us, having made false fires, which we answered. Our people had been on board both the Duchess and Marquis, the former of which had her foremast much disabled, the ring of an anchor shot away, one man killed and several wounded, having also received several shots in her upper works and one in her powder-room, but all stopt. The Duchess had engaged the enemy by herself the night before, which was what we took to be false fires, being too distant to hear the guns. At that time they could perceive the enemy to be in great disorder, her guns not being all mounted, and neither her nettings nor close quarters in order; so that, if it had been my good fortune in the Duke to have gone with the Duchess, we all believed we might then have carried this great ship by boarding; or, if the Duchess had taken most of the men out of the Marquis, which did not sail well enough to come up to her assistance in time, she alone might have taken her by boarding at once, before the Spaniards had experienced our strength, and become afterwards so well provided as encouraged them to be driving, giving us every opportunity to board them if we pleased.

Captain Cooke sent me word that he had nearly fired away all his powder and shot, but had escaped well in masts, rigging, and men; wherefore I sent him three barrels of powder and a proportion of shot; and I also sent Lieutenant Fry to consult with our consorts how we might best engage the enemy next morning. All this day and the ensuing night the chase made signals to us in the Duke, thinking us her consort, which we had already taken; and after dark she edged down towards us, otherwise I should not have been up with her next day, having very little wind and that against us. In the morning of the 28th, as soon as it was day, the wind veered at once, on which we put our ship about, and the chase fired first upon the Duchess, which was nearest her in consequence of the change of wind. The Duchess returned the fire briskly; and we in the Duke stood as near as we possibly could, firing our guns as we could bring them to bear upon the enemy. At this time the Duchess was athwart her hawse, firing very fast, and such of her shot as missed the enemy flew over us and between our masts, so that we ran the risk of receiving more harm from the Duchess than the enemy, if we had lain on her quarter and across her stern, which was my intention. We therefore took our station close along side, board and board, where we kept plying her with round shot only, using neither barshot nor grape, as her sides were too thick for these, and no men appeared in sight.

She lay driving, as we did also close aboard of her, the enemy keeping to their close quarters, so that we never fired our small arms unless when we saw a man appear, or a port open, and then we fired as quick as possible. We continued thus for four glasses, about which time we received a shot in our main-mast which much disabled it. Soon after this, the Duchess and we, still both firing, came back close under the enemy, and had like to have fallen on board of her, so that we could make little use of our guns. We then fell astern in our birth alongside, and at this time the enemy threw a fire-ball into the Duke from one of her tops, which blew up a chest of loaded arms and cartouch-boxes on our quarter-deck, and several cartridges in our steerage, by which Mr Vanburgh, the agent of our owners, and a Dutchman, were very much burnt; and it might have done us much more damage if it had not been soon extinguished. After getting clear, the Duchess stood in for the shore, where she lay braced to, mending her rigging. The Marquis fired several shots, but to little purpose, as her guns were small. We continued close aboard for some time after the Duchess drew off; till at last we received a second shot in our main-mast, not far from the other, which rent it miserably; insomuch that the mast settled towards the wound, and threatened to come by the board. Our rigging also being much shattered, we sheered off and brought to, making a signal to our consorts for a consultation; and in the interim got ordinary fishes up to support our main-mast as well as we could.

Captains Courtney and Cooke, with other officers, came aboard the Duke, in obedience to the signal, when we took the condition of our three ships into consideration. Their masts and rigging were much damaged, and we had no means of procuring any repairs. If we again engaged the enemy, we could not propose to do any more than we had done already, which evidently had not done her much harm, as we could perceive that few of our shots penetrated her sides to any purpose, and our small arms availed still less, as not one of their men were to be seen above board. Our main-mast was so badly wounded that the least additional injury would bring it down, and the fore-mast of the Duchess was in as bad a state. The fall of these masts might bring down others, and we should then lie perfect butts for the enemy to batter at, and his heavy guns might easily sink us. If we should attempt to carry her by boarding, we must necessarily run the risk of losing many of our men, with little prospect of success, as they had above treble our number to oppose us, not having now in all our three ships above 120 men fit for boarding, and these weak, as we had been long short of provisions. If, therefore, we attempted to board and were beaten off, leaving any of our men behind, the enemy would learn our strength, or weakness rather, and might go to the harbour and retake our prize, in spite of every thing we could do to hinder. Our ammunition also was now very short, and we had only, enough to engage for a few glasses longer. All these circumstances being duly considered, together with the difficulty of procuring masts, and the time and provisions we must spend before we could get them fitted we resolved to desist from any farther attempt upon the enemy, since our battering her signified little, and we had not sufficient strength to carry her by boarding. We determined therefore to keep her company till night, and then to lose her, after which to make the best of our way to the harbour where we had left our prize, to secure her.

We had engaged this ship first and last about seven glasses, during which we in the Duke had eleven men wounded, three of whom were scorched with gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded by a splinter in my left foot, just before the arms chest was blown up on the quarter-deck; and so severely that I had to lie on my back in great pain, being unable to stand. Part of my heel-bone was struck out, and all the foot just under the ankle cut above half through, my wound bleeding very much before it could be stopped and dressed, by which I was much weakened. In the Duchess above twenty men were killed and wounded, one of the slain and three of the wounded belonging to my ship, which had been lent when I was left in the harbour. The Marquis had none killed or wounded, but two of her men were scorched by gun-powder. The enemy was the Vigoniae, a brave and lofty new ship, admiral of Manilla, and this her first voyage. She was calculated to carry 60 guns, and had above 40 mounted, with as many pattereroes, all brass, and, as we were informed, had a complement of 450 men, of whom 150 were Europeans, besides passengers. We were told also that several of her crew had formerly been pirates, who had all their wealth on board, and were resolved to defend it to the last extremity. The gunner was said to be a very expert man, and had provided extraordinarily for defence, which enabled them to make a desperate resistance; and they had filled all her sides between the guns with bales of soft goods, to secure the men.

During the whole action she kept the Spanish flag flying at her mast-head. We could observe that we had shattered her sails and rigging very much, and had slain two men in her tops, besides bringing down her mizen-yard; but this was all the visible damage we had done them, though we certainly placed 500 round shot in her hull, which were six-pounders. These large ships are built at Manilla of excellent timber, which does not splinter, and their sides are much thicker and stronger than those of the ships built in Europe. Thus ended our attempt on the biggest Manilla ship, which I have heard related in so many ways at home, that I have thought it necessary to give a very particular account of the action, as I find it set down in my journal. Generally speaking, the ships from Manilla are much richer than the prize we had taken; for she had waited a long time for the Chinese junks to bring silks, which not arriving, she came away with her cargo made out by means of abundance of coarse goods. Several of the prisoners assured me that a Manilla ship was commonly worth ten millions of dollars; so that, if it had not been for the accidental non-arrival of the junks from China that season, we had gotten an extraordinarily rich prize. After my return to Europe, I met a sailor in Holland who had been in the large ship when we engaged her, and who communicated to me a reason why we could not have taken her at all events. Her gunner kept constantly in the powder-room, and declared that he had taken the sacrament to blow up the ship if we had boarded her, which accordingly made the men exceedingly resolute in her defence. I the more readily gave credit to what this man told me, as he gave a regular and circumstantial account of the engagement, conformable to what I have given from my journal.

It is hardly to be doubted that we might have set this great ship on fire, by converting one of our ships into a fireship for that purpose: But this was objected to by all our officers, because we had goods of value on board all our ships. The enemy on this occasion was the better provided for us, having heard at Manilla, through our British settlements in India, that two small ships had been fitted out at Bristol for an expedition into the South Sea, and of which Captain Dampier was pilot. On this account it was that they had so many Europeans on board the great ship, most of whom had all their wealth along with them, for which they would fight to the utmost; and it having been agreed to pay no freight on the gun-decks, they had filled up all the spaces between the guns with bales of goods, to secure the men. The two ships were to have joined at Cape Lucas, expecting to meet us off Cape Corientes or Navidad.

We returned again into our port on the coast of California on the 1st January, 1710, and being resolved to make as quick dispatch as possible for our passage to the East Indies, we immediately parted with our prisoners, giving them the bark with a sufficiency of water and provisions to carry them to Acapulco. We then occupied ourselves to the 7th in refitting and laying in a stock of wood and water; and had much satisfaction in finding as much bread in our prize as might serve for our long run to Guam, with the aid of the scanty remains of our old stock. After a long disputatious negotiation, it was settled that Mr Fry and Mr Stratton were to take charge of our prize, which we named the Bachelor, though under Captain Dover, but they were not to be contradicted by him in the business, as his business was to see that nothing was done in her contrary to the interest of our owners and ships companies, he being in the nature of agent, only with the title of chief captain. At the same time, we put on board of this ship 35 men from the Duke, 25 from the Duchess, and 13 from the Marquis, making in all 73 men, which, with 36 Manilla Indians, called Las-Cars, and some other prisoners we still had remaining, made up her complement to 115 men.

SECTION III

Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies, to England.

WE weighed anchor on the 10th January, 1710, from Porta Leguro, on the coast of California, but were becalmed under the shore till the afternoon of the 12th, when a breeze sprang up which soon carried us out of sight of land. Being very slenderly provided, we were forced to allow only a pound and a half of flour, and one small piece of beef, to five men in a mess, together with three pints of water a man, for twenty-four hours, to serve both as drink and for dressing their victuals. We also lowered ten of our guns into the hold, to ease our ship. On the 16th the Bachelor made a signal that she could spare us some additional bread, having discovered a considerable store of bread and sweet-meats, though very little flesh meat. Accordingly, we in the Duke had a thousand weight of bread for our share, the Duchess had as much, and the Marquis five hundred weight; and in return we sent them two casks of flour, one of English beef; and one of pork, as they had only left forty-five days provisions of flesh. We now agreed to proceed in a W.S.W. course till we reached the latitude of 13 deg. N. and to keep in that parallel till we should make the island of Guam, being informed by our Spanish pilot that the parallel of 14 deg. was dangerous, by reason of certain islands and shoals, on which a Spanish ship had been lost some time ago.

On the 11th March we had sight both of Guam and Serpana, the former bearing W.S.W. five leagues off, and the latter N.N.W. seven leagues. The Spaniards say there is a great shoal between these islands, but nearest to Serpana. While running along the shore of Guam there came several flying proas to look at us, but run past with great swiftness, and none of the people would venture on board. The necessity of our stopping at this island for a supply of provisions was very great, our sea store being almost exhausted, and what remained being in a very ordinary condition, especially our bread and flour, of which we had not enough for fourteen days, even at the shortest allowance. In order to procure provisions readily, we endeavoured to get some of the natives on board from the proas, that we might detain them as hostages, in case of having to send any of our men to the governor. While turning into the harbour under Spanish colours, one of the proas came under our stern, in which were two Spaniards, who came on board in consequence of being assured that we were friends. Soon after we sent a respectful letter to the governor, to which we next day received a civil answer, and a generous offer of any thing we needed that the island could supply. Several of our officers went ashore to wait upon the governor on the 16th, and were well received and elegantly entertained; making the governor a present of two negro boys dressed in rich liveries, twenty yards of scarlet cloth, and six pieces of cambric, with which he seemed to be much pleased, and promised in return to give us every assistance in his power.

Next day, accordingly, we had a large supply of provisions, our share in the Duke being about sixty hogs, ninety-nine fowls, twenty-four baskets of maize, fourteen bags of rice, forty-two baskets of yams, and 800 cocoa-nuts. We afterwards got some bullocks, fourteen to each ship, being small lean cattle, yet gladly accepted, to which were afterwards added two cows and two calves to each ship; and we made a handsome present to the deputy governor, who was very active in getting our provisions collected. Leaving Guam, we proposed to go for some way directly west, to clear some islands that were in the way, and then to steer for the S.E. part of Min-danao, and from thence the nearest way to Ternate. In the afternoon of the 14th April we made land, which bore from us W.N.W. ten leagues, and which we supposed to be the N.E. part of Celebes. This day we saw three water-spouts, one of which had like to have fallen on board the Marquis, but the Duchess broke it before it reached her by firing two guns. On the 18th May, we passed through between the high land of New Guinea and the island of Gilolo, and on the 20th we made another high island which we took to be Ceram, yet, notwithstanding the skill and experience of Captain Dampier, we were at a loss to know whether it were Ceram or Bouro. On the 24th, at noon, we made our latitude 4 deg. 30' S. and estimated our longitude at 237 deg. 29' W. from London, and being in the latitude of the southern part of Bouro,[229] we imputed our not seeing it to the currents setting us to the westwards. We designed to have touched at Amboina for refreshments, but the S.E. monsoon was already set in, and we were out of hope of being able to reach that place. In a consultation on the 25th, we resolved not to spend time in searching for Bouro, and also to desist from attempting to go to Amboina, and to make the best of our way for the Straits of Bouton, where we hoped to get sufficient provisions to carry us to Batavia. We got into a fine large bay in Bouton, where we sent our pinnace on shore, which brought off some cocoa nuts, reporting there were plenty to be had, and that the Malay inhabitants seemed friendly.

[Footnote 229: The south part of Bouro is only in lat. 3 deg. 50' S. and about 283 deg. W. from Greenwich, or London.—E.]

Up this bay we saw several houses and boats, and many of the Malay natives walking about on the beach. We here sent our boats for provisions and pilots while the ships turned up the bay nearer to the town. On sounding frequently we could find no ground, but the natives told us of a bank opposite the town on which we might anchor. In the meantime abundance of people came off to us, bringing wheat, cocoa-nuts, yams, potatoes, papaws, hens, and several other kinds of birds, to truck for cloths, knives, scissars, and toys. These people were to appearance very civil, being Mahometans of middle stature and dark tawny complexions, but their women somewhat clearer than the men. The men that came off were all naked, except a cloth round their middles, but some of the better sort had a sort of loose waistcoat, and a piece of linen rolled round their heads, with a cap of palm leaves to keep off the scorching rays of the sun. Along the shore we saw several weirs for catching fish. In turning up, the prize lost ground considerably, as the current was strong against us, wherefore the Duchess fired a gun in the evening to recall us and the Marquis, and which we ran out and drove all night. The names of these two islands forming this bay are Cambava and Waushut, being in lat. 5 deg. 13' S. and long 238 deg. W. from London.[230] Being much in want of water and provisions, we made another effort to get back to this bay; and on the 30th, a proa came to us from the king of Bouton, having a noble on board without either shoes or stockings, and a pilot to carry us up to the town. He brought each commander a piece of striped Bouton cloth, a bottle of arrack, some baskets of rice, and other articles, as presents from the king; yet the first thing he said on coming aboard, was to ask us how we durst venture to come here to anchor, without first having leave from the great king of Bouton?

[Footnote 230: Cambaya, a considerable island to the W. of Bouton, is in lat. 5 deg. 20' S. and long. 237 deg. 40' W. from Greenwich, nearly in the situation pointed out in the text.—E.]

This proa brought us letters from our officers that had been sent to wait upon the king, and to endeavour to procure provisions, which stated that they had been well received, and that the town in which the king resided was large and fortified, and had several great guns. We sent back a present to the king by his messenger, and five guns were fired by each of our ships at his departure, with which he seemed well pleased. We wooded and watered at the island of Sampo, and several proas came off to us with fowls, maize, pompions, papaws, lemons, Guinea corn, and other articles, which they trucked for knives, scissars, old clothes, and the like. The people were civil, but sold every thing very dear; and as our officers staid longer at the town than was intended, we began to suspect they were detained, as the Mahometans are very treacherous. We heard from them, however, every day; and on the 5th Mr Connely came down, and told us there were four lasts of rice coming down from the king, for which it had been agreed to pay 600 dollars, and that Mr Vanburgh had been detained in security of payment. The rice came next morning, and was distributed equally among our four ships, some great men coming along with it to receive the money. At this time also we in our turn detained a Portuguese who came from the king, till our boat should be allowed to return; and after this, provisions became more plentiful and cheaper.

The town of Bouton is built on the acclivity of a hill, and on the top of the hill is a fort surrounded by an old stone wall, on which some guns and pattereroes are placed. The king and a considerable number of people dwell in this fort, in which a market is held every day for the sale of provisions. The king has five wives, besides several concubines, being attended by four men carrying great canes with silver heads, who are called pury bassas, and who seem to manage all his affairs. His majesty goes always bare-footed and bare-legged, being for the most part clad like a Dutch skipper, with a sort of green gauze covering strewed with spangles over his long black hair; but when he appears in state, he wears a long calico gown over his jacket, and sits on a chair covered with red cloth. He is always attended by a sergeant and six men armed with match-locks; besides three others, one of whom wears a head-piece and carries a large drawn scymitar, another has a shield, and a third a large fan. Four slaves sit at his feet, one holding his betel box, another a lighted match, the third his box of tobacco for smoking, and the fourth a spitting bason. The petty kings and other great men sit on his left hand and before him, every one attended by a slave, and they chew betel or tobacco in his presence, sitting cross-legged, and when they speak to him they lift their hands joined to their foreheads.

The town of Bouton is very populous, and beside it runs a fine river, said to come from ten miles up the country. The tide ebbs and flows a considerable way up this river, which has a bar at its mouth, so that boats cannot go in or come out at low water. At least 1500 boats belong to this river, fifty of which are war proas, armed with pattereroes, and carrying forty or fifty men each. Fifty islands are said to be tributary to this king, who sends his proas once a year to gather their stated tribute, which consists in slaves, every island giving him ten inhabitants out of every hundred. There is one mosque, in Boutan, which is supplied with priests from Mocha, the people being Mahometans. They are great admirers of music, their houses are built on posts, and their current money is Dutch coins and Spanish dollars. On the 7th our pinnace returned with Mr Vanburgh and all our people, having parted from his majesty on friendly terms, but could not procure a pilot. We resolved, however, not to stay any longer, but to trust to Providence for our future preservation: wherefore we began to unmoor our ships, and dismissed our Portuguese linguist.

Next day, the 8th June, we made three islands to the north of Salayer. On the 10th our pinnace came up with a small vessel, the people on board of which said they were bound for the Dutch factory of Macasser on the S.W. coast of Celebes. The pinnace brought away the master of this vessel, who engaged to pilot us through the Straits of Salayer and all the way to Batavia, if we would keep it secret from the Dutch, and he sent his vessel to lie in the narrowest part of the passage between the islands, till such time as our ships came up. On the 14th we passed the island of Madura, and on the 17th we made the high land of Cheribon, which bore S.W. from us. This morning we saw a great ship right ahead, to which I sent our pinnace for news. She was a ship of Batavia of 600 tons and fifty guns, plying to some of the Dutch factories for timber. Her people told us that we were still thirty Dutch leagues from Batavia, but there was no danger by the way, and they even supplied us with a large chart, which proved of great use to us. Towards noon we made the land, which was very low, but had regular soundings, by which we knew how to sail in the night by means of the lead; in the afternoon we saw the ships in the road of Batavia, being between thirty and forty sail great and small; and at six in the evening we came to anchor, in between six and seven fathoms, in the long-desired port of Batavia, in lat 6 deg. 10' S. and long. 252 deg. 51' W. from London.[231] We had here to alter our account of time, having lost almost a day in going round the world so far in a western course.

[Footnote 231: The latitude in the text is sufficiently accurate, but the longitude is about a degree short. It ought to have been 253 deg. 54' W. from Greenwich—E.]

After coming in sight of Batavia, and more especially after some sloops or small vessels had been aboard of us, I found that I was quite a stranger to the dispositions and humours of our people, though I had sailed so long with them. A few days before they were perpetually quarrelling, and a disputed lump of sugar was quite sufficient to have occasioned a dispute. But now, there was-nothing but hugging and shaking of hands, blessing their good stars, and questioning if such a paradise existed on earth; and all because they had arrack for eight-pence a gallon, and sugar for a penny a pound. Yet next minute they were all by the ears, disputing about who should put the ingredients together; for the weather was so hot, and the ingredients so excessively cheap, that a little labour was now a matter of great importance among them.

Soon after our arrival at Batavia we proceeded to refit our ships, beginning with the Marquis; but on coming down to her bends, we found both these and the stern and stern-port so rotten and worm-eaten, that on a survey of carpenters she was found incapable of being rendered fit for proceeding round the Cape of Good Hope, on which we had to hire a vessel to take in her loading. We then applied ourselves to refit the other ships, which we did at the island of Horn, not being allowed to do so at Onrust, where the Dutch clean and careen all their ships. We hove down the Duke and Duchess and Bachelor, the sheathing of which ships were very much worm-eaten in several places. In heaving down, the Duchess sprung her fore-mast, which we replaced by a new one. When the ships were refitted, we returned to Batavia road, where we rigged three of them, and sold the Marquis, after taking out all her goods and stores, and distributing her officers and men into the others. During our stay at Batavia, the weather was exceedingly hot, and many of our officers and men fell sick, among whom I was one, the prevalent disease being the flux, of which the master of the Duke and gunner of the Duchess died, and several of our men. A young man belonging to the Duchess, having ventured into the sea to swim, had both his legs snapped off by a shark, and while endeavouring to take him on board, the shark bit off the lower part of his belly. We were allowed free access to the town and markets, yet found it difficult to procure salt-meat, so that we had to kill bullocks for ourselves, and pickled the flesh, taking out all the bones. Arrack, rice, and fowls were very cheap, and we bought beef for two stivers, or two-pence a pound.

There are various descriptions of this famous city, yet, as what I have to say may serve to exhibit a state of things as they were when we were there, I flatter myself that the following succinct account may neither be found useless nor disagreeable. The city of Batavia is situated on the N.W. side of the famous island of Java, in lat. 5 deg. 50' S.[232] During the whole year the east and west monsoons, or trade-winds, blow along shore; besides which it is refreshed by the ordinary land and sea breezes, which greatly cool the air, otherwise it would be intolerably hot. The summer begins here in May, and continues till the end of October, or beginning of November, during all which period there is a constant breeze from the east, with a clear serene sky. The winter commences in the end of October, or beginning of November, with excessive rains, which sometimes continue for three or four days without intermission. In December the west-wind blows with such violence as to stop all navigation on the coast of Java. In February the weather is changeable, with frequent sudden thunder-gusts. They begin to sow in March; June is the pleasantest month; and in September they gather in their rice, and cut the sugar-canes. In October they have abundance of fruits and flowers, together with plants and herbs in great variety. Around the city there is an extensive fenny plain, which has been greatly improved and cultivated by the Dutch; but to the east it still remains encumbered by woods and marshes. The city of Batavia is of a square form, surrounded by a strong wall, on which are twenty-two bastions, and has a river running through it into the sea. About the year 1700 there was a great earthquake in Java, which overturned some part of the mountains in the interior of the island, by which the course of the river was altered; and since then the canals in Batavia and the neighbourhood have not been nearly so commodious as formerly, nor has the entrance of the river been so deep; and for want of a strong current to keep it open, the Dutch have been obliged to employ a great machine to preserve the navigation of the mouth of the river, so as to admit small vessels into the canals which pervade the city. Batavia lies in a bay in which there are seventeen or eighteen islands, which so effectually protect it from the sea, that though large, the road is very safe. The banks of the canals are raced on both sides with stone quays, as far as the boom, which is shut up every night, and guarded by soldiers. All the streets are in straight lines, most of them being, above thirty feet broad on both sides, besides the canals, and they are all paved with bricks next the houses. All the streets are well-built and fully inhabited, fifteen of them having canals for small vessels, communicating with the main river, and shut up by booms, at which they pay certain tolls for admission; and these canals are crossed by fifty-six bridges, mostly of stone. There are numerous country-seats around the city, most of them neat and well contrived, with handsome fruit and flower gardens, ornamented with fountains and statues; and vast quantities of cocoa-nut trees planted in numerous groves, every where afford delightful shade. Batavia has many fine buildings, particularly the Cross-church, which is handsomely built of stone, and very neatly fitted up within. There are two or three other churches for the Dutch presbyterians, and two for the Portuguese catholics, who are a mixed race, besides one church for the Malay protestants. In the centre of the city is the town-house, handsomely built of brick in form of a square, and two stories high. In this all the courts are held, and all matters respecting the civil government of the city are determined. There are also hospitals, speir-houses, and rasp-houses, as in Amsterdam, with many other public buildings, not inferior to those of most European cities.

[Footnote 232: The latitude of Batavia is 6 deg. 15' S. and its longitude 106 deg. 7' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

The Chinese are very numerous, and carry on the greatest trade here, farming most of the excise and customs, being allowed to live according to their own laws, and to exercise their idolatrous worship. They have a chief of their own nation, who manages their affairs with the company, by which they are allowed great privileges, having even a representative in the council, who has a vote when any of their nation is tried for his life. These high privileges are only allowed to such of the Chinese as are domicilled here, all others being only permitted to remain six months in the city, or on the island of Java. The Chinese have also a large hospital for their sick and aged, and manage its funds so well, that a destitute person of that nation is never to be seen on the streets.

The Dutch women have here much greater privileges than in Holland, or any where else; as on even slight occasions they can procure divorces from their husbands, sharing the estate between them. A lawyer at this place told me, that he has known, out of fifty-eight causes depending at one time before the council-chamber, fifty-two of them for divorces. Great numbers of native criminals are chained in pairs, and kept to hard labour under a guard, in cleaning the canals and ditches of the city, or in other public works. The castle of Batavia is quadrangular, having four bastions connected by curtains, all faced with white stone, and provided with watch-houses. Here the Dutch governor-general of India, and most of the members of the council of the Indies reside, the governor's palace being large, and well-built of brick. In this palace is the council-chamber, with the secretary's office, and chamber of accounts. The garrison usually consists of 1000 men; but the soldiers are generally but poorly appointed, except the governor's guards, who have large privileges, and make a fine appearance.

The governor-general lives in as great splendour as if he were a king, being attended by a troop of horse-guards, and a company of halberdeers, in uniforms of yellow sattin, richly adorned with silver-lace and fringes, which attend his coach when he appears abroad. His lady also is attended by guards and a splendid retinue. The governor is chosen only for three years, from the twenty-four counsellors, called the Radts of India, twelve of whom must always reside in Batavia. Their soldiers are well trained, and a company is always on duty at each of the gates of the city and citadel; and there are between seven and eight thousand disciplined Europeans in and about the city, who can be assembled in readiness for action on a short warning.

Besides Europeans and Chinese, there are many Malays in Batavia, and other strangers from almost every country in, India. The Javanese, or ancient natives, are very numerous, and are said to be a proud barbarous people. They are of dark complexions, with flat faces, thin, short, black hair, large eyebrows, and prominent cheeks. The men are strong-limbed, but the women small. The men wear a calico wrapper, three or four times folded round their bodies; and the women are clothed from their arm-pits to their knees. They usually have two or three wives, besides concubines; and the Dutch say that they are much addicted to lying and stealing. The Javans who inhabit the coast are mostly Mahometans; but those living in the interior are still pagans. The women are not so tawny as the men, and many of them are handsome; but they are generally amorous, and unfaithful to their husbands, and are apt to deal in poisoning, which they manage with much art.

Batavia is very populous, but not above a sixth part of the inhabitants are Dutch. The Chinese here are very numerous; and the Dutch acknowledge that they are more industrious and acute traders than themselves. They are much, encouraged, because of the great trade carried on by them, and the great rents they pay for their shops, besides large taxes, and from sixteen to thirty per cent. interest for money, which they frequently borrow from the Dutch. I was told, that there were about 80,000 Chinese in and about Batavia, who pay a capitation-tax of a dollar each per month for liberty to wear their hair, which is not permitted in their own country ever since the Tartar conquest. There generally come here every year from China, fourteen or sixteen large flat-bottomed junks, of from three to five hundred tons burden. The merchants come along with their goods, which are lodged in different partitions in the vessels, as in separate warehouses, for each of which they pay a certain price, and not for the weight or measure of the cargo, as with us, so that each merchant fills up his own division as they please. They come here with the easterly monsoon, usually arriving in November or December, and go away again for China in the beginning of June. By means of these junks the Dutch have all kinds of Chinese commodities brought to them, and at a cheaper rate than they could bring them in their own vessels.

Batavia is the metropolis of the Dutch trade and settlements in India, and is well situated for the spice trade, which they have entirely in their own hands. There are seldom less than twenty sail of Dutch ships at Batavia, carrying from thirty to fifty and sixty guns each. Abraham van Ribeck was governor-general when we were there. His predecessor, as I was informed, had war with the natives of the island, who had like to have ruined the settlement; but, by sowing divisions among the native princes, he at length procured peace upon advantageous conditions. This is one of the pleasantest cities I ever saw, being more populous than Bristol, but not so large. They have schools for teaching all necessary education, even for Latin and Greek, and have a printing-house. There are many pleasant villas, or country seats, about the city; and the adjacent country abounds in rice, sugar-plantations, gardens, and orchards, with corn and sugar-mills, and mills for making gunpowder. They have also begun to plant coffee, which thrives well, so that they will shortly be able to load a ship or two; but I was told it is not so good as what comes from Arabia.

We sailed from Batavia on the 11th October, 1710, and on the 19th came to anchor in a bay about a league W. from Java head, and remained till the 28th, laying in wood and water. The 15th December we made the land of southern Africa, in lat 34 deg. 2' S. And on the 18th we anchored in Table Bay in six fathoms, about a mile from shore. We remained here till the 5th April, waiting to go home with the Dutch fleet, and on that day fell down to Penguin Island, whence we sailed on the 5th for Europe. On the 14th July we spoke a Dane bound for Ireland, who informed us that a Dutch fleet of ten sail was cruizing for us off Shetland, which squadron we joined next day. On the 28d we got sight of the coast of Holland, and about eight p. m. came all safe to anchor in the Texel, in six fathoms, about two miles off shore. In the afternoon of the 24th I went up to Amsterdam, where I found letters from our owners, directing us how to act as to our passage from thence home. On the 30th we got some provisions from Amsterdam. On the 22d August we weighed from the Texel, but the wind being contrary, had to return next morning. We weighed again on the 30th, and on the 1st October came to anchor in the Downs, and on the 14th of that month got safe to Eriff, where we ended our long and fatiguing voyage.

* * * * *

It appears, by incidental information in Harris, I. 198, That the outfit of this voyage did not exceed L14,000 or L15,000, and that its gross profits amounted to L170,000, half of which belonged to the owners; so that they had L85,000 to divide, or a clear profit of L466 13s. 4d. per centum, besides the value of the ships and stores.—E.



CHAPTER XI.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN JOHN CLIPPERTON, IN 1719-1722.[233]

INTRODUCTION.

About the beginning of 1718, some English merchants resolved to fit out two ships for a cruizing voyage to the South Sea, in hopes of having equal success with the expedition under Woods Rogers, and provided two fine ships, the Speedwell and Success, every way fit for the purpose. But as the war which was expected between Great Britain and Spain did not take place so soon as was expected, they applied for commissions from the Emperor Charles VI. who was then at war with Philip V. King of Spain. Captain George Shelvocke, who had served as a lieutenant in the royal navy, was accordingly sent with the Speedwell to Ostend, there to wait for the imperial commissions, and to receive certain Flemish officers and seamen, together with as much wine and brandy as might serve both ships during their long voyage, being cheaper there than in England. This was in November 1718, and both to shew respect to the imperial court, and to have the appearance of a German expedition, the names of the ships were changed to the Prince Eugene and the Staremberg.

[Footnote 233: Harris, I. 184.]

Having taken on board six Flemish officers and ninety men, Captain Shelvocke sailed from Ostend for the Downs, where the other ship had waited for him some time. War having begun between Great Britain and Spain, and finding that the Flemings and Englishmen did not agree, the owners laid aside all thoughts of using the imperial commission, and to send back all their Flemish officers and men to Flanders, with an allowance of two months wages, and procured a commission from George I. restoring the original names of their ships. The Speedwell carried twenty-four guns and 106 men, and the Success thirty-six guns and 180 men; the former commanded by Captain George Shelvocke, who was to have had the chief command in the expedition, and the other by Captain John Clipperton, who had formerly sailed with Dampier as mate, and of whose adventures after his separation from Dampier, an account has been already given.

In consequence of some change of circumstances, perhaps owing to some improper conduct when in Flanders, the proprietors now took the chief command from Shelvocke, and conferred it upon Clipperton, a man of a blunt, rough, and free-speaking disposition, but of a strict regard to his duty and rigid honesty. Though somewhat passionate, he was soon appeased, and ever ready to repair any injury he had done when heated with anger, and had much justice and humanity in his nature. Under Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell, Simon Hately was appointed second captain; he who had formerly lost company with Woods Rogers among the Gallapagos islands, and had remained a considerable time prisoner among the Spaniards.

The instructions for this voyage from the owners were, that they were to proceed in the first place for Plymouth, whence they were to sail with the first fair wind for Cape Horn or the Straits of Magellan, as was found most convenient for their passage into the South Sea. They were then to cruize on the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, and to endeavour, if possible, to meet and capture the Manilla ship. To prevent all disputes and disorders, they were enjoined to be careful above all things not to separate from each other, and to undertake nothing of importance without holding a council of officers, stating the question to be debated in writing, and drawing up the resolution in writing, with the reasons on which they were grounded, which were to be signed by all the officers. All these precautions proved in a great measure useless, as the expedition wore an unfortunate aspect from the very beginning. The ships were forced to remain three months at Plymouth, waiting for a wind; in which time every thing fell into confusion, and factions were formed, in which the crews of both ships were involved, from the captains down to the cabin boys. Captain Shelvocke highly resented the affront offered him in being deprived of the chief command; and Captain Clipperton, knowing the other's resentment, and being a boisterous man of strong passions which he could not conceal, there was nothing but debates and disputes. Every post carried complaints to the proprietors, and brought down instructions, reproofs, and exhortations to concord. It had been fortunate for the proprietors, if they had removed one or both of the commanders; but every one had too much concern to retain his friend in post, so that private views proved the cause of public ruin.—Harris.

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez.

Having at length a fair wind, the two ships sailed in company from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719. It singularly happened that the Speedwell had still on board the whole stock of wine, brandy, and other liquors, designed for the supply of both ships. On the 19th at night, there arose a violent storm, and on the 20th the storm abated about two in the afternoon, when Captain Clipperton in the Success made sail, steering S. by E. while Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell bore away N.W. So that they never again saw each other, till they afterwards met by mere accident in the South Sea.

Being now at sea without his consort, and very indifferently provided, Captain Clipperton found himself under the necessity of using a discretionary power of dispensing in some respect from his instructions; but which freedom he rarely exercised, and then with the utmost caution. In all essential points he carefully complied with the instructions, constantly consulting with his officers, and doing his utmost to prosecute his voyage with effect. The first place of rendezvous appointed in case of separation was the Canaries, for which he sailed with such expedition that he arrived there on the 6th of March. Having taken in refreshments there, for which he had much occasion, as all his liquors were in the Speedwell, Clipperton cruized on that station for ten days, as directed by his instructions, but not meeting his consort, he resolved to proceed to the next place appointed for that purpose, the Cape de Verd islands.

The Canary Islands, or Islands of Dogs, so named by the Spaniards when discovered by them in 1402, because they found here a great number of these animals, were known to the ancients by the name of the Fortunate Islands, because of their fertility and the excellent temperature of their air. They are seven in number, Lancerota, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Geomero, Hiero or Ferro, and Palma. Grand Canary is far distant from the others, and contains 9000 inhabitants, being the seat of the bishop, the inquisition, and the royal council which governs all the seven islands. In Teneriffe is the famous mountain called Terraira, or the Peak of Teneriff, supposed to be the highest in the world, and which may be distinctly seen at the distance of sixty leagues. There is no reaching the top of this mountain except in July and August, because covered at all other times with snow, which is never to be seen at other places of that island, nor in the other six, at any season of the year. It requires three days journey to reach the summit of the peak, whence all the Canary islands may be seen, though some of them are sixty leagues distant. Hiero or Ferro is one of the largest islands in this group, but is very barren, and so dry that no fresh water is to be found in it, except in some few places by the sea, very troublesome and even dangerous to get it from. "But, to remedy this inconvenience, Providence as supplied a most extraordinary substitute, as there grows almost in every place a sort of tree of considerable size, incomparably thick of branches and leaves, the latter being long and narrow, always green and lively. This tree is always covered by a little cloud hanging over it, which wets the leaves as if by a perpetual dew, so that fine clear water continually trickles down from them into little pails set below to catch it as it falls, and which is in such abundant quantity as amply to supply the inhabitants and their cattle."[234]

[Footnote 234: This strange story seems entirely fabulous.—E.]

These islands are generally fertile, and abound with all kinds of provisions, as cattle, grain, honey, wax, sugar, cheese, and skins. The wine of this country is strong and well-flavoured, and is exported to most parts of the world; and the Spanish ships bound for America usually stop at these islands to lay in a stock of provisions. About 100 leagues to the west of these islands, mariners are said to have frequently seen an island named St Baranura, which they allege is all over green and very pleasant, full of trees, and abounding in provisions, as also that it is inhabited by Christians; but no person can tell what sect or denomination they are of, nor what language they speak. The Spanish inhabitants of the Canaries have often attempted to go there, but could never find the way; whence some believe that it is only an illusion or enchanted island, seen only at certain times. Others allege a better reason, saying that it is small and almost always concealed by clouds, and that ships are prevented from coming near it by the strength of the currents. It is certain however, that there is such an island, and at the distance from the Canaries already mentioned.[235]

[Footnote 235: This island of St Baranora, or St Brandon, is merely imaginary.—E.]

Leaving Gomera on the 15th March, Clipperton came in sight of St Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands, in the evening of the 21st, and came to anchor in the bay next morning. He here found a French ship, and the Diamond belonging to Bristol, taking in a cargo of asses for Jamaica. Continuing here for ten days, in hopes of meeting the Speedwell, but in vain, the crew of the Success became much disheartened, so that Clipperton had much difficulty in persuading them to persist in the enterprize. The Cape de Verd islands, called Salt islands by the Dutch, derive their name from Cape de Verd on the coast of Africa. The sea which surrounds them is covered by a green herb, called Sergalso or cresses by the Portuguese, resembling water-cresses, and so thickly that hardly can the water be seen, neither can ships make their way through it but with a stiff gale. This herb produces berries, resembling white gooseberries, but entirely tasteless. No one knows how this herb grows, as there is no ground or land about the place where it is found floating on the water, neither can it be supposed to come from the bottom, as the sea is very deep, and is in many places quite unfathomable. This sea-weed begins to be seen in the lat. of 34 deg. N. where it is so thick that it seems as if islands, but is not to be met with in any other part of the ocean.

The Cape de Verd islands, when first discovered by the Portuguese in 1572, were all desert and uninhabited, but they now inhabit several of them. They are ten in number, St Jago, St Lucia, St Vincent, St Antonio, St Nicolas, Ilha Blanca, Ilha de Sal, Ilha de Maio, Ilha de Fogo, and Bonavista. They now afford plenty of rice, flour, Tartarian wheat, oranges, lemons, citrons, bananas, ananas or pine-apples, ignames, batatas, melons, cucumbers, pompions, garden and wild figs, and several other sorts of fruits. They have vineyards also, which produce ripe grapes twice a year; and have abundance of cattle, both great and small, but especially goats. The capital city is St Jago, in the island of that name, in which resides the governor who commands over all these islands under the King of Portugal. It is also the residence of an archbishop, whose see extends over all these islands, and over all the conquests of the Portuguese on this side of the Cape of Good Hope. These islands afford good convenience for ships on long voyages procuring a supply of fresh water. On the east side of Maio there is a little river, and as the island is uninhabited, there is nobody to hinder one from taking it: There is also water to be had on St Antonio, where also good refreshments may be had, of oranges, lemons, and other fruits; and the Portuguese on this island are so few in number, that they cannot prevent one from taking what they please.

May the 29th having an observation, Clipperton found his latitude to be 52 deg. 15' S. being then off Cape Virgin Mary, the northern point at the eastern entrance into the straits of Magellan, distant from Fuego, one of the Cape de Verd islands, 1580 leagues, the meridional distance being 36 deg. 4' W.[236] Next day they entered the straits. Proceeding onwards to Queen Elizabeth's island, the pinnace was sent off to a fresh-water river on the main, which was found frozen up. They saw large flocks of geese and ducks at this place, but they were very shy. By some accident the surgeon's mate was left ashore at this place by the boat, and when brought on board next morning he was almost dead with the cold. They remained some time at Queen Elizabeth's island, which is dry and mostly barren, yet they found plenty of sallad herbs, which were of infinite service, the crew being much afflicted by the scurvy. The principal herb was smallage of extraordinary size, which they eat raw, or boiled in their broth, and of which they brought away a considerable quantity of juice in bottles. On the 14th June, the empty water casks were sent ashore to be filled, and the carpenters went to look out for a proper piece of timber for a mizen-mast. They found abundance of wild fowl and shell fish on shore, which were most welcome to all the company, as they found their appetites to increase, while the necessity compelled the enforcement of short allowance. They anchored on the 22d in a fine bay, which they named No-bottom Bay, because of its great depth of water. The trees here are lofty, and so loaded with snow as to be a most astonishing sight. On the 29th there came to them a canoe in which were two men, a woman, and a boy. These were of middle stature, with dark complexions, broad, round faces, and low features, with low foreheads, lank short black hair, and no clothing except a piece of skin to cover their middles. The most extraordinary circumstance about them, was a fine streak round their wrists of an azure colour. They seem to be very jealous of their women, as they would on no account permit the woman who was along with them to come on board. Clipperton ordered them bread and cheese, and a dram of brandy, which last they refused to take, but they eat the bread and cheese voraciously. They had a fire in the middle of their canoe, which was made of the bark of trees sewed together, and they brought with them some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives. They had bows and arrows, together with some fishing tackle, and went away after two hours stay, making signs that they would return.

[Footnote 236: The meridional distance between these two stations is 49 deg. 25' W. Mayo being in long. 28 deg. 15', and Cape Virgin Mary in long. 72 deg. 40' both W. from Greenwich.—E.]

Next day the pinnace went ashore, and returned in the evening with the Indian canoe filled with large muscles, which our people bought from the Indians, for knives, bread, and other trifles. In the beginning of July the weather was very moderate. Clipperton found the savages in these straits by no means so mischievous as they are usually represented, of which they had two remarkable instances: As, on one occasion, one of the crew was on shore two nights and a day, and was well used by the natives; and, on another occasion, one of the natives being left accidentally all night in the ship, the natives came for him next day without fear; so that, if well treated, they do not seem to be treacherous. In another canoe which came to the ship there were several women, each having a necklace of five or six rows of small shining shells, very nicely strung, resembling mother-of-pearl. All this time the crew was very sickly, scarcely a day passing in which one or more did not die, which was generally attributed to the want of something comfortable to drink in this rigorous climate, all the liquors intended for the voyage having been left in the Speedwell. The weather was sometimes fair and moderate for two or three days together, but was continually varying, and perhaps for two or three days following they had continual snow, rain, and sleet, with frequent great flows of wind that were intolerably sharp and piercing. William Pridham, the master-gunner, died on the 7th July, and was buried ashore next day, having a strong, plank with an inscription driven into the ground at the head of his grave.

On the 20th July, Captain Mitchell and Lieutenant Davidson went in the pinnace, furnished with all necessaries, in order to make a discovery of a passage on the southern side of the straits, through which a French tartan is said to have gone into the South Sea in May, 1713, and to examine if there were any anchorage beyond Cape Quad. The pinnace returned on the 29th, having found the passage, but so narrow that it was deemed too hazardous. Their provisions falling short, they were forced to return before they had satisfied themselves sufficiently; yet they found several good bays for anchoring in, to the N.W. of Cape Quad. They got a seal from some Indians, which they broiled and eat, and said that it was as good as venison. On the 1st of August, Captain Mitchell and three other officers went a second time to examine to look for the new passage. But, after the strictest examination, they could not find that it led into the South Sea, but only into an icy bay, and at all events was too narrow for their ship. On the return of Captain Mitchell, it was resolved to prosecute their way through the straits, which they did with much difficulty, getting into the South Sea on the 18th of August, but in so weak and sickly a condition as to be utterly incapable of attempting any enterprize for some time, having been long on short allowance of only one piece of beef or pork to a mess of six men. In pursuance, therefore, of his instructions, Captain Clipperton bore away for the island of Juan Fernandez, the third and last appointed place of rendezvous with the Speedwell.

The Success accordingly anchored at Juan Fernandez on the 7th September, and search was made for any testimony of the Speedwell having been there, but to no purpose. Captain Clipperton resolved, in compliance with his instructions, to remain here, or cruizing in the neighbourhood, for a month; and also had an inscription cut on a conspicuous tree fronting the landing-place, to the following purport: "Captain John—— W. Magee, 1719." This William Magee was surgeon of the Success, and well known to Captain Shelvocke and all his company; and Clipperton omitted his own name in the inscription, because he had been formerly in the South Sea, and had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards, for which reason he did not wish to give them notice of his return into this sea. The sick were all landed on the 8th, and every convenience afforded by the island made use of to promote their recovery. The weather was very changeable all the time of the Success continuing here, with much rain, and some hard gales of wind. They took, however, a considerable number of goats, which not only served them for present subsistence, but enabled them to increase their sea store, as they had an opportunity of salting a good many; for some French ships, that had been at the island, had left a considerable quantity of salt ready made. They likewise cleaned the ship's bottom, and took on board a supply of wood and water. It was now evident that the Success would have to act singly in these seas, as Clipperton was fully of opinion that the Speedwell was lost, or at least gave out so among the company, to prevent them from continually cursing Shelvocke for running away with their liquors, which some of the sick men did with their dying breaths.

The beauty and fertility of this island, compared with the dangers and difficulties unavoidable in the South Sea, tempted four of the men to remain in the island, and they actually ran away into the mountains. As it was very inconvenient to lose so many good hands, Captain Clipperton took measures for recovering them, but ineffectually. At last, a fortnight after their desertion, and only the day before the ship was to leave the island, two of them were caught by the goat-hunters and brought aboard. They confessed that they had been hard put to it for the first five days, being forced to subsist entirely on the cabbage-trees, which are here in great plenty; but having accidentally found some fire, left by the goat-hunters, it served them in good stead, as it enabled them to cook their victuals. That same evening they brought on board all the goats-flesh they had salted, together with four casks of seal-oil, and every thing else they had on shore. A cross was set up on shore, at the foot of which a bottle was buried, containing a letter for Captain Shelvocke, appointing another place of rendezvous, with certain signals by which to know each other if they happened to meet at sea.

SECTION II.

Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas.

Clipperton left Juan Fernandez on the 7th October, leaving two men behind, as successors to Governor Selkirk, but of whose adventures we have no mention. He now steered his course to the northwards, till in the parallel of Lima, where he proposed to commence operations, though in a very indifferent condition, having lost thirty men since passing the equator. On the 25th, being in the latitude of Lima, they captured a snow of forty tons, laden with sand and rubbish for manure, on board of which were seven Indians and two negroes, their master having been left sick on shore. The only thing she contained worth taking were two jars full of eggs, two jars of treacle, and two dollars. Next day they captured a ship of 150 tons, laden with timber from Guayaquil, in which were two friars, sixteen Indians, and four Negroes. On the 30th they took a ship of 400 tons, bound from Panama to Lima, which had been taken by Captain Rogers at Guayaquil ten years before. She had many passengers on board, and a loading of considerable value. Another prize was taken on the 2d of November, being a vessel of seventy tons, on board of which was the Countess of Laguna and several other passengers, with a great sum of money, and 400 jars of wine and brandy, which was very acceptable. Captain Clipperton desired the countess to inform him, whether she thought proper to remain in the prize, or to accept of such accommodations as he was able to give her in the Success. She chose to continue in the prize, on which he sent an officer of marines with a guard, to prevent her from being molested, and with strict orders not to allow any person to enter her cabin, except her own domestics. He also sent part of the wine and brandy on board the other prizes, for the use of his seamen who had charge of them.

Although Captain Clipperton had now so many prizes, that above a third of his company was detached to take charge of them, he was still as eager to take more as if he had commanded a squadron of men of war, instead of a single privateer weakly manned. On the 12th November, a London-built pink of about 200 tons was discovered at some distance, bound from Panama to Lima with a cargo of woad, of very little value to Clipperton, yet he added this to the number of his prizes. The master of this vessel, being a shrewd fellow, soon saw the error Clipperton had fallen into, and resolved to turn it to his advantage. Guessing by the number of prizes already attending the English ship, that he could not spare many men to take possession of his ship, and having above a dozen passengers, he directed them to hide themselves in the hold, along with a Frenchman who served as boatswain, with orders to seize as many of the English as went down below, assuring them that he with the ship's company would be able to manage the rest. When this ship struck, Clipperton sent Lieutenant Sergeantson with eight men to take possession of her; who, on coming on board, ordered all he saw on deck into the great cabin, at the door of which he placed a sentinel. Thinking every thing was now secure, he ordered the topsails to be hoisted, in order to stand down towards the Success; after which, the men went down into the hold, to see what loading was in the ship. On this the concealed passengers sallied out, knocked most of them down, and the boatswain came behind Mr Sergeantson, whom he knocked down likewise, and then bound all the Englishmen in the hold. In the mean time, the crew in the great cabin, Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes, secured the sentinel. Having thus recovered possession of the ship, the Spanish captain resolved on getting ashore at all events, in which design he ran his ship among the rocks, where he with his crew and prisoners were all in considerable danger. He then ordered all the English prisoners to be unbound, and all got safe on shore, after which Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men were all sent prisoners to Lima.

The viceroy was so much pleased with this hardy action of the Spanish shipmaster, that he ordered a new vessel to be built for him at Guayaquil, ordering all the traders in Peru to be taxed for defraying the expence, as a reward for the service rendered on this occasion to the public, and an encouragement for others to behave in like manner. On the arrival of the prisoners at Lima, they were all strictly examined, when one of them gave a full account of every thing he knew, particularly of the two men who remained on the island of Juan Fernandez, and of the letter left in a bottle for the Speedwell, the consort of the Success. On this information, a small vessel was fitted out and sent to Juan Fernandez, with orders to fetch away the two men and the bottle containing the signals, which was accordingly done.

Perceiving on the 20th November, that the last-taken, prize had been recovered by her crew, as on making the signal to tack, she was seen to make all possible sail towards the land, Captain Clipperton immediately suspected what had happened; and finding it impossible to get up with her, he began to consider what was best for him to do, to prevent the bad effects which might reasonably be expected from her crew getting on shore and communicating the alarm. Wherefore, he very prudently determined to set all his Spanish prisoners at liberty, as well to save provisions, which he could not very well spare, as that their good usage from him might be speedily known, in hopes of the same being returned to those of his men who had fallen into the hands of the Spaniards.

On the 24th we took another prize of about 200 tons, laden with timber from Panama to Lima, having on board forty negroes and thirty Spaniards, most of the last being passengers. On the 27th he came to anchor with all his prizes at the island of Plata, where he began seriously to reflect how best to turn the expedition to the profit of the owners, as well as of himself and crew. He knew well that all the coast was now alarmed, and that two men-of-war were fitting out on purpose to take him, one of fifty and the other of thirty guns. He had no expectations of the ships and goods he had taken being ransomed in that pan of the world, and believed they would prove of little value if brought home; and reflecting on what had formerly been proposed by Captain Woods Rogers on a similar occasion, of sending a cargo of such prize goods to Brazil, he resolved to try that experiment. Accordingly, he fitted out the bark in which he had taken the Countess de Laguna, armed her with eight guns, and gave her a crew of thirteen Englishmen and ten negroes, with what provisions and stores he could spare, calling her the Chickly. Into this vessel he put a cargo of European commodities, valued at upwards of ten thousand pounds, and on the 27th November, 1719, he sailed for Brazil under the command of Captain Mitchell. As soon as she was gone, he gave up his other prizes to the Spaniards, taking out of them whatever he thought worth keeping, and detaining one of the Spanish masters to serve him as pilot, with all the negroes; after which he sailed from La Plata to resume his cruize on his former station.

The 12th December he took a vessel bound from Cherisse for Panama with provisions, which employed the launch and pinnace of the Success a whole day in bringing on board the flour and other provisions out of the prize. Having got as much flour out of her as they could well stow away in the Success, Clipperton ordered the main-mast of the prize to be cut away, lest she should overset, and then dismissed her. From the people of this prize, they learnt that Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men had been carried prisoners to Lima. On the 27th they anchored in Guanchaco bay, where they found two ships at anchor, which had been abandoned by their crews, and every thing taken out of them, except some bread and a few jars of water. These ships were set on fire. It was now resolved to bear away for the Gallapagos islands for refreshments, and accordingly anchored in York road, on the north side of the Duke of York's island, on the 9th January, 1720, immediately under the equinoctial line. They here found good water, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and after ten days proceeded to the northwards, in order to cruize on the coast of Mexico. The circumstance of finding good water at this place, sufficiently justifies Captain Cowley from the aspersions thrown upon him by later writers, who allege that he gave a fanciful and untrue account of these islands, as they had not been able to find water or anchorage at such of them as they tried.

Having returned to the American coast, they fell in with a ship on the 21st of January, which they took after a long chase. This proved to be the Prince Eugene, on board of which was the Marquis of Villa Roche and all his family, bound from Panama, where he had been president, to Lima. This was the very ship in which Captain Clipperton had been circumvented and taken in his last voyage in these seas,[237] when he had been very indifferently used by the marquis, who was now at his mercy, and whom he used, notwithstanding, with all civility. On the 8th March, a priest who was on board the prize, and the boatswain of that ship, desired leave to go on shore at the island of Velas,[238] which was granted on condition that they would induce the inhabitants to bring some bullocks to the shore, to exchange them for such goods as they might think proper to accept in payment. This they promised, and on the 16th they returned with four bullocks, together with some fowls and fruit as a present to the marquis, but said their alcalde, or governor, would on no account permit them to trade with the English. They also learnt that Captain Mitchell had been ashore at this place, and had shot some of their cattle, but on 200 men appearing under arms, had been forced to retire. This story seemed the more probable, as these people had some linen and other articles of clothing belonging to Captain Mitchell's men. Next day some letters from the marquis were intercepted, which were by no means conformable to the strict honour to which the Spanish nobility usually pretend, as they were meant to stir up the inhabitants of Velas to surprise the men belonging to Captain Clipperton, and to seize his boat when it went ashore for water. Upon this Captain Clipperton confined the marquis for some days; yet allowed him and his lady to go ashore on the 20th, leaving their only child as an hostage; and soon after the prize was restored to her captain.

[Footnote 237: The circumstance here alluded to no where appears in the narratives of any of the former circumnavigations.—E.]

[Footnote 238: Perhaps Velas point is here meant, in lat. 10 deg. 9' N. on the coast of that province of Mexico called Corta Rica.—E.]

On the 14th April, the marquis and his lady came on board, accompanied by the alcalde, and an agreement being made for their ransom, the lady and child were sent ashore, and the marquis remained as sole hostage. In the whole of this transaction, Clipperton seems to have been outwitted by the marquis, who lately broke his word, and by this the crew of the Success were provoked to murmur against their captain for trusting him. On the 20th of April, the Success anchored in the Gulf of Amapala, or Fouseca, in lat. 13 deg. N. and not being able to water there, repaired to the Island of Tigers,[239] where they procured water with great ease. They went to the island of Gorgona, in lat. 2 deg. 53' N. for the same purpose, on the 4th June. On the 24th of that month they took a prize which had once been in their hands before, now laden with timber and cocoa-nuts; and on the 11th August, anchored with their prize at the island of Lobor de la Mar, in lat. 6 deg. 95' S. where they set up tents on shore, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and took whatever seemed of any value out of the prize.

[Footnote 239: Perhaps the Isla del Cana, in lat. 8 deg. 46' N. is here meant, or it may have been one of the islands in the Gulf of Amapala.—E.]

While here, a plot was entered into by the crew, for seizing the captain and officers, whom they proposed to leave on the island of Lobos, and then to run away with the ship; but this was happily discovered on the 6th September, the two principal ringleaders severely punished, and the rest pardoned. On the 17th, they took a fishing-boat with a considerable quantity of well-cured and salt fish. On the 1st November they went into the Bay of Conception, on the coast of Chili, in lat. 36 deg. 35' S. in chace of a vessel which outsailed them and escaped; whence they bore away for Coquimbo, in lat. 29 deg. 50' S. and took a ship laden with sugar, tobacco, and cloth, on their passage between these two places. On the 6th in the afternoon, on opening the harbour of Coquimbo, they saw three men-of-war at anchor with their topsails loose, which immediately slipped their cables and stood after them. The Success hauled close upon a wind, as the prize did likewise, on which the best sailing Spanish man-of-war gave chase to the prize, which she soon came up with and took. The two other ships crowded all sail after the Success, till afternoon, when the biggest carried away her mizen-mast, on which she fired a gun and stood in for the shore, which favoured the escape of the Success.

In the re-captured prize, they lost their third lieutenant, Mr James Milne, with twelve men. The captain of the Spanish man-of-war which took him, was the famous Don Blas de Lesso, who was governor of Carthagena when that place was attacked by Admiral Vernon. At first Don Blas treated Mr Milne very roughly, being enraged at having missed taking the English privateer, and had only retaken a Spanish prize, and in the first transport of his passion struck Mr Milne over the head with the flat of his sword. But on coming to himself he sent for Mr Milne, and generously asked his pardon, and finding he had been stripped by the soldiers, ordered him a new suit of clothes, and kept him some time in his own ship. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid his passage to Panama, giving him a jar of wine and another of brandy for his sea-store, and put 200 dollars in his pocket to carry him to England. This unlucky accident of losing the prize revived the ill-humour among the crew of the Success, who did not indeed enter into any new plot, but became much dejected.

On the 16th they gave chase to another ship, which, after exchanging a few shots, bore away and left them. This was a fortunate escape, as she was a ship of force commanded by one Fitzgerald, which had been fitted out on purpose to take Captain Shelvocke; but knowing this not to be the ship he was in search of, and doubting her strength, had no great stomach to engage. These repeated disappointments, as they broke the spirit of the crew, had a very bad effect on Captain Clipperton, who now began to take to drinking, which grew at last to such a pitch that he was hardly ever quite sober; owing to which unhappy propensity he committed many errors in his future proceedings.

It was now determined to proceed to the northward in search of plunder, as also to procure a supply of provisions, especially flour, having expended all their stock of that article, and being now reduced to three pounds of Indian corn for a mess of six men per day. Having but indifferent fortune, and being in sight of point Helena in lat. 2 deg. 10' S. they resolved to bear away for the Gallapagos islands, on the 27th November, having in the first place set ashore the prisoners belonging to the vessel in which Mr Milne was taken. In their passage to these islands, they suspected an error in their log-line, which was found three fathoms too short, making an error in their computation on this run of about fifty-two miles. On the 4th of December they lost their purser, Mr Fairman, and the same day found themselves near the Gallapagos, being in lat. 0 deg. 36' N. with a strong current running to the S.W. against which they had to contend. On the 6th the pinnace was sent to look out for an anchorage at one of the islands, but returned without finding any, having seen many tortoises on shore. Upon this the pinnace and yawl were sent out to bring off some of these animals, and returned with sufficient fish to serve the whole company for a day, but had been unable to land for turtle, in consequence of a prodigious surf on the shore. This island was a mere rock in lat. 0 deg. 9' N. and the ground all about it was foul, with soundings from fifty to eighty fathoms. Leaving this island, they proceeded to another in the S.W. but could find no anchorage. Being unwilling to lose more time, they made the best of their way for the island of Cocos,[240] where they hoped to procure fish, fowls, and cocoa-nuts. On the 7th they saw several islands in the N.E. through which they passed, and got clear of them all by the 9th,[241] but as the people daily fell sick, they grew very apprehensive of the dangerous situation they might incur in case of missing the island of which they were now in search. On the 17th they had the satisfaction of seeing the long-wished for island in the N.W. at the distance of nine leagues; and on the 18th, after coming to anchor, all of them went on shore that could be spared from the necessary duty of the ship, in order to build a hut for the reception of the sick, who were then carried on shore and comfortably lodged. They here had plenty of fish, fowls, eggs, and cocoa-nuts, with other refreshments. The captain here opened the last hogshead of brandy for the use of the company, giving every man a dram daily as long as it lasted; and on new-year's-day 1721, he allowed a gallon of strong beer to every mess. By means of abundant nourishing food and much ease, the crew began to recover their health and spirits, and were soon able to take on board wood and water, though with considerable difficulty, as a very heavy swell set in from the northwards at the full and change of the moon, so that they had to wait till after the spring-tides were over, before they were able to get any thing off.

[Footnote 240: The island of Cocos, nearly north from the Gallapagos, is in lat. 5 deg. 20' N. and long. 87 deg. 53' W. from Greenwich.—E.]

[Footnote 241: These were probably some of the most northerly of the Gallapagos.—E.]

On the 17th January, 1721, Captain Clipperton made the necessary dispositions for sailing, but it was three days before he could get his people on board, and then no less than eleven of them were missing, three Englishmen and eight negroes. It is not easy to conceive what could have induced the former to hazard themselves at this island, so far removed from the continent, and so little likely to be frequented by ships, and whence they had so very small a chance of ever getting off. It must be attributed to their dread of the dangers and fatigues to which they had been continually exposed, and to their living almost continually on short allowance, whereas they were here sure of plenty of provisions, with no other fatigue but the trouble of procuring and dressing them. Perhaps they might have received some assurance from the marquis, of having a ship sent for them when he obtained his liberty, which was at least a hazardous contingency; and there is great reason to doubt was never performed.

Leaving the island of Cocos on the 20th, they arrived on the coast of Mexico on the 25th, when they met with an extraordinary adventure. Discovering a sail about seven in the evening, they gave chase and sent their pinnace to board, which came up with the chase about eleven. On the return of the pinnace, her people reported that this was a Spanish ship named the Jesu Maria, but now in possession of Captain Shelvocke, who had now only forty of his men remaining, all the rest being dead or dispersed. He said that he had lost the Speedwell at the island of Juan Fernandez, where he staid five months, and built a bark out of the wreck of the Speedwell. Putting to sea in this bark, he had coasted along Chili and Peru, meeting several ships, but could not take any, till at length he captured the Jesu Maria at Pisco near Lima. Shelvocke's people differed much in their stories, but it appeared that there was no regular command among them; and, as used to be the practice in the buccaneers, they had chosen a quarter-master, every thing being carried by a majority of votes, being all equal, and snared every thing among themselves, contrary to the articles of agreement with their owners.

On the 27th, Mr Clipperton sent for the purser of the Jesu Maria, who gave but a dark account of their proceedings, only that he was not allowed to take any account of the treasure for the owners. Captain Shelvocke afterwards came on board the Success, accompanied by Mr Dod, his lieutenant of marines, who proposed to remain in the Success, having been very ill used by the other crew for his attachment to the interest of the owners, at least so he said, and was credited by Captain Clipperton and his officers. Next day, Shelvocke sent on board the Success six chests of pitch and dammer, two barrels of tar, and six slabs of copper; and Captain Clipperton gave him twenty-four quarter deck guns,[242] some round shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. Shelvocke's people laid out a great deal of money with the crew of the Success, in the purchase of clothes, shoes, hats, and other necessaries; and there remained with them two of Shelvocke's officers, Mr Hendric the purser, and Mr Dod the lieutenant of marines.

[Footnote 242: This must be a gross error, as the Success originally carried only twenty-four guns; and accordingly, in the subsequent account of the circumnavigation of Shelvocke, only two quarter-deck guns are mentioned.—E.]

Still keeping to the northward on the coast of Mexico, the Success afterwards saw the Jesu Maria several times; and at length, in the beginning of March, it was resolved to propose a conjunct attempt on the Manilla ship on her way to Acapulco. Accordingly on the 13th March, in a general consultation by the officers of both ships, it was agreed to make the attempt jointly, both ships boarding her at once, as the only chance of taking her. On the 15th, in another consultation, Captain Clipperton and his officers agreed to certain articles, which were sent to Captain Shelvocke, proposing, if he and his crew would refund all the money they had shared among themselves, contrary to the articles agreed upon with the owners, and put the whole into a joint stock, thus all their faults should be forgiven, both companies uniting, and should then proceed together to cruise for the Acapulco ship. This proposal was very indifferently received by Shelvocke and his men, who did not care to part with what they possessed, and declined to give any answer to this proposal. Perceiving, therefore, that nothing good was to be expected from their quondam consort, considering also that the usual time of the Manilla ship arriving at Acapulco was already elapsed, that most of their remaining men were weak and sickly, and that they were only victualled for five months at their present short allowance, Captain Clipperton and his men thought it was now proper for them to proceed for the East Indies without loss of time, in order to preserve what little they had got for their owners and themselves. It was therefore resolved upon to put this plan into immediate execution, without any farther consultation with Shelvocke, and to leave the coast of America directly. They were now to the S.S.E. of Port Marquis, in lat. 16 deg.50'N. and accordingly on the 18th March shaped their course for crossing the Pacific ocean towards the Ladrone islands.

The Manilla ships usually leave the Philippine islands about the beginning of July, and arrive at the Ladrones about the beginning of September, whence they proceed for Acapulco, where they are expected to arrive about the middle of January. They generally remain at Acapulco, till towards the latter end of April, and then sail for Manilla. This, though the general rule, is liable to some alterations, according as the trade-winds set in earlier or later. From this account, it is plain that the ship they had now proposed to wait for must have been the galleon on her passage from Acapulco for Manilla, which always has a prodigious quantity of silver on board.

SECTION III.

Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China.

The Success performed the voyage from the coast of Mexico to the Ladrones in fifty-three days, arriving in sight of the island of Serpana on the 10th May, 1721. This island is in lat. 13 deg.42'N. though usually laid down in the Spanish maps in 14 deg..[243] In this passage they lost six of their men, and the rest were reduced to so weak and low a state, that the sight of this island gave them great joy. They determined however to proceed to Guam, as best known to Europeans, and where they were most likely to procure provisions; but in their present weakly condition it might have been better to have gone to Serpana, where the Spaniards have not so great a force as at Guam. They anchored in the road at this island on the 13th May, and sent their pinnace ashore with a flag of truce to obtain provisions. But the people informed them that, without leave of the governor, they could not trade with them. Application was therefore made to the governor for this purpose, which was favourably received for the present; and Mr Godfrey, the owners agent, who had been sent up to the governor at Umatta, returned on the 16th to the Success in one of the country proas, with a message from the governor, intimating, that they should be furnished with provisions, if they behaved civilly and paid honestly. The launch arrived soon after, bringing on board some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy, fruit, and vegetables; and on the 17th the governor sent a handsome present of palm-wine, sugar, and brandy, with a large quantity of chocolate.

[Footnote 243: Serpana is probably some small island close to Guam, not inserted in general maps. The centre of Guam is in 13 deg.30'N.]

The Island of Guam, in lat. 13 deg.30'N. long 145 deg.30'E. from Greenwich, is nearly ten leagues long from N. to S. and five leagues from E. to W. It has several villages, the most remarkable being Amatta, Atry, Agana, Anigua, Asa, Hugatee, and Rigues. The natives are formerly said to have amounted to 150,000 souls, but at this time did not exceed a tenth of the number, of which a few hundreds remained independent in the mountains, in spite of every effort to reduce them under the Spanish dominion. The natives are strong, active, vigorous, and war-like, but are represented as cruel, vindictive, and treacherous, though perhaps the Spaniards have exaggerated their bad qualities, to extenuate their own tyranny and oppression. The Spanish garrison at this island at this time consisted of 300, relieved from time to time from Manilla, and the King of Spain is said to have allowed 30,000 dollars yearly for the maintenance of this port, the only use of which is to give refreshments to the annual ship which goes between Manilla and Acapulco.

Having agreed with the governor of Guam for the ransom of the Marquis de Villa Roche, that nobleman went ashore on the 18th May, accompanied by the agent, the first lieutenant, and the doctor; and the Success gave him a salute of five guns at parting. For six days after, the launch was continually employed in bringing wood, water, and provisions on board, during which time the governor requested to be supplied with some arms and ammunition in exchange, and accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him twelve fuzees, three jars of gunpowder, sixty rounds of shot, four pair of pistols, and several cutlasses, swords, and daggers. On the 25th a letter was sent on board, demanding the jewels belonging to the marquis, some consecrated plate, and two negroes, who were Christians; as also requiring to have a certificate signed by the captain and officers of the Success, that peace had been proclaimed between Britain and Spain; besides which, this letter intimated that Mr Godfrey and Mr Pritty were detained till all these demands were complied with. In reply, Captain Clipperton sent a letter, containing a certificate, that he had been informed by the Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili, that peace had been concluded between Britain and Spain; but threatning, if the agreed ransom for the marquis, and the two gentlemen now detained, were not sent off in twenty-four hours, that he would demolish all the houses on shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine Islands.

Soon after, a letter was received from the governor, saying that he would pay for the consecrated plate, and desiring to have more powder and shot; to which Clipperton made answer that he could not spare any more. The yawl went ashore on the 28th for more provisions; but the people were told that no more could be had, unless they sent more powder and shot. Upon this Clipperton weighed anchor, and stood in for the harbour, sending the pinnace a-head to sound. The people on shore had raised a battery during the sham treaty about the ransom of the marquis, from which they fired on the pinnace. The pinnace now returned to Clipperton, and reported that the only channel they could find lay within pistol-shot of the shore; yet at six in the afternoon Clipperton persisted to carry the Success into the harbour, making directly for the ship that lay there at anchor. The Spaniards carried her into shoal-water,[244] where she was exposed to two fires, one from the new battery on land, almost directly over head, and the other from the ship. At nine she got foul of the rocks, when they had to cut away two of their anchors, endeavouring to get her off, all the while the enemy plying them warmly with shot and stones from the new battery on the hill, so that they suffered severely in the hull and rigging of the ship. They also had three men wounded, besides losing the first lieutenant, Mr Davidson, an honest man and a good officer. Thus the Success had to remain in a miserable situation, exposed during the whole night to the continual fire of the enemy; and the surface of the water being as smooth as a mill-pond, the ship was easily seen in the night, while her unfortunate crew had no other mark to fire at but the flashes of the enemy's guns.