[Footnote 188: Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat the monopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by that nation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nations has always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down to the present day.—E.]

That these voyages may be the better understood, I have thought proper to premise a brief description of Africa, on the west coast of which great division of the world, the coast of Guinea begins at Cape Verd in about lat. 12 deg. N. and about two degrees in longitude from the measuring line[189]; whence running from north to south, and in some places by east, within 5, 4, and 3-1/2 degrees into the equinoctial, and so forth in manner directly east and north, for the space of about 36 degrees in longitude from west to east, as shall more plainly appear in the second voyage[190].

[Footnote 189: Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through the island of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2 deg. W.—E.]

[Footnote 190: These geographical indications respecting the coast of Guinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible.—E.]

* * * * *

Brief Description of Africa, by Richard Eden[191].

In the lesser Africa are the kingdoms of Tunis and Constantina, which latter is at this day subject to Tunis, and also the regions of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Africa is very barren, by reason of the great deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principal ports of the kingdom of Tunis are, Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. Tunis and Constantina are the chief cities, with several others. To this kingdom belong the following islands, Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta; in which the grand-master of the knights of Rhodes now resides. To the south of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia. All the nations of this lesser Africa are of the sect of Mahomet, a rustical people living scattered in villages.

[Footnote 191: This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather for the purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on this subject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for any excellence.—E.]

The best of this part of Africa is Mauritania, now called Barbary, on the coast of the Mediterranean. Mauritania is divided into two parts, Tingitana and Cesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called the kingdoms of Fez and Marocco, of which the capitals bear the same names. Mauritania, Cesariensis is now called the kingdom of Tremessan, the capital of which is named Tremessan or Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reaches to the Mediterranean, to the city of Oran with the port of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fez reaches to the ocean, from the west to the city of Arzilla, and Sala or Salee is the port of this kingdom. The kingdom of Marocco also extends to the ocean, on which it has the cities of Azamor and Azafi. Near to Fez and Marocco in the ocean are the Canary islands, anciently called the Fortunate islands.

To the south is the kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Jalofo, Gambra, and many other regions of the black Moors, called Ethiopians or Negroes, all of which regions are watered by the river Negro, called anciently the Niger[192]. In these regions there are no cities, but only villages of low cottages made of boughs of trees, plastered over with chalk and covered with straw; and in these regions there are great deserts.

[Footnote 192: In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by the Negro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well known to run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connection whatever with the Senegal or with the sea.—E.]

The kingdom of Marocco includes seven subordinate kingdoms, named Hea, Sus, Guzula, Marocco proper, Duccula, Hazchora, and Tedle. Fez has an equal number, as Fez, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. Tremessan has only three, being Tremessan, Tenez, and Elgazair; all the inhabitants of all these regions being Mahometans. But all the regions of Guinea are peopled by Gentiles and idolaters, having no religion or knowledge of God except from the law of nature.

Africa, one of the three great divisions of the world known to the ancients, is separated from Asia on the east by the river Nile, and on the west from Europe by the Pillars of Hercules or the Straits of Gibraltar. The entire northern coast along the Mediterranean is now called Barbary, and is inhabited by the Moors. The inner part is called Lybia and Ethiopia. Lesser Africa, in which stood the noble city of Carthage, has Numidia on the west and Cyrenaica on the east.

On the east side of Africa, to the west of the Red Sea, are the dominions of the great and mighty Christian king or emperor Prester John, well known to the Portuguese in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very far on every side, and he has many other kings under his authority who pay him tribute, both Christian and Pagan. This mighty prince is named David emperor of Ethiopia, and it is said that the Portuguese send him every year eight ships laden with merchandise. His dominions are bounded on one side by the Red Sea, and stretch far into Africa towards Egypt and Barbary. To the southwards they adjoin with the great sea or ocean towards the Cape of Good Hope, and to the north are bounded by the great and dangerous Sea of Sand, lying between the great city of Cairo in Egypt and the country of Ethiopia; in which are many uninhabitable deserts continuing for the space of five days journey. It is affirmed, if the Christian emperor were not hindered by the deserts, in which there is great want of provisions and especially of water, that he would ere now have invaded Egypt. The chief city of Ethiopia, in which this great emperor resides, is called Amacaiz, being a city of some importance, the inhabitants of which are of an olive complexion. There are many other cities, such as the city of Sava on the Nile, where the emperor ordinarily resides during the summer. There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf and Ascon, whence the queen of Saba is supposed to have gone for Jerusalem to hear the wisdom of Solomon[193]. This last city though little is very fair, and one of the principal cities of Ethiopia. In this province there are many very high mountains, on which the terrestrial paradise is supposed to have been situated; and some say that the trees of the sun and moon which are mentioned by the ancients, are to be found there, but no one has ever been able to go to them, on account of great deserts extending to an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Good Hope.

[Footnote 193: The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab.—E.]

Journal of the Voyage.

On the 12th of August 1553, there sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, all well furnished with 140 able bodied men, and with ordnance and victuals fitting for the voyage. They were commanded by two captains; one of whom was a foreigner named Antonio Anes Pinteado, a native of Oporto in Portugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who, for his skill in navigation both as an experienced pilot and prudent commander, was at one time in such favour with the king of Portugal, that the coasts of Brazil and Guinea were committed to his care against the French, to whom he was a terror in these seas. He had been likewise a gentleman of the household to the king. But as fortune ever flatters when it favours, ever deceives when it promises, and ever casts down whom it raises, so great wealth and high favour are always accompanied by emulation and envy; in like manner was he, after many adversities and malicious accusations, forced to take refuge in England. In this golden voyage Pinteado was ill-matched with an evil companion, his own various good qualities being coupled with one who had few or no virtues. Thus did these noble ships depart on their voyage; but previously captain Windham put out of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head merchants, shewing in this a sample of the bad intention of his mind, which grew from this small beginning to a monstrous enormity; yet happy was that young man for being left behind.

Arriving at the island of Madeira, they took in some wine for the use of the ships. At this island was a great galleon belonging to the king of Portugal, full of men and ordnance, which had been expressly fitted out to interrupt our ships in their intended voyage, or any others that might intend a similar expedition; for the king of Portugal had been secretly informed that our ships were armed to attack his castle of Mina, though no such thing was intended; yet did not that galleon attempt to stay our ships, nor could she have been able to withstand them if that had been tried.

After their departure from Madeira the worthy captain Pinteado began to experience affliction from Captain Windham, who had hitherto carried a fair appearance of good will, but now assumed to himself the sole command, setting both captain Pinteado and the merchants factors at nought, giving them opprobrious words and sometimes abusing them most shamefully with threats of personal ill-treatment. He even proceeded to deprive captain Pinteado of the service of the boys and others who had been assigned him by order of the merchant adventurers, reducing him to the rank of a common mariner, which is the greatest affront that can be put upon a Portuguese or Spaniard, who prize their honour above all things. Passing the Canaries, they came to the island of St Nicholas, one of the Cape Verds, where they procured abundance of the flesh of wild goats, being almost its only produce. Following their voyage from thence, they tarried by the way at certain desert islands, not willing to arrive too early on the coast of Guinea on account of the heat. But being under an arbitrary rule, they tarried too long, and came at length to the first land of Guinea at the river Cesto[194], where they might have exchanged their merchandise for a full lading of the grains, or spice of that country, which is a very hot fruit and much like figs; the fruit being full of grains which are loose within the pod[195]. This kind of spice is much used in cold countries, and may be sold there to great advantage in exchange for other commodities. But, by the persuasion or command rather of our tyrannical captain, our people made light of this commodity in comparison with the fine gold for which they thirsted, wherefore they made sail an hundred leagues farther till they came to the golden land or gold coast.

[Footnote 194: Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette.—E.]

[Footnote 195: This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first gathered,—Astl.]

At this part of the coast, not venturing to come near the castle of St George del Mina belonging to the king of Portugal, they made sale of their goods only on this side and beyond that place, receiving the gold of the country in exchange to the extent of 150 pounds weight[196], and they might have bartered all their merchandise for gold at that place, if the pride of Windham had allowed him to listen to the counsel and experience of Pinteado: but not satisfied with what he had got or might still have procured, if he had remained in the neighbourhood of Mina, he commanded Pinteado to navigate the ships to Benin under the equinoctial, 150 leagues beyond the Mina, where he expected to have laden the ships with pepper. When Pinteado urged the lateness of the season, and advised that instead of going farther they should continue to dispose of their wares for gold, by which great profit would have been gained, Windham flew into a passion, called Pinteado a Jew, and gave him much opprobrious language, saying, "This rascally Jew promised to conduct us to places that either do not exist or to which he knows not the way, but if he does not I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast." The advice given by Pinteado, not to go farther, was for the safety of the mens lives, which would have been in great danger at that late season, during their winter or rossia, not so called on account of cold, but from the heat accompanied with close and cloudy air, alternating with great tempests, during which the air was of so putrifying a quality as to rot the clothes on their backs. He had formerly lingered by the way, to prevent them arriving too soon on the coast, when the heat of the sun is scorching and unbearable.

Thus constrained contrary to his wish, he brought the ships to anchor off the mouth of the river Benin, whence the pinnace was sent 50 or 60 leagues up the river. They then landed, and Pinteado, with Francisco another Portuguese, Nicholas Lambert a gentleman, and other merchants were conducted to the kings court, ten leagues from the river, where they were brought into the kings presence by a great company. The king was a black Moor or negro, though not quite so black as the rest, and sat in a long wide hall having earthen walls without windows, roofed with thin planks open in many parts to let in air. These people give wonderful reverence to their king, even the highest of his officers when in his presence never daring to look him in the face, but sit cowering on their buttocks with their elbows on their knees, and their hands on their faces, never looking up till the king commands them. When coming towards the king they shew him the utmost reverence from as far off as they can see him; and when they depart they never turn their backs towards him. In the communication of our men with the king, he used the Portuguese language, which he had learnt when a child. Commanding our men to stand up, he inquired the reason of their coming into his country; on which he was answered by Pinteado, that we were merchants who had come from a distant country into his dominions, to procure the commodities of the country in exchange for wares which we had brought from our own country, to the mutual convenience of both countries. The king had then 30 or 40 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, which had long lain in a store-house, which he desired our people to look at, and that they should exhibit to him such commodities as they had brought for sale. He likewise sent some of his officers to conduct our people to the water-side, and to carry our wares from the pinnace to his residence. These things being done, the king engaged to our merchants that in 30 days he would provide a sufficiency of pepper to load all our ships, and in case our merchandise might not amount to the whole value of the pepper, he promised to give credit till next season, and immediately sent orders over all the country to gather pepper, so that in 30 days 80 tons of pepper were procured.

[Footnote 196: Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days.—E.]

In the meantime our men lived without any rule, eating without measure of the fruit of the country, drinking the palm wine which runs in the night from the cut branches of that tree, and continually running into the water to assuage the extreme heat of the season; and not being used to these sudden transitions, which are excessively dangerous, they fell into swellings and agues, by which about the end of the year they were dying sometimes 3, 4, or 5 in a day. When the 30 days were expired, and Windham saw his men dying so fast, he sent orders to Pinteado and the rest to come away without any more delay. Pinteado and the others wrote back to inform him of the large quantity of pepper already gathered, and that they looked daily for more, desiring him to consider the great praise they would all get on their return if the voyage turned out profitable, and the shame that must attend returning without a full loading. Not satisfied with this answer, more especially as the men continued to die in great numbers, Windham sent a second message ordering them to return immediately, or that he would go away and leave them. Thinking to prevail upon him by reasonable means, Pinteado returned to the ships under an escort provided by the negro king.

In the mean time Windham, enraged at Pinteado, broke open his cabin and all his chests, spoiled all the cordials and sweetmeats he had provided for his health, and left him nothing either of his cloaths or nautical instruments; after which strange procedure he fell sick and died. When he came on board, Pinteado lamented as much for the death of Windham as if he had been his dearest friend; but several of the mariners and officers spit in his face, calling him Jew, and asserted that he had brought them to this place on purpose that they should die; and some even drew their swords, threatening to slay him. They insisted that he should leave the coast immediately, and though he only requested them to wait till those who were left at the court of the king of Benin could be sent for, they would by no means consent. He then prayed them to give him a boat, and as much of an old sail as might serve to fit her out, in which he proposed to bring Nicholas Lambert[197] and the rest to England, but even this they would not consent to. Finding all his representations in vain, he wrote a letter to the merchants at court, informing them of all that had happened at the ships, promising, if God spared his life, that he would return as soon as possible for them.

[Footnote 197: This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been Lord Mayor of London.—Hakluyt.]

Pinteado, thus kept on board against his will, was thrust among the cabin-boys, and worse used than any of them, insomuch that he was forced to depend on the favour of the cook for subsistence. Having sunk one of their ships for want of hands to navigate her, the people departed from the coast with the other. Within six or seven days, Pinteado died broken-hearted, from the cruel and undeserved usage he had met with,—a man worthy to have served any prince, and most vilely used. Of 140 men who had sailed originally from Portsmouth on this unfortunate and ill-conducted voyage, scarcely 40 got back to Plymouth, and many even of those died soon afterwards.

That no one may suspect that I have written in commendation of Pinteado from partiality or favour, otherwise than as warranted by truth, I have thought good to add copies of the letters which the king of Portugal and the infant his brother wrote to induce him to return to Portugal, at the time when, by the king's displeasure, and not owing to any crime or offence, he was enforced by poverty to come to England, where he first induced our merchants to engage in voyages to Guinea. All these writings I saw under seal in the house of my friend Nicholas Lieze, with whom Pinteado left them when he departed on his unfortunate voyage to Guinea. But, notwithstanding these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteado durst not venture to return to Portugal, neither indeed durst he trust himself in company with any of his own countrymen, unless in the presence of other persons, as he had secret intimation that they meant to have assassinated him, when time and place might serve their wicked purpose.

* * * * *

The papers alluded to in this concluding paragraph by Richard Eden, do not seem necessary to be inserted. They consist of, a commission or patent dated 22d September 1551, appointing Pinteado one of the knights of the royal household, with 700 rees, or ten shillings a month, and half a bushel of barley every day so long as he should keep a horse; but with an injunction not to marry for six years, lest he might have children to succeed in this allowance. The second document is merely a certificate of registration of the first. The third is a letter from the infant, Don Luis, brother to the king of Portugal, dated 8th December 1552, urging Pinteado to return to Lisbon, and intimating that Peter Gonzalvo, the bearer of the letter, had a safe conduct for him in due form. From the introduction to these papers, it appears that Pinteado had suffered long disgrace and imprisonment, proceeding upon false charges, and had been at last set free by means of the king's confessor, a grey friar, who had manifested his innocence.—E.

SECTION III.

Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok[198].

As in the first voyage of the English to Guinea, I have given rather the order of the history than the course of navigation, of which I had then no perfect information; so in this second voyage my chief purpose has been to shew the course pursued, according to the ordinary custom and observation of mariners, and as I received it from the hands of an expert pilot, who was one of the chiefest in this voyage[199], who with his own hand wrote a brief journal of the whole, as he had found and tried in all things, not conjecturally, but by the art of navigation, and by means of instruments fitted for nautical use[200]. Not assuming therefore to myself the commendations due to another, neither having presumed in any part to change the substance or order of this journal, so well observed by art and experience, I have thought fit to publish it in the language commonly used by mariners, exactly as I received it from that pilot[201].

[Footnote 198: Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions.—Astl. I. 144. a.]

[Footnote 199: Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the voyage was first published.—Astl. I. 144. b.]

[Footnote 200: Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no means exact.—Astl.

In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in the text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always understood.—E.]

[Footnote 201: This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the title, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin.—E.]

* * * * *

On the 11th October 1554, we departed from the river Thames with three good ships. One of these named the Trinity, was of 140 tons burden; the second, called the Bartholomew, was 90 tons; and the third, called the John Evangelist, was 140 tons. With these three ships and two pinnaces, one of which was lost on the coast of England, we staid fourteen days at Dover, and three or four days at Rye, and lastly we touched at Dartmouth. Departing on the 1st November, at 9 o'clock at night, from the coast of England, off the Start point, and steering due south-west all that night, all next day, and the next night after, till noon of the 3d, we made our way good, running 60 leagues. The morning of the 17th we had sight of the island of Madeira, which to those who approach from N.N.E. seems to rise very high, and almost perpendicular in the west. To the S.S.E. is a long low land, and a long point with a saddle through the midst of it, standing in 32 deg. N. [lat. 32 deg. 30' N. long. 16 deg. 12' W.] And in the west part are many springs of water running down from the mountain, with many white fields like fields of corn, and some white houses in the S.E. part. Also in this part is a rock at a small distance from the shore, over which a great gap or opening is seen in the mountain.

The 19th at noon we had sight of the isles of Palma, Teneriffe, and Grand Canarea. The isle of Palma rises round, and stretches from S.E. to N.W. the north-west part being lowest. In the south is a round hill over the head-land, with another round hill behind and farther inland. Between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of the island of Palma, the distance is 57 leagues[202], Palma being in 28 deg.. [lat. 28 deg. 45' N. long 17 deg. 45' W.] Our course between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of Palma was S. and S. by W. so that we had sight of Teneriffe and the Grand Canary. The S.E. part of Palma and N.N.E. of Teneriffe lie S.E. and N.W. [rather E. and W.] distance 20 leagues [33 leagues.] Teneriffe and Grand Canarea, with the west part of Fuertaventura, stand in 27 deg. 30'[203]. Gomera is a fair island, but very rugged, W.S.W. from Teneriffe, the passage between running from N. by W. to S. by E. In the south part of Gomera is a town and good road-stead, in lat. 28 deg. N. Teneriffe is a mountainous island, with a great high peak like a sugar-loaf, on which there is snow all the year, and by that peak it may be known from all other islands. On the 20th November we were there becalmed from six in the morning till four in the afternoon. On the 22d November, being then under the tropic of Cancer, the sun set W. and by S. On the coast of Barbary, 25 leagues N. of Cape Blanco, at 3 leagues from shore, we had 15 fathoms water on a good shelly bottom mixed with sand, and no currents, having two small islands in lat. 22 deg. 20' N.[7] From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is 100 leagues, [116] the course being S. by E. That cape is in lat. 22 deg. 30, [22 deg. 15'] all the coast thereabout being flat, and having 16 and 17 fathoms off shore. All the way from the river del Oro to Cape Barbas, at 7 or 8 leagues off shore, many Spaniards and Portuguese employ themselves in fishing during the month of November, the whole of that coast consisting of very low lands. From Cape Barbas we held a course S.S.W. and S.W. by S. till we came into lat. 20 deg. 30', reckoning ourselves 7 leagues off shore, and we there came to the least shoals of Cape Blanco. We then sailed to the lat. of 13 deg. N. reckoning ourselves 20 leagues off; and in 15 deg. we did rear the crossiers, or cross stars, and might have done so sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right across in the month of November, as the nights are short there, but we had sight of them on the 29th of that month at night. The 1st of December, being in lat. 13 deg. N. we set our course S. by E. till the 4th at noon, when we were in 9 deg. 20' reckoning ourselves 30 leagues W.S.W. from the shoals of the Rio Grande, which extend for 30 leagues. On the 4th, being in 6 deg. 30', we set our course S.E. The 9th we changed our course E.S.E. The 14th, being in lat. 5 deg. 30' and reckoning ourselves 36 leagues from the coast of Guinea, we set our course due E. The 19th, reckoning ourselves 17 leagues from Cape Mensurado, we set our course E. by N. the said cape being E.N.E. of us, and the river Sesto E. The 20th we fell in with Cape Mensurado or Mesurado, which bore S.E. 2 leagues distant. This cape may be easily known, as it rises into a hummock like the head of a porpoise. Also towards the S.E. there are three trees, the eastmost being the highest, the middle one resembling a hay-stack, and that to the southward like a gibbet. Likewise on the main there are four or five high hills, one after the other, like round hummocks. The south-east of the three trees is brandiernaure? and all the coast is a white sand. The said cape stands within a little of six degrees [lat. 6 deg. 20' N. long. 10 deg. 30' W.] The 22d we came to the river Sesto or Sesters, where we remained till the 29th, and we thought it best to send our pinnace before us to the Rio Dulce, that they might begin the market before the arrival of the John Evangelist. At the river Sesto, which is in six degrees less one terce, or 5 deg. 40', we got a ton of grains[205]. From Rio Sesto to Rio Dulce the distance is 25 leagues, Rio Dulce being in 5 deg. 30' N. The Rio Sesto is easily known by a ledge of rocks to the S.E. of the road[206], and at the mouth of the river are five or six trees without leaves. It is a good harbour, but the entrance of the river is very narrow, and has a rock right in the mouth. All that coast, between Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by N. being three leagues offshore[207], and there are rocks in some places two leagues off, especially between the river Sesto and Cape Palmas.

[Footnote 202: The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the degree.—E.]

[Footnote 203: The parallel of lat. 28 deg. N. goes through the centre of Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura.—E.]

[204][Footnote 204: 7 Cape Blanco is in lat. 20 deg. 50' N. 25 leagues to the north, would only reach to lat. 22 deg. 5'; exactly almost in 22 deg. is the small island of Pedro de Agale.—E.]

[Footnote 205: In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as Guinea pepper, a species of capsicum.—E.]

[Footnote 206: Rock Sesters is in long. 9 deg. 20' W.]

[Footnote 207: This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships may anchor for three leagues from the shore.—E.]

Between the river Sesto and the river Dulce are 25 leagues. Between them and 8 leagues from Sesto river is a high land called Cakeado, and S.E. from it a place called Shawgro, and another called Shyawe or Shavo, where fresh water may be had. Off Shyawe lies a ledge of rocks, and to the S.E. is a headland named Croke, which is 9 or 10 leagues from Cakeado. To the S.E. is a harbour called St Vincent, right over against which is a rock under water, two and a half leagues from shore. To the S.E. of this rock is an island 3 or 4 leagues off, and not above a league from shore, and to the S.E. of the island is a rock above water, and past that rock is the entrance of the river Dulce, which may be known by that rock. The N.W. side of the haven is flat sand, and the S.E. side is like an island, being a bare spot without any trees, which is not the case in any other place. In the road ships ride in 13 or 14 fathoms, the bottom good ouse and sand. The marks for entering this road are to bring the island and the north-east land in one. We anchored there on the last day of December 1554, and on the 3d of January 1555 we came from the Rio Dulce. Cape Palmas is a fair high land, some low parts of which by the waterside seem red cliffs, with white streaks like highways, a cables length each, which is on the east side of the Cape. This is the most southerly land on the coast of Guinea, and is in lat. 4 deg. 25' N. From Cape Palmas to Cape Three-points or Tres puntas, the whole coast is perfectly safe and clear, without rock or other danger. About 25 leagues to the eastward of Cape Palmas the land is higher than in any other place till we come to Cape Three-points, and about ten leagues westward from that Cape the land begins to rise, and grows higher all the way to the point. Also about 5 leagues west from that Cape there is some broken ground with two great rocks, within which, in the bight of a bay, there is a castle called Arra belonging to the king of Portugal, which is readily known by these rocks, as there are none other between Cape Palmas and Cape Three-points. The coast trends E. by N. and W. by S. From Cape Palmas to Arra castle is 95 leagues, and from thence to the western point of Cape Three-points it is S.E. by S. and N.W. by N. This western point of Cape Three-points is low land, stretching half a mile out to sea, and on the neck nearest the land is a tuft of trees.

We arrived at Cape Three-points on the 11th January, and came next day to a town called Samma or Samua, 8 leagues beyond, towards E.N.E. there being a great ledge of rocks a great way out to sea between Cape Three-points and that town. We remained four days off that town, the captain of which desired to have a pledge on shore, but on receiving one he kept him, and refused to continue trade, even shooting his ordnance at us, of which he only had two or three pieces[208]. On the 16th of the month we came to a place called Cape Corea[209], where dwelt Don John, and where we were well received by his people. This Cape Corea is 4 leagues eastward from the castle of Mina. We arrived there on the 18th of the month, making sale of all our cloth except two or three packs. On the 26th we weighed anchor and went to join the Trinity, which was 7 leagues to the eastwards of us, and had sold most of her wares. Then the people of the Trinity willed us to go 8 or 9 leagues farther to the east, to sell part of their wares at a place called Perecow, and another called Perecow-grande, still farther east, which is known by a great hill near it called Monte Rodondo lying to the westwards, and many palm trees by the water side. From thence we began our voyage homewards on the 13th of February, and plied along the coast till we came within 7 or 8 leagues of Cape Three-points. About 8 in the afternoon of the 15th we cast about to seawards. Whoever shall come from the coast of Mina homewards, ought to beware of the currents, and should be sure of making his way good as far west as Cape Palmas, where the current sets always to the eastwards. About 20 leagues east of Cape Palmas is a river called De los Potos, where abundance of fresh water and ballast may be had, and plenty of ivory or elephants teeth, which river is in four degrees and almost two terces, or 4 deg. 40' N. When you reckon to be as far west as Cape Palmas, being in lat. 1 deg. or 1 deg. 30' N. you may then stand W. or W. by N. till in lat. 3 deg. N. Then you may go W. or N.W. by W. till in lat. 5 deg. N. and then N.W. In lat. 6 deg. N. we met northerly winds and great ruffling tides, and as far as we could judge the current set N.N.W. Likewise between Cape Mount and Cape Verd there are great currents, which are very apt to deceive.

[Footnote 208: The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke.—Eden.]

[Footnote 209: From the context, this seems to have been the place now called Cape Coast.—E.]

On the 22d of April we were in lat. 8 deg. 40' N. and continued our course to the north-west, having the wind at N.E. and E.N.E. sometimes at E. till the first of May, when we were in lat. 18 deg. 20' N. Thence we had the wind at E. and E.N.E. sometimes E.S.E. when we reckoned the Cape Verd islands E.S.E. from us, and by estimation 48 leagues distant. In 20 deg. and 21 deg. N. we had the wind more to the east and south than before; and so we ran N.W. and N.N.W. sometimes N. by W. and N. till we came into lat. 31 deg. N. when we reckoned ourselves 180 leagues S.W. by S. of the island of Flores. Here we had the wind S.S.E. and shaped our course N.E. In 23 deg. we had the wind at S. and S.W. and made our course N.N.E. in which direction we went to 40 deg., and then set our course N.E. having the wind at S.W. and the isle of Flores E. of us, 17 leagues distant. In 41 deg. we had the wind N.E. and lay a course N.W. Then we met the wind at W.N.W. and at W. within 6 leagues, when we went N.W. We then altered to N.E. till in 42 deg. where we shaped our course E.N.E. judging the isle of Corvo to be W. of us, 36 leagues distant. On the 21st of May we communed with John Rafe who judged us to be in lat. 39 deg. 30' N. 25 leagues E. of Flora, and recommended to steer N.E.

It is to be noted that in lat. 9 deg. N. on the 4th of September, we lost sight of the north star. In lat. 45 deg. N. the compass varied 8 deg. to the W. of N. In 40 deg. N. it varied 15 deg.. And in 30 deg. 30' N. its variation was 5 deg. W.

It is also to be noted that two or three days before we came to Cape Three-points, the pinnace went along shore endeavouring to sell some of our wares, and then we came to anchor three or four leagues west by south of that cape, where we left the Trinity. Then our pinnace came on board and took in more wares, telling us that they would go to a place where the Primrose[210] was, and had received much gold in the first voyage to these parts; but being in fear of a brigantine that was then on the coast, we weighed anchor and followed them, leaving the Trinity about four leagues from us. We accordingly rode at anchor opposite that town, where Martine, by his own desire and with the assent of some of the commissioners in the pinnace, went on shore to the town, and thence John Berin went to trade at another town three miles father on. The town is called Samma or Samua, which and Sammaterra are the two first towns to the N.E. of Cape Three-points, where we traded for gold.

[Footnote 210: This was one of the ships in the former voyage under Windham.—E.]

Having continued the course of the voyage as described by the before-mentioned pilot, I will now say something of the country and people, and of such things as are brought from thence[211].

[Footnote 211: These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden, the original publisher.—E.]

They brought home in this voyage, 400 pounds weight and odd of gold[212], twenty-two carats and one grain fine. Also 36 buts of grains, or Guinea pepper, and about 250 elephants teeth of different sizes. Some of these I saw and measured, which were nine spans in length measured along the crook, and some were as thick as a mans thigh above the knee, weighing 90 pounds each, though some are said to have been seen weighing 125 pounds. There were some called the teeth of calves, of one, two, or three years old, measuring one and a-half, two, or three feet, according to the age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks grow in the upper jaw downwards, and not upwards from the lower jaw, as erroneously represented by some painters and arras workers. In this voyage they brought home the head of an elephant of such huge bigness that the bones or cranium only, without the tusks or lower jaw, weighed about two hundred pounds, and was as much as I could well lift from the ground. So that, considering also the weight of the two great tusks and the under jaw, with the lesser teeth, the tongue, the great hanging ears, the long big snout or trunk, with all the flesh, brains, and skin, and other parts belonging to the head, it could not in my opinion weigh less than five hundred weight. This head has been seen by many in the house of the worthy merchant Sir Andrew Judde, where I saw it with my bodily eyes, and contemplated with those of my mind, admiring the cunning and wisdom of the work-master, without which consideration such strange and wonderful things are only curiosities, not profitable subjects of contemplation.

[Footnote 212: Or 4800 ounces, worth, L.18,600 sterling at the old price of L.3 17s. 6d. per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much as ninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day.—E.]

The elephant, by some called oliphant, is the largest of all four-footed beasts. The fore-legs are longer than those behind; in the lower part or ancles of which he has joints. The feet have each five toes, but undivided. The trunk or snout is so long and of such form that it serves him as a hand, for he both eats and drinks by bringing his food and drink to his mouth by its means, and by it he helps up his master or keeper, and also overturns trees by its strength. Besides his two great tusks, he has four teeth on each side of his mouth, by which he eats or grinds his food, each of these teeth being almost a span long, as they lie along the jaw, by two inches high and about as much in breadth. The tusks of the male are larger than those of the female. The tongue is very small, and so far within the mouth that it cannot be seen. This is the gentlest and most tractable of all beasts, and understands and is taught many things, so that it is even taught to do reverence to kings, being of acute sense and great judgment. When the female is once seasoned, the male never touches her afterwards. The male lives two hundred years, or at least 120, and the female almost as long; but the flower of their age is reckoned 60 years. They cannot endure our winter or cold weather; but they love to go into rivers, in which they will often wade up to their trunk, snuffing and blowing the water about in sport; but they cannot swim, owing to the weight of their bodies. If they happen to meet a man wandering in the wilderness, they will go gently before him and lead him into the right way. In battle they pay much respect to those who are wounded, bringing such as are hurt or weary into the middle of the army where they may be defended. They are made tame by drinking the juice of barley[213].

[Footnote 213: The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. It is known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled from rice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alluded to.—E.]

They have continual war with dragons, which desire their blood because it is very cold; wherefore the dragon lies in wait for the passing of an elephant, winding its tail of vast length round the hind legs of the elephant, then thrusts his head into his trunk and sucks out his breath, or bites him in the ears where he cannot reach with his trunk. When the elephant becomes faint with the loss of blood, he falls down upon the serpent, now gorged with blood, and with the weight of his body crushes the dragon to death. Thus his own blood and that of the elephant run out of the serpent now mingled together, which cooling is congealed into that substance which the apothecaries call sanguis draconis or cinnabar[214]. But there are other kinds of cinnabar, commonly called cinoper or vermillion, which the painters use in certain colours.

[Footnote 214: It is surely needless to say that this is a mere fable.—E.]

There are three kinds of elephants, as of the marshes, the plains, and the mountains, differing essentially from each other. Philostratus writes, that by how much the elephants of Lybia exceed in bigness the horses of Nysea, so much do the elephants of India exceed those of Lybia, for some of the elephants of India have been seen nine cubits high; and these are so greatly feared by the others, that they dare not abide to look upon them. Only the males among the Indian elephants have tusks; but in Ethiopia and Lybia, both males and females are provided with them. They are of divers heights, as of 12, 13, or 14 dodrants, the dodrant being a measure of 9 inches; and some say that an elephant is bigger than three wild oxen or buffaloes. Those of India are black, or mouse-coloured; but those of Ethiopia or Guinea are brown. The hide or skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles. Their ears are two dodrants, or 18 inches in breadth, and their eyes are very small. Our men saw one drinking at a river in Guinea as they sailed along the coast. Those who wish to know more of the properties of the elephant, as of their wonderful docility, of their use in war, of their chastity and generation, when they were first seen in the triumphs and amphitheatres of the Romans, how they are taken and tamed, when they cast their tusks, and of their use in medicine, and many other particulars, will find all these things described in the eighth book of Natural History, as written by Pliny. He also says in his twelfth book, that the ancients made many goodly works of ivory or elephants teeth; such as tables, tressels or couches, posts of houses, rails, lattices for windows, idols of their gods, and many other things of ivory, either coloured or uncoloured, and intermixed with various kinds of precious woods; in which manner at this day are made chairs, lutes, virginals, and the like. They had such plenty of it in ancient times, that one of the gates of Jerusalem was called the ivory gate, as Josephus reports. The whiteness of ivory was so much admired, that it was anciently thought to represent the fairness of the human skin; insomuch that those who endeavoured to improve, or rather to corrupt, the natural beauty by painting, were said reproachfully, ebur atramento candefacere, to whiten ivory with ink. Poets also, in describing the fair necks of beautiful virgins, call them eburnea colla, or ivory necks. Thus much may suffice of elephants and ivory, and I shall now say somewhat of the people, and their manners, and mode of living, with another brief description of Africa.

The people who now inhabit the regions of the coast of Guinea and the middle parts of Africa, as inner Lybia, Nubia, and various other extensive regions in that quarter, were anciently called Ethiopians and Nigritae, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes; a beastly living people, without God, law, religion, or government, and so scorched by the heat of the sun, that in many places they curse it when it rises. Of the people about Lybia interior, Gemma Phrysius thus writes: Libia interior is large and desolate, containing many horrible wildernesses, replenished with various kinds of monstrous beasts and serpents. To the south of Mauritania or Barbary is Getulia, a rough and savage region, inhabited by a wild and wandering people. After these follow the Melanogetuli, or black Getulians, and Phransii, who wander in the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds filled with water. Then the Ethiopians, called Nigritae, occupy a great part of Africa, extending to the western ocean or Atlantic. Southwards also they reach to the river Nigritis or Niger, which agrees in its nature with the Nile, as it increases and diminishes like the Nile, and contains crocodiles. Therefore, I believe this to be the river called the Senegal by the Portuguese. It is farther said of the Niger, that the inhabitants on one side were all black and of goodly stature, while on the other side they were brown or tawny and of low stature, which also is the case with the Senegal.[215] There are other people of Lybia, called Garamantes, whose women are in common, having no marriages or any respect to chastity. After these are the nations called Pyrei, Sathiodaphintae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamator, Dolones, Agangince, Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes, and Nubi. These last have the same situation in Ptolemy, which is now given to the kingdom of Nubia, where there are certain Christians under the dominion of the great emperor of Ethiopia, called Prester John. From these towards the west was a great nation called Aphricerones, inhabiting, as far as we can conjecture, what is now called the Regnum Orguene, bordering on the eastern or interior parts of Guinea. From hence westwards and towards the north, are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budamel, not far from the river Senegal; and from thence toward the inland region and along the coast are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea. On the west side of this region is Cabo Verde, caput viride, Cap Verd, or the Green Cape, to which the Portuguese first direct their course when they sail to the land of Brazil in America, on which occasion they turn to the right hand towards the quarter of the wind called Garbino, which is between the west and south.

[Footnote 215: It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Niger and the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totally different rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the sea from the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in an interior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connection whatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake only exists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part of the year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the Wangara. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthy in the utmost extreme.—E.]

To speak somewhat more of Ethiopia, although there are many nations called Ethiopians, yet is Ethiopia chiefly divided into two parts, one of which being a great and rich region, is called Ethiopia sub Egypto, or Ethiopia to the south of Egypt. To this belongs the island of Meroe, which is environed by the streams of the Nile. In this island women reigned in ancient times, and, according to Josephus, it was some time called Sabea, whence the queen of Saba went to Jerusalem to listen to the wisdom of Solomon. From thence, towards the east and south, reigneth the Christian emperor called Prester John, by some named Papa Johannes, or as others say Pean Juan, signifying Great John, whose empire reaches far beyond the Nile, and extends to the coasts of the Red Sea and of the Indian ocean. The middle of this region is almost in 66 degrees of E. longitude, and 12 degrees of N. lat.[216] About this region dwell the people called Clodi, Risophagi, Axiuntiae, Babylonii, Molili, and Molibae. After these is the region called Trogloditica, the inhabitants of which dwell in caves and dens, instead of houses, and feed upon the flesh of serpents, as is reported by Pliny and Diodorus Siculus, who allege, that instead of language, they have only a kind of grinning and chattering. There are also people without heads, called Blemines, having their eyes and mouths in their breast. Likewise Strucophagi, and naked Gamphasantes; satyrs also, who have nothing of human nature except the shape. Oripei likewise, who are great hunters, and Mennones. Here also is Smyrnophora, or the region of myrrh; after which is Azania, producing many elephants.[217] A great portion of the eastern part of Africa beyond the equinoctial line is in the kingdom of Melinda, the inhabitants of which have long been in use to trade with the nations of Arabia, and whose king is now allied to the king of Portugal, and pays tribute to Prester John.

[Footnote 216: Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, the middle of Abyssinia is only in about 52 deg. 30' E. and as Ferro is 18 deg. W. from Greenwich, that coincides with 34 deg. 30' E. as the longitude is now reckoned by British geographers.—E.]

[Footnote 217: It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter into any commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of eastern Africa.—E.]

The other, or interior Ethiopia, being a region of vast extent, is now only somewhat known upon the sea-coast, but may be described as follows. In the first place, towards the south of the equator, is a great region of Ethiopians, in which are white elephants, tigers, (lions) and rhinoceroses. Also a region producing plenty of cinnamon, which lies between the branches of the Nile. Also the kingdom of Habesch or Habasia,[218] a region inhabited by Christians, on both sides of the Nile. Likewise those Ethiopians called Ichthyophagi, or who live only on fish, who were subdued in the wars of Alexander the Great[219]. Also the Ethiopians called Rapsii and Anthropophagi, who are in use to eat human flesh, and inhabit the regions near the mountains of the moon. Gazatia is under the tropic of Capricorn; after which comes the front of Africa, and the Cape of Good Hope, past which they sail from Lisbon to Calicut: But as the capes and gulfs, with their names, are to be found on every globe and chart, it were superfluous to enumerate them here.

[Footnote 218: It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited by Christians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John.—E.]

[Footnote 219: The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coast of Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, not in Ethiopia.—E.]

Some allege that Africa was so named by the Greeks, as being without cold; the Greek letter alpha signifying privation, void of, or without, and phrice signifying cold; as, although it has a cloudy and tempestuous season instead of winter, it is yet never cold, but rather smothering hot, with hot showers, and such scorching winds, that at certain times the inhabitants seem as if living in furnaces, and in a manner half ready for purgatory or hell. According to Gemma Phrisius, in certain parts of Africa, as in the greater Atlas, the air in the night is seen shining with many strange fires and flames, rising as it were as high as the moon, and strange noises are heard in the air, as of pipes, trumpets, and drums, which are caused perhaps by the vehement motions of these fiery exhalations, as we see in many experiments wrought by fire, air, and wind. The hollowness also, and various reflections and breakings of the clouds, may be great causes thereof, besides the great coldness of the middle region of the air, by which these fiery exhalations, when they ascend there, are suddenly driven back with great force. Daily experience teaches us, by the whizzing of a burning torch, what a noise fire occasions in the air, and much more so when it strives and is inclosed with air, as seen in guns; and even when air alone is inclosed, as in organ pipes and other wind instruments: For wind, according to philosophers, is nothing but air vehemently moved, as when propelled by a pair of bellows, and the like.

Some credible persons affirm that, in this voyage to Guinea, they felt a sensible heat in the night from the beams of the moon; which, though it seem strange to us who inhabit a cold region, may yet reasonably have been the case, as Pliny writes that the nature of stars and planets consists of fire, containing a spirit of life, and cannot therefore be without heat. That the moon gives heat to the earth seems confirmed by David, in the 121st psalm, where, speaking of such men as are defended from evils by the protection of God, he says, "The sun shall not burn thee by day, neither the moon by night[220]." They said likewise, that in some parts of the sea they saw streams of water, which they call spouts, falling out of the air into the sea, some of them being as large as the pillars of churches; insomuch that, when these fall into ships, they are in great danger of being sunk. Some allege these to be the cataracts of heaven, which were all opened at Noah's flood: But I rather consider them to be those fluxions and eruptions said by Aristotle, in his book de Mundo, to happen in the sea. For, speaking of such strange things as are often seen in the sea, he writes thus: "Oftentimes also, even in the sea are seen evaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking forth of springs, that the mouths of rivers are opened. Whirlpools and fluxions are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the midst of the sea, but also in creeks and straits. At certain times also, a great quantity of water is suddenly lifted up and carried about by the moon," &c. From these words of Aristotle it appears, that such waters are lifted up at one time in one place, and suddenly fall down again in another place at another time. To this also may be referred what Richard Chancellor told me, as having heard from Sebastian Cabot, as far as I remember, either on the coast of Brazil or of the Rio de la Plata, that his ship or pinnace was suddenly lifted from the sea and cast upon the land, I know not how far. Which, and other strange and wonderful works of nature considered, and calling to remembrance the narrowness of human knowledge and understanding, compared with her mighty power, I can never cease to wonder, and to confess with Pliny, that nothing is impossible to nature, whose smallest power is still unknown to man.

[Footnote 220: In our present version the word smite is used instead of burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from the Latin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used in the Book of Common Prayer.—E.]

Our people saw and considered many things in this voyage that are worthy of notice, and some of which I have thought fit to record, that the reader may take pleasure, both in the variety of these things, and in the narrative of the voyage. Among other matters respecting the manners and customs of these people, this may seem strange, that their princes and nobles are in use to pierce and wound their skins in such way as to form curious figures upon it, like flowered damask, which they consider as very ornamental[221]. Although they go in a manner naked, yet many of them, and the women especially, are almost loaded with collars, bracelets, rings, and chains, of gold, copper, or ivory. I have seen one of their ivory armlets weighing 38 ounces, which was worn by one of their women on her arm. It was made of one piece of the largest part of an elephant's tooth, turned and somewhat carved, having a hole through which to pass the hand. Some have one on each arm and one on each leg, and though often so galled by them as to be almost lame, they still persist to use them. Some wear great shackles on their legs of bright copper, and they wear collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles of certain blue stones, resembling beads. Some also of their women wear upon their arms a kind of fore-sleeves[222], made of plates of beaten gold. They wear likewise rings on their fingers made of gold wire, having a knot or wreath, like those which children make on rush rings. Among other golden articles bought by our men, were some dog-collars and chains.

[Footnote 221: Now well known under the name of tatooing.—E.]

[Footnote 222: Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to the wrist.—E.]

These natives of Guinea are very wary in driving bargains, and will not willingly lose the smallest particle of their gold, using weights and measures for the same with great circumspection. In dealing with them, it is necessary to behave with civility and gentleness, as they will not trade with any who use them ill. During the first voyage of our people to that country, on departing from the place where they had first traded, one of them either stole a musk-cat or took her away by force, not suspecting that this could have any effect to prevent trading at the next station: But although they went there in full sail, the news had got there before them, and the people refused to deal with them until the cat were either restored or paid for at a fixed price. Their houses are made of four posts or trees set in the ground, and are covered with boughs; and their ordinary food is roots, with such fish as they take, which are in great plenty. Among these are flying fishes, similar to those seen in the West India seas. Our people endeavoured to salt some of the fish which they caught on the coast of Africa, but some said that they would not take salt, and must therefore be eaten immediately; while others alleged that, if salted immediately when taken, they would keep good for ten or twelve days. Part of the salt meat taken by our people from England became putrid while on the coast of Africa, yet turned sweet again after their return to a temperate region. They have a strange method of making bread, which is as follows: They grind, with their hands, between two stones, as much corn into meal as they think may suffice the family, and making this flour into a paste with water, they knead it into thin cakes, which are stuck upon the posts of their houses and baked or dried by the heat of the sun; so that when the master of the house or any of the family are in want of bread, they take it down from the post and eat.

They have very fair wheat, the ear of which is two hand-breadths long and as big as a great bulrush, the stem or straw being almost as thick as a man's little finger. The grains are white and round, shining like pearls that have lost their lustre, and about the size of our pease. Almost their whole substance turns to flour, leaving very little bran. The ear is inclosed in three blades, each about two inches broad, and longer than the ear; and in one of them I counted 260 grains of corn. By this fruitfulness, the sun seems in some measure to compensate for the trouble and distress produced by its excessive heat. Their drink is either water, or the juice which drops from cut branches of the palmito, a barren palm or date tree; to collect which they hang great gourds to the cut branches every evening, or set them on the ground under the trees, to receive the juice which issues during the night. Our people said that this juice tasted like whey, but sweeter and more pleasant. The branches of the palmito are cut every evening to obtain this juice, as the heat of the sun during the day dries up and sears over the wound. They have likewise large beans, as big as chesnuts, and very hard, having shells instead of husks or pods. While formerly describing the fruit containing the grains or Guinea pepper, called by the physicians grana paradisi, I remarked that they have holes through them, as in effect they have when brought to us; but I have been since informed, that these holes are made on purpose to put strings or twigs through, for hanging up the fruit to dry in the sun. This fruit grows on a plant which does not rise above eighteen inches or two feet above the ground.

At their coming home, the keels and bottoms of the ships were strangely overgrown with certain shells, two inches or more in length, as thick as they could stand, and so large that a man might put his thumb into their mouths. It is affirmed that a certain slimy substance grows in these shells, which falls afterwards into the sea, and is changed into the bird called barnacles[223]. Similar shells have been seen on ships coming from Ireland, but these Irish barnacles do not exceed half an inch long. I saw the Primrose in dock, after her return from Guinea, having her bottom entirely covered over with these shells, which in my judgment must have greatly impeded her sailing. Their ships also were in many places eaten into by the worms called Bromas or Bissas, which are mentioned in the Decades[224]. These worms creep between the planks, which they eat through in many places.

[Footnote 223: This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnacle goose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, called likewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood, or rather from the lepas anatifera or multivalve shell, called barnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships.—See Pennant's Brit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64.—E.]

[Footnote 224: Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which book was translated and published by Richard Eden.—Astl I. 149. b.]

In this voyage, though they sailed to Guinea in seven weeks, they took twenty to return; owing to this cause, as they reported, that about the coast at Cape Verd the wind was continually east, so that they were obliged to stand far out into the ocean, in search of a western wind to bring them home. In this last voyage about twenty-four of the men died, many of them between the Azores and England, after their return into the cold or temperate region. They brought with them several black slaves[225], some of whom were tall strong men, who could well agree with our meats and drinks. The cold and moist air of England somewhat offended them; yet men who are born in hot regions can much better endure cold, than those of cold regions can bear heat; because violent heat dissolves the radical moisture of the human body, while cold concentrates and preserves it. It is to be considered as among the secrets of nature, that while all parts of Africa under the equator, and for some way on both sides, are excessively hot, and inhabited by black people, such regions in the West Indies [America], under the same parallels, are very temperate, and the natives are neither black, nor have they short curled wool on their heads like the Africans; but are of an olive colour, with long black hair. The cause of this difference is explained in various places of the Decades. Some of those who were upon this voyage told me that on the 14th of March they had the sun to the north of them at noon.

[Footnote 225: In a side note, five blacke moors.—E.]

SECTION IV.

Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant of London[226].

On Monday the 30th of September 1555, we sailed from the harbour of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, with two good ships, the Hart and the Hind, both belonging to London, of which John Ralph and William Carters were masters, bound on a voyage for the river Sestos, in Guinea, and other harbours in that neighbourhood. Owing to variable winds, we could not reach Dartmouth before the 14th of October; and having continued there till the 20th of that month, we warpt out of the harbour, and set sail to the S.W. and by next morning had run 30 leagues. On the 1st November, by the reckoning of our master, we were in lat. 31 deg. N. and that day we ran 40 leagues. The 2d we ran 36 leagues; and on the 3d we had sight of Porto Santo, a small island about three leagues long and one and a-half broad, belonging to the Portuguese, and lying in the ocean. As we came towards it from the N.N.W. it seemed like two small hills near each other. The east end of the island is a high land like a saddle, having a valley which gives it that appearance; while the west end is lower, with several small round hillocks[227]. Porto Santo is in about lat. 33 deg. N. The same day at 11 o'clock A.M. we raised the island of Madeira, which is 12 leagues S.W. from Porto Santo. Madeira is a fine and fertile island belonging to the Portuguese, and rises from afar like one great high mountain. By 3 P.M. being athwart of Porto Santo, we set our course to the S.W. leaving both Madeira and Porto Santo to the eastwards, being the first land we had seen after leaving England. About three next morning we were abreast of Madeira, within three leagues of its west end, and were becalmed under its high land. We estimated having run 30 leagues in the past day and night. The 4th we remained becalmed under the west end of Madeira till 1 P.M. when the wind sprung up at east, and we continued our course S.W. making in the rest of that day 15 leagues. The 5th we ran 15 leagues.

[Footnote 226: Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150.—From several passages in this journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage to Guinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to have acted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author of the journal here adopted from Hakluyt.—Astl. I. 150, 2.]

[Footnote 227: The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to be considered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having high abrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollow between.—E.]

The 6th in the morning we got sight of Teneriffe, otherwise called the Peak, being very high land, with a peak on the top like a sugar loaf; and the same night we got sight of Palma, which also is high land and W. from Teneriffe [W.N.W.] The 7th we saw Gomera, an island about 12 leagues S.E. from Palma, and eight W.S.W. from Teneriffe; and lest we might have been becalmed under Teneriffe, we left both it and Gomera to the east, and passed between Palma and Gomera. This day and night our course was 30 leagues. These islands, called the Canaries, are 60 leagues from Madeira, and there are other three islands in the group to the eastward of Teneriffe, named Gran Canarea, Fuertaventura, and Lancerota, none of which we saw. All these islands are inhabited by Spaniards. On this day likewise we got sight of the Isle of Ferro, which is 13 leagues south from Gomera, and belongs to the Spaniards like the others. We were unable all this day or the following night to get beyond Ferro, unless we had chosen to go to the westwards, which had been much out of our proper course; wherefore we put about, and stood back five hours E.N.E. in hope of being able to clear it next tack, the wind keeping always S.E. which is not often met with in that latitude by navigators, as it generally keeps in the N.E. and E.N.E. Next morning, being on the other tack, we were nearly close in with the island, but had room enough to get clear past.

The 8th, our due course to fetch the Barbary coast being S.E. by E. we were unable to keep it by reason of the wind being scant, but lay as near it as we could, running that day and night 25 leagues. The 9th we ran 30 leagues; the 10th 25; and 11th, 24 leagues. The 12th we saw a sail under our lee, which we thought to be a fishing bark, and stood down to speak with her; but in an hour there came on so thick a fog that we could neither see that vessel nor our consort the Hind. We accordingly shot off several guns to give notice to the Hind of our situation, but she did not hear or answer us. In the afternoon the Hind fired a gun, which we heard and answered with another gun. About half an hour afterwards the fog cleared away, and we were within four leagues of the Barbary coast, when sounding we had 14 fathoms water. The bark also had come room[228] with us, and anchored here likewise, the wind being contrary for going down the coast, or to the southwards. On falling in with the land, we could not judge precisely whereabout we were, most of that coast being low, the forepart of the coast being white like chalk or sand, and very deep unto the hard shore[229]. Immediately on coming to anchor we began to fish, and got abundance of that kind which the Portuguese call Pergosses, the French saders, and our men salt-water breams. Before the fog entirely cleared away, the vessel we had followed shaped such a course that we lost sight of her, chiefly because we had bore up to find the Hind again. Our pilot reckoned that we were upon that part of the coast which is 16 leagues eastwards[230] from the Rio del Oro.

[Footnote 228: This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before in the journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down the wind, large, or to leeward.—E.]

[Footnote 229: The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems to want some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore is very steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore.—E.]

[Footnote 230: Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; so that they must either have been N.N.E. or S.S.W. probably the former.—E.]

In the afternoon of the 13th we spied a sail coming towards us, which we judged to be that we had seen the day before, and we immediately caused the Hind to weigh anchor and go towards her, manning likewise our own skiff, to lay her on board or to learn what she was, and within half an hour we weighed also. When the vessel noticed us, she put about and sailed from us; and soon after there came on so heavy a fog that we could not see her, and as the fog continued the whole night we had to quit the chase. In the afternoon the wind came about fair, so that we were able to shape a course S.W. by W. to keep clear of the coast, and ran that night 16 leagues. The 14th in the morning was very foggy, but the fog cleared away about noon, when we espied a caravel of 60 tons fishing, and sent our skiff on board with five men unarmed. For haste the caravel slipped her anchors and set sail, yet our unarmed boat overtook her and made her strike sail, and brought her away, though she had fourteen or fifteen men on board, all armed, but they had not the heart to resist. On coming to us they anchored, as we were likewise, because the wind had become foul; on which I made our skiff come for me, and I went on board the caravel, to take care that no harm was offered, and to see if they would spare us any thing for our money. Accordingly we got from them three tapnets of figs, two small jars of oil, two pipes of water, and four hogsheads of salt fish, which they had taken on the coast, besides some fresh fish, which they held of no value, as they are so plentiful on that coast that one man may often take as many in an hour or less as will serve twenty men a whole day. For these things, some wine we drank while on board their ship, and three or four great cans which they sent on board our ships, I paid them 27 pistoles, being twice as much as they would willingly have taken. We then let them go to their anchor and cable which they had slipped, and assisted them to recover. After this we made sail, but the wind obliged us to come to anchor again about 12 leagues from the Rio del Oro, as we were informed by the Portuguese. There were five other caravels in this place, but immediately on our appearance they all made away for fear of us.

The 15th we continued at anchor, as the wind was still foul. The 16th we set sail and run our course 40 leagues, being this day, according to our pilots, right under the Tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23 deg. 30' N. The 17th we ran 25 leagues, mostly in sight of the coast of Barbary. The 18th we ran 30 leagues, and at noon, by the reckoning of our pilots, were abreast of Cape Blanco. The 22d they reckoned we were abreast of Cape Verd. The 12th of December we got sight of the coast of Guinea, towards which we immediately hauled, standing to the N.E. and about 12 at night, being less than two leagues from the shore, we lay to and sounded, finding 18 fathoms water. We soon afterwards saw a light between us and the shore, which we thought might have been a ship, from which circumstance we judged ourselves off the river Sestro, and we immediately came to anchor, armed our tops, and made all clear for action, suspecting it might be some Portuguese or French ship. In the morning we saw no ship whatever, but espied four rocks about two English miles from us, one being a large rock and the other three small; whence we concluded that the light seen during the night had been on shore. We then weighed and stood E.S.E. along shore, because the master did not rightly know the place, but thought we were still to the westward of Sestro river. All along this coast the land is low, and full of high trees close to the shore, so that no one can know what place he falls in with, except by means of the latitude. I think we ran 16 leagues that day, as we had all night a stiff gale, with much thunder and lightning.

For most port of the 13th we ran E.S.E. along the coast, within two leagues of the land, finding the shore all covered with tall trees to the water's edge, and great rocks hard by the beach, on which the billows continually broke in white foam, so high that the surf might easily be seen at four leagues distance, and in such a manner that no boat could possibly go to land. At noon our masters and pilots took the altitude of the sun, by which they judged that we were 24 leagues beyond the river Sestro to the eastwards, wherefore we hauled in towards the shore and came to anchor within two English miles of the land in 15 fathoms, the water being so smooth that we might have rode with a hawser. We employed the afternoon to rig out our boat with a sail, for the purpose of sending her along shore in search of a place to take in water, as we could not go back to the river Sestro, because the wind is always contrary and the current sets continually to the eastwards. The 14th we weighed anchor and plied up along the coast to the W.N.W. sending our boats close in shore to seek a watering-place, which they found about noon. At this time, being far out to sea, we fell in with several small long and narrow boats or canoes of the natives, in each of which was one man only. We gave them bread, which they accepted and eat readily. About 4 P.M. our boats came off to us with fresh water; and at night we anchored off the mouth of a river. The 15th we weighed and stood near the shore, sounding all the way, finding sometimes a rocky bottom, at other times good ground, and never less than seven fathoms. Finally, we cast anchor within an English mile of the shore, in seven and a half fathoms, directly over against the mouth of the river, and then sent our boats for water, which they got very good after rowing a mile up the river. This river, called St Vincent in the chart, is by estimation about eight leagues beyond the river Sestro, but is so hard to find that a boat may be within half a mile of it without being able to discover any river, as a ledge of rocks of greater extent than its breadth lies directly before its mouth, so that the boats had to go a considerable way between that ledge and the shore before coming to its mouth. When once in, it is a great river, having several others that fall into it. The entrance is somewhat difficult, as the surf is rather high, but after getting in it is as smooth as the Thames.[231] Upon this river, near the sea, the inhabitants are tall large men, going entirely naked, except a clout about a quarter of a yard long before their middle, made of the bark of trees, yet resembling cloth, as the bark used for this purpose can be spun like flax. Some also wear a similar cloth on their heads, painted with sundry colours, but most of them go bareheaded, having their heads clipped and shorn in sundry ways, and most of them have their bodies punctured or slashed in various figures like a leathern jerkin. The men and women go so much alike, that a woman is only to be known from a man by her breasts, which are mostly long and hanging down like the udder of a milch goat.

[Footnote 231: Sestro river, in the Complete Neptune of the Rev. James Stanier Clarke, chart. 2, is called Sesters, in lat. 5 deg. 30' N. long. 9 deg. 10' W. from Greenwich. The river St Vincent of the text does not appear in that chart, but nearly at the indicated distance to the E.S.E. is one named Sangwin.—E.]

Soon after coming to anchor on the 15th December, we went up the river in our skiff, carrying with us certain basons, manels, &c. for sale. We procured that day one hogshead and 100 pounds weight of grains,[232] and two elephants teeth, getting both at an easy rate. We sold the natives basons, maneilios, and margarits,[233] but basons were most in request, and for most of these we got thirty pounds of grains in exchange for each, and gave for an elephants tooth of thirty pounds weight six basons. We went again up the river on the 16th, in the morning, taking some of every kind of merchandise along with us in our boat, and shewed them to the negroes, but they made light of every thing, even of the basons, manellios, and margarite which they had bought the day before; yet they would have given us some grains for our basons, but so very little that we did not that day get above 100 pounds weight, through their chief or captain, who would not suffer any one to sell but through his mediation and at his price. He was so cunning that he would not give above 15 pounds of grains for a bason, and would sometimes offer us a small dishful, whereas we had a basket full for each the day before. Seeing that we would not accept what he offered, the captain of the negroes went away, and caused all the boats to depart likewise, thinking perhaps that we would have followed and agreed to his terms; but on perceiving his drift, we hauled up our grapnel and went away likewise. We landed at a small town, to see the manners of the people, and about 60 of them came about us, being at first shy, and seemingly afraid of us; but seeing we did them no harm, they came up in a familiar manner, and took us by the hand. We then went into their town, which consisted of about twenty small hovels, covered over with large leaves. All the sides were open, and the floor was raised like a scaffold about a yard high, where they work many ingenious things of the barks of trees, and there also they sleep. In some of these hovels they work in iron, making very pretty heads for javelins, tools for making their boats, and various other things, the women working as well as the men.

[Footnote 232: That is grains of paradise, so the Italians called Guinea pepper when they first saw it, not knowing what it was. We took the name from them, and hence came the name of the Grain Coast—Astl. I. 152, a.]

[Footnote 233: Margarits may possibly have been mock pearl beads; the manels or manellios were bracelets of some kind.—E.]

While we were among them, several of the women danced and sung after their manner, by way of amusing us, but the sound was by no means agreeable to our ears. Their song was continually,

Sakere, sakere, ho! ho! Sakere, sakere, ho! ho!

And with these words they kept leaping, dancing and clapping their hands. The only animals we saw among them were two goats, a few small dogs, and some hens. Having seen these things, we went on board our ships; and on seeing us depart, the chief of the other town sent two of his servants after us with a basket of grains, making signs to us that when we had slept, or next day, we should have plenty of grains if we came for them: Then shewing us his grains, he went away. Accordingly, next morning being the 17th, thinking that some business might be done with the negroes as the captain sent for us, I sent the master with the rest of the merchants on shore, remaining myself on board, because they had esteemed our goods so lightly the day before. The captain accordingly came to our people after they went up the river, bringing grains with him, but not seeing me he made signs to know where I was, and was answered in the same manner that I was on board ship. He then inquired by signs who was captain, or Diago as they call it, and the master of the ship being pointed out to him, he began to shew his grains, but held them so unreasonably dear that no profit could be made of them; on which, and because they seemed to have no store, the master came away with only about 50 pounds of grains. Going on shore at the small town on their way back to the ships, some one of our people plucked a gourd which gave great offence to the negroes, on which many of them came with their darts and large targets, making signs for our men to depart; which our men did, as they had only one bow and two or three swords among them. As soon as they were on board we weighed and set sail, but the wind was from the sea, so that we could not clear certain rocks, for which reason we came again to anchor.

This river called St Vincent is in lat. 4 deg. 30' N[234]. The tide at this place ebbs and flows every twelve hours, but while we were there the rise and fall did not exceed 9 feet. So far as we could see, the whole country was altogether covered with wood, all the kinds of trees being unknown to us, and of many different sorts, some having large leaves like gigantic docks, so high that a tall man is unable to reach their tops. By the sea-side there grow certain pease upon great and long stalks, one of which I measured and it was 27 paces long. These grow on the sand like trees, and so very near the sea that we could distinctly perceive by the water marks that the sea sometimes flows into the woods. All the trees and other plants of this country are continually green. Some of the women have exceedingly long breasts, but they are not all so. All day the wind blows from the sea, and all night from the land, though we found this to differ sometimes, at which our master was much surprised.

[Footnote 234: This latitude would bring us to a river about half way between the Grand Sesters and Cape Palmas; but which does not agree with the former circumstances, as they could hardly have been so far to the S.E. without seeing Cape Palmas. The river Sangwin, which we have before supposed might be the St Vincent, is in lat. 5 deg. 20' N. almost a degree farther north.—E.]

This night at 9 o'clock the wind came to east, which used ordinarily to be at N.N.W. off shore[235]; yet we weighed and hauled off south to seawards, and next morning stood in again towards the land, whence we took in 6 tons of water for our ship, the Hind probably taking as much. On this part of the coast I could not find that the natives had any gold or other valuable article of trade, for indeed they are so savage and idle that they give not themselves the trouble to seek for any thing, for if they would take pains they might easily gather large quantities of grains, yet I do not believe there were two tons to be had in all that river. They have many fowls likewise in their woods, but the people are not at the trouble to catch them. While here I collected the following words of their language, all of which they speak very thick, often repeating one word three times successively, and always the last time longer than the two former.

[Footnote 235: The text here is probably corrupt. The direct off-shore wind on the grain coast of Africa is N.E. The wind at N.N.W. certainly is in some degree off-shore, but very obliquely; and the wind at east is more direct from shore.—E.]

Bezow! bezow! Is their salutation. Manegete afoye,[236], Grains enough. Crocow afoye, Hens enough. Zeramme afoye, Have you enough? Begge sacke, Give me a knife. Begge come, Give me bread. Borke, Silence! Contrecke, You lie! Veede, Put forth, or empty. Brekeke, Row! Diago, or dabo, Captain, or chief.

[Footnote 236: In some maps the grain coast is named Malaguete, probably from this word, and consequently synonimous with the ordinary name. It is likewise called the Windward coast.—E.]

Towards night on the 18th, while sailing along the coast, we fell in with some boats or canoes, when the natives expressed by signs that we were abreast of a river where we might have grains, but we did not think it right to stop there, lest other ships might get before us. This river has three great rocks and five small ones lying before it, with one great tree and a small one close by the river, which exceed all the rest in height. This night we proceeded 10 leagues along the coast. About noon of the 19th, while proceeding along shore, three boats came off to tell us we might have grains, and brought some to shew, but we did not choose to stop. Continuing our course we anchored at night, having run this day 10 leagues. On the 20th as the Hind had come to anchor near us among some rocks and foul ground, she lost a small anchor. While passing along shore about noon a negro came off to us as before, offering grains if we would go on shore, and where we anchored at night another brought us a similar intimation, besides which a fire was kindled on shore, as if indicating where we might land, which was likewise done on other parts of the coast when they saw us anchored. Wherever we happened to anchor on this coast from our first watering place, we always found the tide [of flood?] running to the westwards, and saw many rocks close along shore, many others being a league out to sea. This day we ran 12 leagues. The 21st though we sailed all day with a brisk gale, yet so strong were the tides against us that we were only able to make out 6 leagues. This day likewise some negroes came off to us, offering to deal in grains if we would land. The 22d we ran all day and night to a double point called Cabo das Palmas[237].

[Footnote 237: Reckoning the course run as expressed in the text, the distance measured back from Cape Palmas brings us very nearly to Sangwin for the river St Vincent of Towerson, as formerly conjectured.—E.]

The 23d about 3 o'clock we were abreast of the point, and before we came to the western part of it we saw a great ledge of rocks which lie out to the west of it about 3 leagues, and a league or more from the shore. We soon after got sight of the eastern side of this cape, which is 4 leagues from the west side. Upon both corners of this cape there are two green spots like meadows, and to the westwards of this cape the land forms a bay, by which it may be easily known. Four leagues farther on there is a head-land jutting out to sea, and about two leagues farther on there is a great bay, seemingly the entrance to a river, before which we anchored all that night, lest we should overshoot a river where, in the voyage of last year, 1554, they got all their elephants teeth. Cape Palmas is in lat. 4 deg. 30' N. between which and the river Sestro the greatest abundance of grains is to be had, while beyond this cape very little is got. Where we anchored this night, we found that the tide now ran to the eastwards, while on the other side of the cape it went to the N.W. This day we ran about 16 leagues.

While continuing our course on the 24th about 8 o'clock, some boats came off to us bringing small soft eggs without shells, and made signs that we might have fresh water and goats by going on shore. As the master judged this might be the river of which we were in search, we cast anchor and sent our boat on shore with a person who knew the river. On coming near the shore he perceived that it was not the river, and came therefore back again, and went along shore by the help of sails and oars, upon which we weighed and sailed likewise along shore. Being now 13 leagues past the cape, the master observed a place which he believed might be the river, when we were in fact two miles past it. At this time the boat came off to the ship, reporting that there was no river; yet we came to anchor, after which the master and I went in the boat with five men, and on coming near the shore he saw that it was the river for which he sought. We then rowed in with much difficulty, the entrance being very much obstructed by a heavy surf. After entering, several boats came off to us, informing us by signs that they had elephants teeth, and brought us one of 8 pounds and a small one only one pound weight, both of which we bought. Then they brought some other teeth to the river side, giving us to understand by signs that they would sell them to us if we came next day. We then gave a manillio each to two chiefs, and departed to the ships. We sent another boat to a different place on shore, where some of the natives in the canoes at sea made signs that fresh water was to be had; and on going there they found a town but no river, yet the people brought them fresh water and shewed an elephants tooth, making signs that they would sell them such next day. This river lies 13 leagues beyond Cape Palmas, having a rock to the westwards about a league out to sea, and there juts out from the river a point of land on which grow five trees which may be discerned two or three leagues off when coming from the westwards; but the river itself cannot be seen till close upon it, and then a small town may be seen on either side, each of which has a diago or captain. The river is small, but the water is fresh and good[238]. Two miles beyond the river, where the other town lies, another point runs oat to sea, which is green like a meadow, having only six trees growing upon it, all distant from each other, which is a good mark to know it by, as I have not seen as much bare land on the whole coast[239]. In this place, and three or four leagues to the westwards, there grow many palm trees, from which the natives have their palm wine, all along shore. These trees are easily known almost two leagues off, as they are very straight, tall and white bodied, and thickest in the middle, having no limbs or boughs, but only a round bush of leaves at the top. In this top the natives bore a hole, to which they hang a bottle or empty gourd, and in this they receive the juice that runs from the tree, which is their wine.

[Footnote 238: From the indicated distance eastwards from Cape Palmas, and the description in the text, the river and point in question seem those called Tabou, in long. 7 deg. 10' W. from Greenwich.—E.]

[Footnote 239: It is hardly necessary to observe that these are very bad land-marks, being subject to alteration from many causes; besides that this description is above 250 years old.—E.]

From Cape Palmas to Cape Tres-puntas or Three-points, the distance is 100 leagues east[240]; and from Cape Three-points to the port where we proposed to sell our cloth are other 40 leagues[241]. The language here, as far as I could judge, seemed to differ little from that formerly mentioned. The people likewise dress much in the same manner, or almost naked, but they were gentler in their manners and better looking. They chiefly coveted manillios and margarites, and cared very little for the rest of our wares. About 9 o'clock A.M. some boats came off to us from both towns, bringing with them some elephants teeth, and having made me swear by the water of the sea that I would do them no harm, three or four of them came on board, and we entertained them with such things as we had, of which they eat and drank as freely as ourselves. We then bought all their teeth, of which they had 14, 10 being small. On going away, they desired us to come to their towns next day. Not wishing to trifle our time at this place, I desired the master to go on the 26th with two of our merchants to one of the towns, while I went with one merchant to the other town, the two towns being three miles asunder. Taking with us to both places some of every kind of merchandise that we had, the master got nine rather small teeth at one town, while at the other I got eleven not large. Leaving on board with the [other] master an assortment of manillios, he bought 12 teeth in our absence from people who came to the ships. I bought likewise a small goat, and the master bought five small hens at the other town. Finding that nothing more was to be done here, as they had no more teeth, we went on board by one o'clock, P.M. and immediately weighed anchor, continuing our progress eastward, always within sight of land.

[Footnote 240: Between these two points is what is called the ivory coast of Guinea: After which is the gold coast to Cape St Pauls; and then the slave coast.—E.]

[Footnote 241: Forty leagues E.N.E. along the gold coast bring us to Saccoom or Accra, in the country called Aquamboo.—E.]

The 28th, the wind turning contrary, we stood out to sea, and when the wind changed from the seaward we again stood for the land, which we fell in with at a great round red cliff, not very high, having to the eastwards a smaller red cliff, and right above that towards the inland a round green hummock, which we took to be covered with trees. In the last 24 hours we only made good about 4 leagues. The 29th coming near the shore, we noticed the before mentioned red cliff to have a large tuft of trees on its summit. All to the westwards as far as we could see was full of red cliffs, and all along the shore, both on the tops of these cliffs, and in the low intervals between them, was everywhere full of wood. Within a mile of the great cliff to the eastwards there was a river, and no cliffs that we could see beyond it, except one small cliff very near its eastern side. At this place we had the wind in the night at north off the land, and in the day south from the sea, which was not usual, as we were assured by such of our people as had been there before, being commonly N.W. and S.W. We ran this day and night 12 leagues. The 31st we went our course by the shore, which was everywhere low and covered with wood, with no rocks. This morning many boats of the negroes came out to fish, being larger than those we had seen hitherto but of similar make, some of them having five men. In the afternoon, about 3 o'clock we had sight of a town by the sea-side, which our pilots judged to be 25 leagues west from Cape Three-points.