On the morning of the 3d January 1556, we fell in with Cape Three-points, having passed during the night one of the Portuguese castles, which is 8 leagues west from this point[242]. This is a very high land all grown over with trees, and on coming nearer we perceived three head-lands, having a kind of two bays between them, which open directly westwards. The farthest out to sea is the eastern cape. The middle cape is not above a league from the western cape, though the chart we had laid them down as 3 leagues asunder. Right before the point of the middle cape there is a small rock near it, which cannot be seen from the cape itself, except one be near the shore, and on the top of this cape there is a great tuft of trees. When abreast of this cape there is seen close beside it a round green hummock rising from the main-land. The eastern cape is about a league from the middle one, and is high land like the other two, and between these there is a little head or point of land, and several rocks close in shore. About 8 leagues before we came to cape Three-points the coast trends S.E. by E., and after passing the cape it runs N.E. by E. About two leagues after passing Cape Three-points there is a low glade for about two miles in length, after which the land becomes again high, with several successive points or headlands, the first of which has several rocks out to sea. The middle of the three capes runs farthest out to sea southwards, so that it can be seen a great way off from the coast, when it appears to rise with two small rocks. We ran this day 8 leagues, and anchored before night, lest we might overshoot a town named St Johns[243]. In the afternoon a boat with five men came off from the shore and ranged alongside of us, as if looking at our flags, but would not come near, and after looking at us for some time went back to the land. In the morning of the 4th, while sailing along the coast, we espied a ledge of rocks close to the shore, to the westwards of which were two green hills joining together, with a hollow between them resembling a saddle; and, as the master thought the town we were looking for stood within these rocks, we manned our boats, taking with us a quantity of cloth and other goods, with which we rowed on shore; but after going some way along the shore without finding any town, we returned again on board. About two leagues to the eastwards from the two saddle hills, a ledge of rocks stretches almost two miles out to sea, beyond which is a great bay running N.N.W. while the general stretch of the coast at this place is from S.W. by W. to N.E. by E. Having with a gentle gale run past that uttermost headland, we saw a great red cliff, which the master again judged to be near the town of St Johns, on which we again took our boat and merchandise and rowed to the shore. We actually found a town on the top of a hill to which we directed our course, and on seeing us a considerable number of the inhabitants collected together and waved a piece of cloth as a signal for us to come in, on which we rowed into an excellent bay to eastward of the cliff on which the town stands, and on getting fairly into the bay we let drop our grapnel. After remaining some time, a boat or canoe came off to us and one of the men in her shewed us a piece of gold about half a crown weight, requiring us to give them our measure and weight that they might shew them to their captain. We accordingly gave them a measure of two ells, and a weight of two angels, as the principles on which we meant to deal. He took these on shore to their captain; and then brought us back a measure of two ells one quarter and a half, and one crusado weight of gold, making signs that they would give so much weight of gold for that measure of cloth and no more; but this we refused. After staying about an hour, and finding that they would not deal on our principles, besides understanding that the best places for trade were all before us, we returned to our ships, weighed anchor, and stood along shore, going before in the boat.

[Footnote 242: This was probably Fort St Antonio, at the mouth of the river Aximer or Ashim.—Astl. I. 155. a.]

[Footnote 243: St Johns river is about 12 leagues E.N.E. of Cape Three-points, nearly in lat. 5 deg. N. long 2 deg. 10' W.—E.]

Having sailed about a league, we came to a point of land having a long ledge of rocks running out from it to seawards like the others; and on passing the ledge our master noticed a place which he said was assuredly the town of Don John[244]. As the night approached we could not see it very distinctly, wherefore we came to anchor as near as possible. On the morning of the 5th it was recognized to be the town we wanted, wherefore we manned our boats and went towards the shore; but knowing that the Portuguese had taken away a man from that place the year before, and had afterwards shot at them with great bases[245], driving them from the place, we let go our grapnel almost a base shot from shore, and lay there near two hours without any boat coming off to us. At this time some of our men who had gone in the Hinds boat into the bay to the eastward of the town, where they found a fine fresh river, waved to us to join them, because the negroes were seen coming down to that place, which we did. Immediately afterwards the negroes came down to the shore, and gave us to know by signs that they had gold, but none of them would come to our boats, neither indeed did we see that they had any canoes to come in, so that we suspected the Portuguese had spoiled their boats, as we saw half their town in ruins. Wherefore, having tarried a good while, and seeing that they did not come to us, and as we were well armed, we run the heads of both boats on shore. Upon this the captain of the town came towards us with his dart in his hand, followed by six tall men each of whom had a dart and target. Their darts were all headed with iron well-fashioned and sharp. After this party came another negro carrying the captains stool. We all saluted the captain respectfully, pulling off our caps and bowing to him; but he, seeming to consider himself as a man of consequence, did not move his cap in return, and gravely sat down on his stool, hardly inclining his body in return to our salute: All his attendants however, took off their caps and bowed to us.

[Footnote 244: Called St Johns twice before; and we shall see that they came to another town afterwards called Don Johns, more to the east, whence it appears that the Don John of the text here is an error for St John.—E.]

[Footnote 245: Probably musketoons or blunderbusses, and certainly some species of gun or fire-arm.—E.]

This chief was clothed from the loins downwards, with a cloth of the country manufacture, wrapped about him and made fast with a girdle round his waist, having a cap of the country cloth on his head, all his body above the loins with his legs and feet being bare. Some of his attendants had cloths about their loins, while others had only a clout between their legs, fastened before and behind to their girdles; having likewise caps on their heads of their own making, some made of basket-work, and others like a large wide purse of wild beast skins. All their cloth, girdles, fishing lines, and other such things, are made from the bark of certain trees, very neatly manufactured. They fabricate likewise all such iron implements as they use very artificially; such as the heads of their darts, fish-hooks, hooking irons, ironheads, and great daggers, some of these last being as long as a bill hook, or woodcutters knife, very sharp on both sides and bent like a Turkish cymeter, and most of the men have such a dagger hanging on their left side. Their targets are made of the same materials with their cloths, very closely wrought, very large and of an oblong square form, somewhat longer than broad, so that when they kneel on the ground the target entirely covers their whole body. Their bows are short and tolerably strong, as much as a man is able to draw with one finger, and the string is made of the bark of a tree, made flat, and a quarter of an inch broad. I have not seen any of their arrows, as they were all close wrapped up, and I was so busily engaged in traffic that I had not leisure to get them opened out for my inspection. They have also the art to work up their gold into very pretty ornaments.

When the captain had taken his seat on the stool, I sent him as a present two ells of cloth and two basins, and he sent back for our weight and measure, on which I sent him a weight of two angels, and informed him that such was our price in gold for two ells, or the measure I had already sent him. This rule of traffic he absolutely refused, and would not suffer his people to buy any thing but basins of brass or latten; so that we sold that day 74 brass basins for about half an angel weight each, and nine white basins for about a quarter of an angel each. We shewed them some of all our other wares, but they did not care for any of them. About two o'clock, P.M. the chief returned again, and presented me a hen and two great roots, which I accepted, and he then made me understand by signs, that many people would come from the country that night to trade with me, who would bring great store of gold. Accordingly about 4 o'clock there came about 100 men under 3 chiefs, all well equipped with darts and bows; and when they came to us, every man stuck his dart into the ground in token of peace, all the chiefs having their stools with them, sat down, after which they sent a youth on board our boat who brought a measure of an ell, a quarter and a sixteenth, making us understand that they would have four times that measure in cloth for the weight in gold of an angel and 12 grains. I offered him two ells for that weight, for which I had before demanded two angels; but this he despised, and stuck to the four measures, being 5-1/4 ells. When it grew late and I motioned to go away, he came to four ells for the above weight, and as he and I could not agree we went back to the ships. This day we took for basins 6 ounces a half and an eighth of gold.

In the morning of the 6th, we well manned our boats and the skiff, being in some fear of the Portuguese, who had taken away a man from the ships in the year before; and as the negroes had not canoes, we went near the shore to them. The young man who had been with us the night before was again sent to us, and he seemed to have had intercourse with the Portuguese, as he could speak a little of that language, and was quite expert in weights and measures. At his coming he offered us, as before, an angel and 12 grains for four ells, giving us to understand, if we would not deal on these terms, we might go away, which we did accordingly; but before going away, I offered him three ells of rotten cloth for his weight, which he would not accept. We then went on board our ships, which lay a league off, after which we went back in the boats for sand ballast. When the chiefs saw that our boats had now no merchandise, but came only for water and sand, they at last agreed to give the weight for three ells. Therefore, when the boats returned to the ships, we put wares into both, and, for greater expedition, I and John Saville went in one boat, while the master, John Makeworth, and Richard Curligin, went in the other. That night I took for my part 52 ounces of gold, and those in the other boat took 8-1/4 ounces, all by the above weight and measure. When it grew late we returned to the ships, having taken that day in all 5 pounds of gold.

We went on shore again on the 7th, and that day I took in our boat 3 pounds 19 ounces[246], so that we had sold most of the cloth we carried in the boat before noon, by which time many of the negroes were gone, and the rest seemed to have very little gold remaining; yet they made signs to us to bring them more latten basins, which I was not inclined to, not wishing to spend any more time there, but to push forwards for Don Johns town. But as John Saville and John Makeworth were anxious to go again, I consented, but did not go myself. They bartered goods for eighteen ounces of gold and came away, all the natives having departed at a certain cry or signal. While they were on shore, a young negroe who could speak a little Portuguese came on board with three others, and to him I sold 39 basins and two small white saucers, for three ounces of gold. From what I could pick out, this young fellow had been in the castle of Mina among the Portuguese, and had got away from them, for he told us that the Portuguese were bad men, who made the negroes slaves when they could take them, and put irons on their legs. He said also that the Portuguese used to hang all the French or English they could lay hold of. According to his account, the garrison in the castle consisted of 60 men, and that there came thither every year two ships, one large and the other a small caravel. He told me farther that Don John was at war with the Portuguese, which encouraged me to go to his town, which is only four leagues from the castle, and from which our men had been driven in the preceding year. This fellow came fearlessly on board, and immediately demanded why we had not brought back the men we took away the year before, for he knew that the English had taken away five negroes. We answered that they were in England, where they were well received, and remained there till they could speak the language, after which they were to be brought back to serve as interpreters between the English and the natives; with which answer he seemed quite satisfied, as he spoke no more of that matter.

[Footnote 246: This is surely an error, as the troy or bullion pound contains only 12 ounces. We ought therefore to read 3 pounds 9 ounces—E.]

Our boats being come on board, we weighed and set sail, and soon afterwards noticed a great fire on the shore, by the light of which we could discern a large white object, which was supposed to be the Portuguese castle of St George del Mina; and as it is very difficult to ply up to windward on this coast, in case of passing any place, we came to anchor for the night two leagues from the shore, lest we might overshoot the town of Don John in the night. This town lies in a great bay which is very deep[247], and there the people were chiefly desirous to procure basins and cloth, though they bought a few other trifles, as knives, horse-tails, and horns; and some of our people who were on shore sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, and other such articles. They shewed us a coarse kind of cloth, which I believe was of French manufacture: The wool was very coarse, and the stuff was striped with various colours, as green, white, yellow, &c. Several of the negroes at this place wore necklaces of large glass beads of various colours. At this place I picked up a few words of their language, of which the following is a short specimen:

Mattea! Mattea! Is their salutation. Dassee! Dassee! I thank you. Sheke, Gold. Cowrte, Cut. Cracca, Knives. Bassina, Basins. Foco, foco, Cloth. Molta, Much, or great plenty[248]

[Footnote 247: This abrupt account of a town, &c. seems to refer back to that of St John, which they had just left.—E.]

[Footnote 248: This language seems partly corrupted.—Hakluyt.

Two of the words in this short specimen have been evidently adopted from the Portuguese, bassina and molta.—E.]

In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of the Portuguese castle of Mina, but the morning being misty we could not see it distinctly till we were almost at Don Johns town, when the weather cleared up and we had a full view of the fort, beside which we noticed a white house on a hill, which seemed to be a chapel. We stood in towards the shore, within two English miles of Don Johns town, where we anchored in seven fathoms. We here found, as in many places before, that the current followed the course of the wind. At this place the land by the sea is in some places low, and in others high, everywhere covered with wood. This town of Don John[249] is but small, having only about twenty huts of the negroes, and is mostly surrounded by a fence about the height of a man, made of reeds or sedge, or some such material. After being at anchor two or three hours, without any person coming off to us, we manned our boats and put some merchandize into them, and then went with our boats very near the shore, where we anchored. They then sent off a man to us, who told us by signs that this was the town belonging to Don John, who was then in the interior, but would be home at sunset. He then demanded a reward, as most of these people do on first coming aboard, and on giving him an ell of cloth he went away, and we saw no more of him that night. In the morning of the 9th we went again near the shore with our boats, when a canoe came off to us, from the people in which we were informed by signs that Don John was not yet come home, but was expected that day. There came also a man in a canoe from another town a mile from this, called Don Devis[250], who shewed us gold, and made signs for us to go there. I then left John Saville and John Makeworth at the town of Don John, and went in the Hind to the other town, where we anchored, after which I went in the boat close to the shore near the town. Boats or canoes soon came off to us, shewing a measure of 4-1/2 yards, and a weight of an angel and 12 grains, as their rule of traffic, so that I could make no bargain. All this day our people lay off Don Johns town and did nothing, being told that he was still absent.

[Footnote 249: Or Don Juan. This place stands at Cape Korea or Cors.—Astl. I. 158. a.

Cape Cors or Korea is now corruptly called Cape coast, at which there is an English fort or castle of the same name, in lat. 5 deg. 10' N. long. 1 deg. 16' W.—E.]

[Footnote 250: Called afterwards the town of John De Viso.—E.]

We went on the 10th to the shore, when a canoe came off with a considerable quantity of gold; and after long haggling we at length reduced their measure to a nail less than three ells, and brought up their weight to an angel and twenty grains, after which, in about a quarter of an hour, I sold cloth for a pound and a quarter of an ounce of gold. They then made signs for me to tarry till they had parted their cloth among them on shore, after their custom, and away they went and spread all their cloth on the sand. At this time a man came running from the town and spoke with them, and immediately they all hastened away into the woods to hide their cloth and gold. We suspected some treachery, and though invited by signs to land we would not, but returned on board the Hind, whence we could see 30 men on the hill, whom we judged to be Portuguese, who went up to the top of the hill, where they drew up with a flag. Being desirous to know what the people of the Hart were about, I went to her in the Hind's boat, and on nearing her was surprised on seeing her shoot off two pieces of ordnance. I then made as much haste as possible, and met her boat and skiff coming with all speed from the shore. We all met on board the Hart, when they told me that they had been on shore all day, where they had given 3-1/2 yards of cloth to each of Don Johns two sons, and three basins between them, and had delivered 3 yards more cloth at the agreed weight of an angel and 12 grains. That while remaining on shore for an answer, some Portuguese had come running down the hill upon them, of which the negroes had given them warning shortly before, but they understood them not. The sons of Don John had conspired with the Portuguese against them, so that they were almost taken by surprise; yet they recovered their boat and pushed off from the shore, on which the Portuguese discharged their calivers or muskets at them, but hurt none of them; in revenge for which hostility, the people in the ship had fired off the two guns formerly mentioned. We now laid bases[251] into both the boats and the skiff, manning and arming them all, and went again towards the shore; but being unable to land on account of the wind, we lay off at the distance of about 200 yards, whence we fired against the Portuguese, but could not injure them as they were sheltered by the hill. They fired upon us in return from the hills and rocks, the negroes standing by to help them, more from fear than love. Seeing the negroes in such subjection that they durst not deal with us, we returned on board; and as the wind kept at east all night, we were unable to fetch the Hind, but I took the boat and went on board in the night, to see if any thing could be done there; and as in the morning we could perceive that the town was overawed by the Portuguese like the other, we weighed anchor and went along the coast to the eastwards.

[Footnote 251: Formerly conjectured to be musquetoons, or wall-pieces.—E.]

This town of John de Viso stands on a hill like that of Don John, but had been recently burnt, so that there did not remain above six houses standing. Most of the gold on this part of the coast comes from the interior country, and doubtless, if the people durst bring their gold, which they are prevented from doing by the Portuguese, we might have got abundance; but they are under such subjection to the Portuguese, that they dare not trade with others.

While coasting along on the 11th, we saw a small town about 4 leagues to the east of that we last came from. About half a league farther was another town upon a hill, and half a league beyond that another large town on the coast, to which we went to try what could be done in the way of trade, meaning, if unsuccessful, to return to the towns we had left behind, in hopes that the Portuguese would leave them on our departure. All the way from the castle of Mina to this place, there were very high hills to be seen rising above other hills, all covered with wood, and the coast was lined with great red cliffs close to the sea. The boats of this coast are larger than those we had seen hitherto, as one of them could carry 12 men, but they were still of the same form with all the boats along the coast. About these towns there seemed few rivers, and their language seemed the same with that at Don Johns town, every person being able to speak a few words of Portuguese, which they constantly used to us. About five o'clock P.M. we saw 22 of the native boats or canoes going along shore to the westwards, on which we suspected some treachery; wherefore on the 12th we made sail farther along the coast eastwards, and descried more towns, in which there were some larger houses than any we had hitherto seen, and from these the people came out to look at us, but we could see no boats on the shore. Two miles beyond the eastermost town there are black rocks, which continue to the uttermost cape or point of the land for the space of a league, after which the land runs E.N.E. Some negroes came down to these black rocks, whence they waved a white flag for us to land; but as we were near the principal town, we continued our course along shore, and when we had opened the point of land we perceived another head-land about a league farther on, having a rock lying off to sea, which was thought to be the place of which were in search. On coming abreast of the town it was recognized, and having anchored within half a mile of the shore in five fathoms, with good ground, we put wares into our boat, and went near the shore to endeavour to open trade. Anchoring close to the shore, about 10 A.M. we saw many canoes on the beach, and some came past us, but no one would draw near, being, as we supposed, afraid of us, as four men had been forcibly taken away from thence the year before. Seeing that no one came off to us, we went again on board, expecting to make no sales; but towards evening a great number of people came to the shore and waved a white flag, as inviting us to land, after which their chief or captain came down with many men along with him, and sat down under a tree near the shore. On seeing this I took some things with me in the boat to present to him, and at length he sent off a boat to us which would not come near, but made signs for us to return next day. At length, by offering things for their captain, I enticed them into our boat, and gave them two ells of cloth, a latten basin, a white basin, a bottle, a large piece of beef, and six biscuits, which they received and made signs for us to come back next day, saying that their chief was grand captain, which indeed appeared by his numerous attendants, who were armed with darts, targets, and other weapons. This town is very large, and stands upon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seen except when one is near. To the eastwards of it there are two very high trees on a hill close to the town[27]; and under the town is another and lower hill washed by the sea, where it is all composed of great black rocks. Beyond this town there is another considerably smaller on a bay.

[252][Footnote 252: 27 It is added, which is a good mark to know the town. But at this distance of time, above 250 years, such marks cannot be supposed to remain.—E.]

In the morning of the 13th we took our boat and went close to the shore, where we remained till ten o'clock, but no one came near us. We prepared therefore to return on board, on seeing which some negroes came running down and waved us back with a white flag, so we anchored again and they made us to understand by signs that the chief would soon come down. In the meantime we saw a sail pass by us, but being small we regarded it not. As the sun was high, we made a tilt with our oars and sails. There now came off to us a canoe with five men, who brought back our bottle, and gave me a hen, making signs by the sun that within two hours the merchants of the country would come and buy all we had. I gave them six manillios to present to their captain; and as they signified by signs that they would leave a man with us if we gave them a pledge, we put one of our men into their boat; but as they would not give us one of their men, we took back our man again, and remained in expectation of the merchants. Shortly afterwards there came down one of the natives to the shore, arrayed like their captain, attended by a numerous train, who saluted us in a friendly manner, and then sat down under a tree where the captain used to sit in the former year. Soon afterwards we perceived a great number of natives standing at the end of a hollow way, and behind them the Portuguese had planted a base, which they suddenly discharged, but its ball overshot us, though we were very near. Before we could ship our oars to get away, they shot at us again, but did us no harm; the negroes came to the rocks close beside us, whence they discharged calivers at us, and the Portuguese shot off their base twice more. On this our ship made some shots at them, but they were protected by the rocks and hills.

We now went on board to leave this place, as the negroes were bent against us, because in the former year Robert Gainsh had taken away the captains son from this place, with three others, and all their gold and every thing else they had about them; owing to which they had become friends to the Portuguese, whom they hated before, as appeared in the former year when the Trinity was there; when the chief came on board and brought them to his town, trading with them largely, and offering them ground on which to build a fort[253]. The 14th we plied back to meet the Hind, which we met in the morning, and then both ships sailed eastwards to try what could be done at the place where the Trinity sold her friezes in the preceding year. The day after we parted, the Hind had taken eighteen and a half ounces of gold from some negroes in exchange for wares. This day, about one P.M. we saw some canoes on the coast, with men standing beside them, and going to them with merchandise, we took three ounces of gold for eighteen fuffs of cloth, each fuffe being three and a half yards, at the rate of one angel twelve grains the fuffe. These people made us understand by signs that if we waited till next day we might have plenty of gold. For this reason I sent off the master with the Hind, accompanied by John Saville and John Makeworth, to seek the other place, while I and Richard Pakeman remained here to try our fortunes next day. When the negroes perceived the Hind going away they feared the other ship would follow, wherefore they sent off four men in two canoes, asking us to remain, and offering two men to remain with us, if we would give one as a pledge or hostage for his safety. Accordingly, one Edward, who was servant to Mr Morley, seeing them so much in earnest, offered himself as a pledge, and we let him go for two of them who staid with us, one of whom had his weights and scales, with a chain of gold about his neck and another round his arm. These men eat readily of such things as we had to give them, and seemed quite contented. During the night, the negroes kept a light on shore over against us; and about one o'clock, A.M. we saw the flash of a base, which was twice shot off at the light, and then two calivers were discharged, which in the end we perceived came from a Portuguese brigantine that followed us from place to place, to warn the natives to have no dealings with us.

[Footnote 253: In the margin, Hakluyt sets down the voyage of Robert Gainsh to Guinea as in 1554; yet does not mention where that voyage is to be found, or that it is the same voyage published in his second edition, under the name of Lok, instead of Gainsh to whom it was ascribed in his first edition. All the light we have into the matter from the second edition, is from a marginal note at the beginning of Loks voyage, in which Robert Gainsh is said to have been master of the John Evangelist; neither is there any mention of this villainous transaction in the relation of that voyage. Such crimes deserve severe punishment; since a whole community may suffer for the fault of one bad man.—Astl. I. 160, a.]

In the morning of the 15th, the negro chief came down to the coast attended by 100 men, bringing his wife along with him, and many others brought their wives also, as they meant to remain by the sea side till they had bought what they wanted, and their town was eight miles up the country. Immediately on his arrival, the chief sent our man on board, and offered to come himself if we would give two of our men in pledge for him. I accordingly sent him two, but he only retained one, and came on board accompanied by his wife and several friends, bringing me a goat and two great roots, for which I gave him in return a latten basin, a white basin, six manillios and a bottle of Malmsey, and to his wife a small casket. After this we began to adjust our measure and weight. He had a weight of his own, equal to an angel and 14 grains, and required a measure of 4-1/2 ells. In fine we concluded the 8th part[254], for an angel and 20 grains; and before we had done he took my own weight and measure. The 16th I took 8 libs. 1 oz. of gold. Since the departure of the Hind I had not heard of her; but when our pledge went into the country the first night he said that he saw her at anchor about 5 leagues from us. The 17th I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, for which I got 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. of gold. The 18th the chief desired to purchase some of our wine, offering half a gold ducat for a bottle; but I gave him one freely, and made him and his train drink besides. This day I took 5 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 19th I sold about 18 pieces of cloth, and took 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. of gold. The 20th 3 libs. 6-1/4 oz; the 21st 8 libs. 7-1/4 oz; the 22d 3 libs. 8-1/4 oz: And about 4 o'clock this night[255] the chief and all his people went away. The 23d we were waved on shore by other negroes, and sold them cloth, caskets, knives, and a dozen bells, for 1 lib. 10 oz. of gold. The 24th we sold bells, sheets[256], and thimbles, for 2 libs. 1-1/4 oz. of gold. The 25th we sold 7 doz. of small bells and other things, and finding their gold all gone, we weighed and sailed to leewards in search of the Hind, which we found about 5 o'clock, P.M. and understood she had made some sales.

[Footnote 254: The meaning is here obscure; perhaps the word less is omitted, and the bargain was for a measure an eighth part less than that originally proposed.—E.]

[Footnote 255: Perhaps we should rather understand 4 o'clock next morning?—E.]

[Footnote 256: Perhaps this ought to be sheers or scissars?—E.]

The 26th we received from the Hind 48 libs. 3-1/8 oz. of gold, which they had taken while we were asunder; and this day, on the request of a negro sent us by the chief, we went on shore with our merchandise and took 7 libs, 1 oz. of gold. At this place they required no pledges from us, yet sent every night a man to sleep on board, as an assurance that they would come to us next day. The 27th in both ships we took 8 libs. 1-7/8 oz. of gold. The 28th we made sales to the amount of 1 lib. 1/3 oz. for the company. The 29th in the morning we heard two caliver shots on shore, which we judged might either be the Portuguese or some of their negroes, and we accordingly manned our boats, armed ourselves and our men, and went on shore, but they were gone off. The 30th we made more sales both for the company and the masters. The 31st we sent our boats on shore to take in sand for ballast; and our men met the negroes with whom they had dealt the day before, who were now employed fishing, and helped them to fill sand; and having now no gold, sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefs and neckerchiefs. The 1st of February we weighed and went to another place, where we took 1 lib. 9 1/3 oz. of gold. The 2d we made more sales; but on taking a survey of our provisions, we resolved not to stay much longer on the coast, most of our drink being spent, and what remained turning sour. The 3d and 4th we made some sales though not great; and finding the wind on this last day come off shore, we set sail and went along the coast to the westwards. Upon this coast, we found by experience that ordinarily, about 2 o'clock in the night[257] the wind came off shore from N.N.E., and continued in that direction till 8 o'clock in the morning, blowing all the rest of the day and night at S.W. The tide or current on this shore goes continually with the wind.[258] We continued our course along shore on the 5th, expecting to have met some English ships, but found none.

[Footnote 257: It is hard to say whether this means 2 hours after sunset, or after midnight—E.]

[Footnote 258: Apparently running from the east during the land breeze, and from the west with the sea breeze—E.]

The 6th February 1556, we altered our course S.W. leaving the coast, to fetch under the line, and ran 24 leagues by estimation. By the 13th we reckoned ourselves off Cape Palmas, and by the 22d we were by our reckoning abreast of Cape Mount, 30 leagues west from the river Sestos or Sestro. The 1st March we lost sight of the Hind in a tornado; on which we set up a light and fired a gun, but saw nothing of her, wherefore we struck sail and lay by for her, and in the morning had sight of her 3 leagues astern. This day we found ourselves in the latitude of Cape Verd which is in 14 deg. 30' [14 deg. 50' N.] Continuing our course till the 29th, we were then in 22 deg., on which day one of our men named William King died in his sleep, having been long sick. His clothes were distributed among those of the crew who were in want of such things, and his money was kept to be delivered to his friends at home. The 30th we found ourselves under the tropic. On the 1st April we were in the latitude of the Azores, and on the 7th of May we fell in with the south of Ireland, where we sent our boat on shore for fresh water, and where we bought two sheep and such other victuals as we needed from the country people, who are wild kernes. The 14th of the same month we went into the port of Bristol called Hungrode[259], where we cast anchor in safety, giving God thanks for our happy arrival.

[Footnote 259: Probably that now called King-road?—E.]

SECTION V.

Second Voyage to Guinea in 1556, by William Towerson[260].

On the 14th September 1556, we set sail from Harwich bound for the coast of Guinea, in the Tiger of London of 120 tons, directing our coarse for Scilly, where we expected to meet the Hart of London of 60 tons and a pinnace of 16 tons, both of which had been fitted out and victualled at Bristol. We arrived at Scilly on the 28th, and having lain to some time for our consorts to no purpose, we sailed back to Plymouth on the 12th October. They there joined us, and we sailed together from that port on the 15th November.

[Footnote 260: Hakluyt, II. 496. Astl. I. 162.

Hitherto we have given these voyages to Guinea at full length, as they are found in the collection of Hakluyt; but in this and the subsequent early English voyages to Guinea, we have thought proper to abbreviate such matters as seemed of small importance.—E.]

We made the coast of Guinea on the 30th December, where we got sight of three ships and two pinnaces which were to windward of us, on which we made ourselves ready for action and gave them chase, hauling to the wind as near as we could to gain the weather-gage. At first they made sail from us, but having cleared for fighting they put about and came towards us in brave order, their streamers, pennants and ensigns displayed, and trumpets, sounding. When we met they still had the weather-gage of us, yet were we firmly determined to have fought them if they had been Portuguese, and hailed them to come under our lee, which they stoutly refused. On demanding whence they were, they said from France; and we then told them we were from London in England. They then told us there were certain Portuguese ships gone to Mina to protect that place, and that they had already burnt a Portuguese ship of 200 tons at the river Sestro. The captain of the admiral ship and several other Frenchmen came on board of us in a friendly manner, and proposed that we should join company because of the Portuguese, and go together to Mina. We told them that we had not yet watered, having just fallen in with the coast. They said we were 50 leagues to leeward of Sestro river, but still water might be had, and they would assist us in watering with their boats for the sake of our company. They told us farther that they had been six weeks on the coast, and had only got 3 tons of grains among them all[261].

[Footnote 261: These ships were the Espoir of Harfleur, the admiral, of which Denis Blundel was captain; the Levriere of Rouen, vice-admiral, commanded by Jerome Baudet; and a ship of Houfleur, commanded by Jean de Orleans.—E.]

After hearing what they had to say, we considered that even if Mina were clear of Portuguese ships, yet if the Frenchmen went before us they would spoil our market: That if there were Portuguese ships at Mina, and they took the French ships, they would learn that we were behind, and would wait to take us likewise: And finally, if we went along with them and found the coast clear, we would do as well as they; but if the Portuguese remained on the coast we should be stronger in their company. Wherefore, having thus considered their friendly offers, we told them that we would confer more largely of the matter next day; upon which they invited me to dine with them next day, and to bring with me the masters of our ships and such merchants as I thought proper, offering to supply us with water from their own ships if we would, or else to remain with us and help us to water with their boats and pinnaces. In the morning of the 31st, the French admiral sent his boat for me, and I went on board his ship accompanied by our masters and some of our merchants. He had provided a noble banquet for us, and treated us excellently, requesting us to keep him company, promising to part with us what victuals were in his ship, or any other things that could serve us, even offering to strike his flag and obey my commands in all things. Not being able to find water at that place, we set sail on the 1st January 1557, and anchored off the mouth of a river, where on the two following days we procured water, and bought a few small elephants teeth.

On the 4th of January we landed with 30 men, well armed with arquebuses, pikes, long-bows, cross-bows, partizans, long swords, and swords and bucklers, meaning to seek for elephants. We found two, which we wounded several times with our fire-arms and arrows, but they both got away from us and hurt one of our men. We sailed on the 5th, and next day fell in with the river St Andrew, [in long. 6 deg. 4' W.] The land is somewhat high to the westward of this river, having a fine bay likewise to the westward, but to the east the land is low. This is a great river, having 7 fathoms water in some places at its mouth. On the 7th we went into the river, where we found no village, and only some wild negroes not used to trade. Having filled our water casks here, we set sail to the eastward. On the 10th we had a conference with Captain Blondel, the admiral of the French ships, Jerome Baudet his vice-admiral, and Jean de Orleans, master of the ship of 70 tons. We agreed to traffic in friendly accord, so as not to hurt each others market, certain persons being appointed to make a price for the whole, and then one boat from every ship to make sales on the agreed terms. On the 11th, at a place called Allow[262], we got only half an angel weight and 4 grains of gold, which was taken by hand, the natives having no weights.

[Footnote 262: Rather Lu how or La hu.—Astl. I 163. b.—The river called Jack Lahows river, in Long. 4 deg. 14' W.—E.]

On the 14th we came within Saker shot of the castle of Mina, whence an Almadia was sent out to see what we were, but seeing that we were not Portuguese, she went immediately back to the large negroe town of Dondou close by the castle. Without this there lie two great rocks like islands, and the castle stands on a point resembling an island. At some distance to the westwards the land for 5 or 6 leagues was high, but for 7 leagues from thence to the castle the land is low, after which it becomes high again. The castle of Mina is about 5 leagues east from Cape Three-points[263]. Here I took the boat with our negroes, and, went along the coast till I came to the cape, where I found two small towns having no canoes, neither could we have any trade. At these places our negroes understood the natives perfectly, and one of them went on shore at all the places, where he was well received by his countrymen. At a place called Bulle, about 3 leagues east from the eastermost point of Cape Three-points, we learnt from the natives by means of our negro George, that about a month before there had been an engagement at this place, in which two ships had put one to flight; and that some time before, one French ship had put to flight four Portuguese ships at the castle of Mina.

[Footnote 263: Mina is in Long. 1 deg. 60', Cape Three points in 2 40' both west, the difference of Longitude therefore is about 50 minutes, or nearly 17 leagues.—E]

On the 16th we went to a place called Hanta, 12 leagues beyond the cape, but did no good, as the natives held their gold too dear. We went thence to Shamma[264], where we landed with 5 boats well armed with men and ordnance, making a great noise with our drums and trumpets, suspecting we might have found Portuguese here, but there were none. We sent our negroes first on shore, after which we followed and were well received. The 18th we agreed to give the negroes 2 yards and 3 nails of cloth, as a fuffe, to exchange for an angel-ducat weight; so we took in all 70 ducats, of which the Frenchmen had 40 and we 30. The 19th I took 4 libs. 2-1/2 oz. of gold, and the boat of the Hart had 21 oz. This night we were informed by the negroes that the Portuguese meant to attack us next day either by sea or land, and as we were about to return on board we heard several shots in the woods, but they durst not come near us. The 20th we went on shore well armed, but heard no more of the Portuguese, and this day the negroes informed us there were some ships come to Hanta, a town about 2 leagues to the west. The 21st we went in our boats to a town a league to the west, where we found many negroes under another chief, with whom we dealt on the same terms as at Shamma. The 22d we went again on shore, and I got 1 lib. 4 oz. of gold. The 23d the negroes told as that the Portuguese ships had departed from the Mina, intending to ply to windward and then come down to fight us, giving us warning to be on our guard. The 24th we went again on shore to trade, and I invited the chief of the town to dinner. While we were ashore on the 25th, our ships descried 5 sail of ships belonging to the king of Portugal, and fired several shots to recall us on board. So we went to the ships, but by the time that every thing was in order and we had weighed anchor it was night, so that nothing could be done. We set sail however and tried all night to gain the wind of the Portuguese, some of which were very near during the night. One of them, which we judged was their admiral, fired a shot, as we supposed to call the others to come and speak with him. The 26th we came in with the shore, and got sight of the Portuguese at anchor, on which we made sail towards them, giving all our men white scarfs, that the French and we might know each other in case of boarding: But night coming on before we could fetch the Portuguese, we anchored within demi-culverine shot of them.

[Footnote 264: Called Chama in modern maps, near the mouth of St Johns river, about 6 leagues east from Mina.—E.]

In the morning of the 27th, both we and the Portuguese weighed anchor, and by 11 o'clock, A.M. we had gained the weather-gage, on which we went room with them[265]: on this they bore away towards the shore, and we after them, and when they were near shore they put about again to seawards. We put about likewise, and gained a head of them, on which we took in our topsails and waited for them. The first that came up was a small bark, which sailed so well that she cared not for any of us, and had good ordnance. As soon as she came up she discharged her guns at us and shot past with ease, after which she fired at the French admiral and struck his ship in several places; and as we were in our fighting sails, she soon got beyond our reach. Then another caravel came up under our lee, discharging her ordnance at us and at the French admiral, wounding two of his men and shooting through his main-mast. After him came up the Portuguese admiral also under our lee, but was not able to do us so much harm as the small ships had done, as he carried his ordnance higher than they; neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, because our ship was so weak in the side that she laid all her ordnance in the sea[266]. We determined therefore to lay the Portuguese admiral on board; but on making the attempt, the French admiral fell to leeward and could not fetch him, after which he fell to leeward of two other caravels, and was unable to fetch any of them. Being thus to leeward, the French admiral kept on towards the shore and left us. We hoisted our topsails and gave chase to the enemy, but both the other French ships kept their wind and would not come near us, and our own consort was so much astern that she could not get up to our assistance. When we had followed them to seaward about two hours, the enemy put about towards the land, thinking to pay us as they went past, and to gain the wind of the French admiral which had gone in shore; but we put about likewise keeping still the weather gage, expecting our consort and the rest to have followed our example. But when the Portuguese had passed our consort and the two French ships, firing as they went along, all of these ships and our own pinnace continued to seawards, leaving us in the laps, (lurch.) We continued our course after the enemy, keeping the weather gage, that we might succour the French admiral who was to leeward of them all; and on coming up with him, all the enemies ships bore down and gave him their broadsides, after which they put about again, but durst not board him as we were still to wind-wind of them, otherwise they had certainly taken or sunk him. Three of their smallest vessels were such prime sailors that it was quite impossible for any of our ships to have boarded them, and they carried such ordnance that they would have sore troubled any three of our ships; if they had been able to gain the weather-gage. Their other ships, the admiral and vice-admiral, were both notably appointed.

[Footnote 265: Bore down upon them.—E.]

[Footnote 266: Meaning apparently that she lay too much over to leeward.—E.]

When the French admiral was clear of them, he lay as near the wind as possible and ran to seaward after the rest, while we followed the enemy to leeward. Then seeing us alone and in chase, they put about, which we did likewise to keep the wind of them, and in this situation we sailed within base shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had the weather gage and they could not therefore harm us. We continued in this course till night, when we lost sight of them. All the rest of our ships made to seawards with all the sail they could carry; and, as they confessed themselves afterwards, they gave us their prayers, and no other help had we at their hands.

Next day, the 28th, we rejoined our own consort and pinnace, and two of the French ships, but the third, which was a ship of 80 tons belonging to Rouen, had fled. I took my skiff and went to them to know why they, had deserted me. John Kire said his ship would neither rear nor stear[267]. John Davis said the pinnace had broke her rudder, so that she could sail no farther, and had been taken in tow by the Hart. I found the French admiral to be a man of resolution, but half his crew was sick or dead. The other Frenchman said his ship could bear no sail, and 16 of his men were sick or dead, so that he could do nothing. After this the French ships durst not come to anchor for fear of the Portuguese.

[Footnote 267: Meaning perhaps, would neither wear nor tack?—E.]

The 29th, on finding our pinnace incapable of farther use, we took out her four bases, anchor, and every thing of value, and set her on fire, after which we ran along the coast. On the 3d February we anchored about 4 leagues from a town, which we saluted with two guns, on which the chief came to the shore, to whom I sent Thomas Rippon who knew him. After some conference, the chief came off to me; as it was become late, he did not enter into bargain for any price, but exchanged pledges and, returned on shore. Next day I went on shore, and though some French ships had been there and spoiled the market, I took 5-1/2 oz. of gold. The 5th I took 8-1/2 oz. but could perceive that the negroes thought the French cloth better and broader than ours; wherefore I told Captain Blundel that I would go to leeward, as where he was I should do no good. The 6th there came an Almadie or canoe to us with some negroes, inviting me to their town, where they had plenty of gold and many merchants. I did so, but could do no good that night, as the merchants were not come from the interior. On the 7th our negro George came to us, having followed us at least 30 leagues in a small canoe, and soon after his arrival we settled the terms of dealing with the natives. George had been left in Shamma at the time of the fight, which he saw from the shore, and told us that the Portuguese had gone afterwards into that river, when they said that two of their men had been slain by a shot, which was from our ship. This day I took 5 libs. 1-1/4 oz. of gold; the 8th 19 libs. 3-1/2 oz.; the 9th 2 libs. 6-1/2 oz.; the 10th 3 libs. The 11th. Jerome Baudet, the French vice-admiral, came to us in his pinnace, saying that they could do no good where they were, and that he meant to go to the eastwards: But we told him this could not be allowed, and desired him to return to his comrades, which he refused; till we shot three or four pieces at his pinnace; on which his ship put about and ran out to sea followed by the pinnace. This day I took 1 lib. 5 oz.

The 12th one of the French pinnaces came with cloth, but we would not allow them to trade, and made them remain all day close to our ship. This day we took 5 lib. 6-1/2 oz. The 17th we went to another town, where we understood that three of the Portuguese ships were at the castle, and the other two at Shamma. Though the Portuguese were so near that they might have been with us in three hours, we yet resolved to remain and make sales if we could. The chief of this town was absent at the principal town of the district visiting the king, but came soon back with a weight and measure. The 18th some of the kings servants came to us, and we took 1 lib. 2-1/8 oz. of gold. The 19th we took 5 libs. 1 oz. the 20th 1 lib. 4 oz; the 21st 4 libs. 1 oz; the 22d 3-1/2 oz.

Having sent one of our merchants with a present to the king, he returned on the 23d, saying that he had been received in a friendly manner by Abaan, who had little gold but promised if we would stay that he would send all over his country in search of gold for us, and desired our people to request our king to send men to his country to build a fort, and to bring tailors with them to make them apparel, and to send good wares and we should be sure to sell them; but that the French had for the present filled the market with cloth. This town where the king Abaan resides, is about 4 leagues up the country, and in the opinion of our people who were there is as large in circumference as London, though all built like those we had already seen. Around the town there was great abundance of the wheat of the country, insomuch that on one side of it they saw 1000 ricks of wheat and of another sort of grain called mill or millet, which is much used in Spain. All round this town there is kept a good nightly watch, and across all the roads or paths they have cords stretched and connected with certain bells; so that if any one touch the cords the bells, immediately ring to alarm the watchmen, on which they run out to see what is the matter. In case of any enemies, they have nets suspended over the paths ready to let fall and entangle them. It is impossible to get to the town except by the regular paths, as it is every where environed with trees and thick underwood; besides which the town is surrounded by a fence of sedge bound with thick ropes made of the bark of trees[268].

[Footnote 268: It is hard to discover what place this was. Perhaps it was Great Commendo or Guaffo, which stands on a river that runs by the town of the Mina, and is still the residence of a negro king; in which case the port they put in at might have been little Commendo. But the royal city is very far from being as large as London was in 1556, not having above 400 houses. The contrivance for apprizing the watchmen of the approach of an enemy, and for taking them prisoners, seems a notable invention of our countrymen; for surely an enemy might easily destroy these net-traps to catch soldiers, these pack-thread fortifications.—Astl. 1. 167. a.]

As in this country it is necessary to travel in the night to avoid the heat of the day, our men came to the town about five in the morning. About nine the king sent for them, as no one must go to him unless sent for, and they proposed carrying their present, but were told they must be brought before him three times, before their gift could be offered. They then waited upon him and were graciously received. And having been sent for three several times, they carried their present the last time, which was thankfully accepted; and calling for a pot of Palm wine, the king made them drink. Before drinking they use the following ceremonies: On bringing out the pot of wine, a hole is made in the ground into which a small quantity of the wine is poured, after which the hole is filled up, and the pot set on the place. Then with a small cup made of a gourd shell, they take out a little of the wine, which is poured on the ground in three several places. They set up likewise some branches of the Palm tree in different parts of the ground, where they shed some of the wine, doing reverence to the palms. All these ceremonies being gone through, the king took a gold cup full of wine which he drank off, all the people calling out Abaan! Abaan! together with certain words, as is usual in Flanders on twelfth night, the king drinks. When he had drank, then the wine was served round to every one, and the king allowed them to depart. Then every one bowed three times, waving his hands, and so departed. The king has usually sitting beside him, eight or ten old men with grey beards.

On the 23d we took 1 lib. 10 oz. of gold; the 24th 3 lib. 7 oz.; the 25th 3-1/4 oz.; the 26th 2 libs. 10 oz.; the 27th 2 libs. 5 oz.; the 28th 4 libs. Then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed anchor and continued along the coast. The 1st of March we came to a town called Moure, where we found neither boats nor people; but when about to depart there came some people to us in two canoes from another town, from whom we took 2-1/2 oz. of gold, and who told us that the inhabitants had removed from Mowre to Lagoua.[269]. The 2d we were abreast the castle of Mina, where we saw all the five Portuguese ships at anchor, and by night we were off Shamma or Chama, where we meant to water. But next day we saw a tall ship of about 200 tons to windward within two leagues, and then two more astern of her, one a ship of 500 tons or more and the other a pinnace. Upon this we weighed anchor, and made a shirt to stand out to sea, the wind being S.S.W., but the Hart fell three leagues to leeward of us. These ships chased us from 9 A.M. till 5 P.M. but could not make up with us. At night, when we joined the Hart, on asking why she fell to leeward, they pretended that they durst not make sail to windward, lest they had carried away their fore-top-mast. Having been thus obliged to abandon our watering-place, we were under the necessity of boiling our meat-in sea-water, and to reduce our allowance of drink to make it hold out, as we now shaped our course homewards.

[Footnote 269: Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place.—Astl. I. 168. a.]

On the 16th of March we fell in with the land, which I judged to be Cape Misurado, about which there is much high land. The 18th we lost sight of the Hart, and I think the master wilfully went in shore on purpose to lose us, being offended that I had reproved him for his folly when chased by the Portuguese. The 27th we fell in with two small islands about 6 leagues off Cape Sierra Leona; and before we saw them we reckoned ourselves at least 30 or 40 leagues from them. Therefore all who sail this way must allow for the current which sets N.N.W. or they will be much deceived. The 14th April we met two large Portuguese ships, which we supposed were bound to Calicut. The 23d we saw a French ship of 90 tons to windward of us, which came down upon us as if to lay us on board, sending up some of his men in armour into the tops, and calling out to us to strike. Upon this we saluted him with some cross-bars, chain-shot, and arrows, so thick that we made their upper works fly about their ears, and tore his ship so miserably, that he fell astern and made sail. Our trumpeter was a Frenchman, at this time ill in bed; yet he blew his trumpet till he could sound no more, and so died. The 29th we arrived at Plymouth, and gave thanks to God for our safety.



SECTION VI.

Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, in 1558[270].

On the 30th of January of the above year, we set sail from Plymouth with three ships and a pinnace, bound by the grace of God for the Canaries and the coast of Guinea. Our ships were the Minion, admiral; the Christopher, vice-admiral; the Tiger, and a pinnace called the Unicorn. Next day we fell in with two hulks[271] of Dantziek, one called the Rose of 400 tons, and the other the Unicorn of 150, both laden at Bourdeaux, mostly with wine. We caused them to hoist out their boats and come on board, when we examined them separately as to what goods they had on board belonging to Frenchmen[272]. At first they denied having any; but by their contradictory stories, we suspected the falsehood of their charter parties, and ordered them to produce their bills of lading. They denied having any, but we sent certain persons to the place where they were hid, and thus confronted their falsehood. At length they confessed that there were 32 tons and a hogshead of wine in the Unicorn belonging to a Frenchman, and 128 tons in the Rose belonging to the, same person; but insisted that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburgh, and consigned to Henry Summer of Campvere. After a long consultation, considering that to capture or detain them might lose our voyage, already too late, we agreed that each of our ships should take out as much as they could stow for necessaries, and that we should consider next morning what was farther to be done. We accordingly took out many tuns of wine, some aquavitae, cordage, rosin, and other things, giving them the rest of the Frenchmans wines to pay for what we had taken of their own, and took a certificate under their hands of the quantity of French goods they had confessed to, and then allowed them to continue their voyage.

[Footnote 270: Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169.—In the last London edition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learn from the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it is dated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assured that the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January 1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th of April 1557.—E.]

[Footnote 271: Probably meaning large unwieldy ships.—E]

[Footnote 272: It is to be noted, that at this time there was war between England and France.—This observation is a side note of Hakluyt: And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottoms were not considered by the English as making free goods.—E.]

The 10th January we had sight of the grand Canary, and on the 12th we anchored in the road, a league from the town, where we were well received. We went to the town with two English merchants who resided there, and remained that day at their house. The second day following we returned on board to get our pinnace repaired, which had broken her rudder, and to deliver our merchandize. The 14th there came nineteen sail of Spanish ships into the road, bound for the West Indies, six of them being of 400 or 500 tons each, and the rest of 200, 150, and 100 tons. On coming to anchor they saluted us, which we returned. The Spanish admiral, who was a knight, sent a boat for me, and received me in a friendly manner, desiring to learn the news of England and Flanders. After partaking of a banquet, I departed; and when I was in the boat, he desired my interpreter to say that he expected I should strike my flag to him, as general of the Emperors fleet. When I was come on board my own ship this was told me by the interpreter, and as I refused compliance and continued to display my ensign, some Spanish soldiers began to discharge their arquebusses at us. At this time some Spanish gentlemen came on board to see our ship, to whom I said that if they did not order their men to cease firing, I would fire my cannon through their ships. They accordingly went away and made their soldiers give over firing, and coming back said that they had punished their men. I then shewed them our ship, and gave them such cheer as I had, which they were well pleased with. Next day they sent for me to dine with them, saying their general was sorry any one should have desired me to strike my flag, which had been done without his orders.

The 17th we set sail, and got sight of the coast of Africa, and running along shore came off Rio del Oro which is almost under the tropic of Cancer. The 25th we got sight of the land in the bay to the north of Cape Verd[273]. The 26th taking our interpreter Francisco and Francis Castelin along with me in the pinnace, I went to the Tiger, which was nearer shore than the other ships. With her and the other ships we ran W. by S. and W.S.W, till about 4 o'clock, P.M. when we were close on board the cape. Then going about 4 leagues beyond the cape S.W. we found a fair island, and beside that two or three islands of high rocks, full of various kinds of sea fowl and pigeons, with other kinds of land birds, and so numerous that the whole island was covered with their dung, and as white as if the whole had been covered by chalk. Within these islands was a fine bay; and close by the rocks we had 18 fathoms and good ground[274]. The 27th, as no negroes came to us, we went along shore in the pinnace, and going beyond the point of the bay (Cape Emanuel) we found a fair island (Goree) with a goodly bay, and saw some negroes on the main who waved us on shore. Going a-land, they told us that they had elephants teeth, musk[275], and hides for traffic; but as the captain of the Christopher was not willing to stop, we went on board and made sail, On inquiry, some of the negroes said there had been no ships there for 8 months, others said six, and some only four, and that they were French ships.

[Footnote 273: The bay of Yof, in lat. 15 deg. N. long. 17 deg. 20' W. from Greenwich.—E.]

[Footnote 274: Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E.S.E. from Cape Verd, not W.S.W. as in the text.—E.]

[Footnote 275: What is here called musk must have either been civet or ambergris.—E.]

The 10th of March we fell in with the coast of Guinea, 5 leagues east of Cape Monte, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. At this place I got 19 elephants teeth, and 2 1/2oz. of gold. The 13th we came to Rio Sestro, and next day sent our boats for water, and delivered such wares to the Christopher and Tiger as they needed. The 15th we sent the Tiger to another river for water, and to try what she could do for grains. We here learnt that three French ships had been at this river two months before, two six weeks ago, and one only a fortnight past, all of which had gone eastwards to the Mina. Getting few grains, and many of our men falling sick at this unwholesome place, and considering that the French ships were before us, we left the Rio Sestro on the 19th, and made all sail for the Mina[276]. The 21st we came to Rio de Potos, where our boats went for water, and where I got 12 small elephants teeth. The 31st we came to Hanta, where I sold some Manillios.

On the 1st of April we had sight of 5 Portuguese ships, on which we stood out to sea to gain the wind of them, which we had done if the wind had kept its ordinary course at S.W. and W.S.W. but this day it kept with a flow always at E. and E.S.E. so that they had the wind of us and chased us to leeward till near night, when all but one that sailed badly were within shot of us. It then fell calm, and the wind came round to S.W. at which time the Christopher was about 4 leagues to leeward of us. We tacked in the Minion, and gained the wind of the Portuguese admiral and other three of his ships; when he cast about and fired at us, which we returned, shooting him four or five times through. Several of their shots went through our sails, but none of our men were hurt. The Christopher was still to leeward, though the Tiger and the pinnace had joined us; but as it was night we did not think it adviseable to lay him on board; wherefore, after firing two hours or more, we three stood out to sea, and fired a gun to give notice to the Christopher. We joined the Christopher on the 2d, which had exchanged shots with the Portuguese the night before about midnight, and we agreed to seek the Portuguese, keeping however to windward of the place where we meant to trade. We accordingly ran all day on the 3d to the S.W. in search of the Portuguese ships, but could not see them, and stood towards the shore at night. When we made the shore on the 4th, we found ourselves off Lagua, 30 leagues to the eastwards of our reckoning, owing to the currents setting east. Going on shore with our negro interpreter, we learned that there were four French ships on the coast: One at Perinnen, 6 leagues west of Lagua; one at Weamba[277], 4 leagues east of Lagua; a third at Perecow[9], 4 leagues east of Weamba; and the fourth at Egrand[10], 4 leagues east of Perecow. We accordingly proceeded toward Weamba, where we saw one of the French ships under sail to which we gave chase; and lest we should over-shoot her in the night, the Minion was brought to anchor, and the Tiger and Christopher followed the chase all night.

[Footnote 276: The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast of Guinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in gold dust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these early voyages the castle.—E.]

[Footnote 277: Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards a fort.—Astl. I. 172. d.]

[278][Footnote 278: 9 This seems to have been little Barakhow, or Berow.—Astl. I. 172. c.]

[279][Footnote 279: 10 Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, and Danes had afterwards separate forts—Astl. 1.172. d.]

The 5th we found three French ships at anchor: One called La Foi of Harfleur of 200 tons, the second the Venturuse of Harfleur of 100, and third the Mulet de Batville of Rouen of 120 tons. On nearing them, we in the Minion were determined to lay the admiral on board, while the Christopher boarded the vice-admiral, and the Tiger the smallest. But they weighed and got under sail, on which the Christopher, being our headmost ship, bore down on La Foi, and we in the Minion on the Mulet, which we took; but the Venturuse sailed so swift that we could not take her. The one we took was the richest except the admiral, which had taken 80 libs, of gold, the Venturuse having only 22 libs.; while our prise had 50. They had been above two months on the coast; but three others had been there before them, and had departed a month before our arrival, having swept the coast of 700 pounds of gold. Having continued the chase all that day and night, and the next day till 3 P.M. and being unable to get up with them, we were afraid of falling too far to leewards, and made sail back to the shore. On the 7th, I convened the captains masters and merchants of all our three ships, when we weighed the gold taken in the prize, being 50 libs. 5 oz., after which we put men out of all our ships into the prize to keep her. On the 12th, on coming to Egrand, having taken all the goods out of the prize, we offered to sell the ship to the Frenchmen; but she was so leaky that they would not have her, and begged us to save their lives by taking them into our ships. So we agreed to take out all the victuals and sink the ship, dividing the men among us.

On the 15th, it was proposed to proceed to Benin, but most of our people refused; wherefore it was agreed to remain as long as we could on the coast of Mina, leaving the Minion at Egrand, sending the Tiger to Perecow 4 leagues, west, and the Christopher to Weamba 10 leagues west, with directions in case of seeing any force they were unable to cope with, to come to leewards to us in the Minion at Egrand. We remained here till the last of April, by which time many of our men fell sick and six of them died, and we could only trade with the natives three or four days of the week, as on the other days they could not come off to us. The 3d May, as the pinnace had not come to us with cloth from the other ships, as promised, we sold French cloth, giving only three yards for every fuffe. The 5th the negroes left us, saying they would be back in four days. The 8th all our own cloth being sold, I called the people together, to ask them whether they chose to remain till the prize cloth was all sold. They answered, that as several of our men were dead, and twenty now sick, they would not tarry, but desired that we should repair to the other two ships. On the 10th we accordingly sailed in quest of the other ships, meaning to try what we could do at Don Johns town. The 11th we joined the Christopher, which had done little. The 13th the Tiger was sent down to Egrand, as we found no trade worth while at Perinnen. The 14th the pinnace was sent with cloth to Weamba, where she had before got 10 libs. of gold.

The 21st we anchored before Don Johns town; and on the 22d we manned our boats and went close in shore, but the negroes would not come to us. The 24th our pinnace came to us from Cormantine, where they had taken 2 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 25th the master of the Christopher sent his boat on shore at Mowre for ballast, when the negroes attempted to drive them off with stones; but our men slew and hurt several of them, then burnt their town and stove all their canoes. The 27th we went to Cormantine, where we were joined next day by the Christopher. The 2d June the Tiger came to us from Egrand and the pinnace from Weamba, the two having procured 50 libs. of gold. The 4th we made sail and plied to windward for Chama, not being able to remain longer for want of victuals, and especially as our drink ran short. The 7th we saw five Portuguese ships at anchor beside the castle. The 8th George and Binny came off to us, and brought about 2 libs. of gold. The 21st we put 25 Frenchmen into our pinnace with such victuals as we could spare, and sent them away. The 25th we put to sea on our homeward voyage. The 30th we fell in again with the land, 18 leagues to leeward of the place whence we had taken our departure, having been deceived by the current which sets continually towards the east. The 7th July we fell in with the island of San Thome [280], where we wished to come to anchor; but the wind coming about we again made sail. From that time till the 13th we were tossed about by baffling winds, and that day fell in again with San Thome.

[Footnote 280: They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is to the east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to the east of St George del Mina.—E.]

This is a very high island, and being on the west side of it, we had sight of a very high small and upright peak, like the steeple of a church, which peak is directly under the equator, and to the westward of the south end of the island there is a small islet about a mile from the larger one. The 3d of August we set sail from San Thome with the wind at S.W. The 22d we fell in with the island of Salt, one of the Cape Verds; and being told by a Scotsman whom we had taken among the French on the coast of Guinea, that there were fresh provisions to be had at this place, we came to anchor. The 24th we went on shore, where we found no houses, and only saw four men who would not come near us. We found plenty of goats, but so wild that we could only take three or four of them; but we got plenty of fish, and great quantities of sea-fowl on a small isle close to the larger one. At night the Christopher broke her cable and lost an anchor, so that we were all obliged to weigh and put to sea. On this occasion the Scotsman was left on shore, by what means we could not tell, unless that he had been found asleep by the inhabitants and carried off-prisoner.

The 25th the master of the Tiger came on board, and reported his ship to be in so leaky a condition and his men so weak, that he was unable to keep her afloat, and requested therefore that we would return to the island to take every thing out of her, that she might be abandoned: This day on mustering the companies of all the three ships, we had not above 30 sound men altogether[281]. The 25th we had sight of St Nicholas, and the day following of St Lucia, St Vincent, and St Anthony, four of the Cape Verd islands, which range with each other from N.W. by W. to S. E by E. The 26th we were unable to weather the Cape of St Anthony, and this day Philip Jones the master of the Christopher came on board and reported that they were not able to keep the Tiger from sinking as she was so leaky, and the master and crew were very weak. The 3d September I went on board the Tiger, accompanied by the masters and merchants to survey her, and we found her in a very leaky condition with only six men fit for duty, one of whom was master gunner. It was agreed accordingly to take all the men into the other ships, with all the goods we could save, and then to abandon her. We began discharging her on the 5th, and having taken out her guns, victuals, gold, and every thing we could by the 8th, we set her adrift in lat. 25 deg. N.

[Footnote 281: At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, the great inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He ought rather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for that coast.—E.]

On the 6th October, the ships companies both of the Minion and Christopher being very weak, so as to be scarce able to keep the sea, we agreed to make for Vigo, which is frequented by many English ships; but having a fair wind for England on the 10th, we fired two shots to give notice to the Christopher of our intention, and immediately shaped our course homewards. She followed us, and we carried a light to direct her way; but it was so thick next morning that we could not see her, and as she was not seen all that day we concluded she had either shot ahead of us in the night or had bore up for Spain, for which reason we hoisted our top-sails and continued our course, being then 120 leagues from England and 45 leagues N.W. by W. from Cape Finister, having then only six mariners and six merchants in health. The 16th we had a great storm at W.S.W. by W. which came on about 6 P.M. and our men being very weak and unable to hand our sails, we that night lost our mainsail, foresail, and spritsail, and were obliged to lie hulling till the 18th, when we got up an old foresail; and finding ourselves now in the Channel, we bore up for the coast of England. In less than two hours the old foresail was blown from the yard by a spurt of wind, and we were again forced to lie to till the morning of the 19th, when we got up an old bonnet, or topsail, on the fore-yard, which by the blessing of God brought us to the Isle of Wight in the afternoon of the 20th.

* * * * *

Commodities most in request in Guinea, between Sierra Leone and the farthest extremity of the Mine or Gold Coast[282].

MANILS of brass, and some of lead. Basins of various sorts, but chiefly of latten. Pots holding a quart or more, of coarse tin. Some wedges of iron. Margarites, and other low priced beads. Some blue coral. Some horse nails. Linen cloth, principally. Basins of Flanders. Some low priced red cloth, and kersies. Dutch kettles with brass handles. Some large engraved brass basins, like those usually set upon. their cupboards in Flanders. Some large pewter basins and ewers, graven. Some lavers for holding water. Large low priced knives. Slight Flemish caskets. Low priced Rouen chests, or any other chests. Large pins. Coarse French coverlets. Good store of packing sheets.

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slight bells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articles you will.

[Footnote 282: This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible.—E.]

SECTION VII.

Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561[283].

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one ship, the Minion, was to have gone, and seems to have been intended to assist and bring home the Primrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of the Minion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person who made the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sent the following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September 1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent and rotten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe condition for the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage in safety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese ships were in readiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he should meet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he could get to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by that time for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February 1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify the refusal of Lok.

[Footnote 283: Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.—As this voyage did not take place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition—E.]

* * * * *

Remembrance for Mr Lok, at his Arrival on the Coast of Guinea.

When God shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to make yourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all its rivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of the same, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what are the commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and what wares are best calculated for their markets.

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast of Guinea, in the King of Habaan's country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be best placed, in which you will carefully note the following circumstances.

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that ships and boats may conveniently load and unload—2. What is the nature of the soil in its neighbourhood?—3. What wood or timber may be had, and in what manner it may be carried?—4. What victuals are to be procured in the country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated for keeping there?—5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable of being made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended by a small number of men.—6. How water is to be procured, if none is to be had on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?—7. What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection of a fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yet you will so manage your communication with him that he may not understand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for its erection.

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast and into the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn what became of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other important matters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligently inquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. We also request, that you will aid and assist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to return.

SECTION VIII.

Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter[284].

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by one William Rutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage to Guinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these are named in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed to have gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are here omitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet it appears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the ship employed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok. But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, as this relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, dated on board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563.—E.

[Footnote 284: Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.]

* * * * *

Worshipful Sir,—My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you of our voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February 1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, we arrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along the coast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived on the morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French ship, which immediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road. While we merchants were on shore engaged in traffic, the French ship returned and hailed [saluted] our ship with his ordnance. We were informed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there for three days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat on shore again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we had conferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace came on shore in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we had spoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come that night on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where the Frenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight days beside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were much dissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards to the Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast.

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our ship, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other ships had gone that way before this season, and that our trade might not be interrupted by the French ship. We did so accordingly, and found the Frenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we passed them, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remained trading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the river St Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at that river on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying that they had met with a great ship and a caravel, belonging to the king of Portugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in her defence. God be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We then concluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept them on their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and a night, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in shore and sent her boats to a place called Anta, where we had formerly traded. Next morning, the 21st of April, we again saw the ship and caravel to seaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between them and the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid of the castle against us we profited little.

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called Equi, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: But the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore from the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the 24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to Mowre, about three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and the caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found ourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravel being close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon. During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain whereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for which God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty men in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now so very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardly escape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them; reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

SECTION IX.

Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned; neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the matter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return for England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding narratives.—Astl. I. 179.

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace. The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following effect—E.

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go on shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a canoe made of a log, like a trough to feed hogs in. Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of the ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went on with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the ship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready to intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed with targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship, which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.