Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms of Mexico and Peru and elsewhere, being only led thereto to reduce the people to Christianity, not for gold or empire: Whereas, in the single island of Hispaniola, they have wasted and destroyed thirty hundred thousand of the natives, besides many millions else in other places of the Indies: a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might have been won to his service, as many of them were, even almost all whom they endeavoured to persuade thereto. The story of these their enormities, has been written at large by Bartholomew de las Casas[375], a bishop of their own nation, and has been translated into English and many other languages, under the title of The Spanish Cruelties. Who therefore would repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and more especially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after the blood of the English, for the many overthrows and dishonours they have received at our hands; whose weakness we have discovered to the world, and whose forces, at home, abroad, in Europe, in the Indies, by sea and by land, even with mere handfuls of men and ships on our sides, we have overthrown and dishonoured? Let not therefore any Englishman, of what religion soever, have other opinion of these Spaniards or their abettors, but that those whom they seek to win of our nation, they esteem base and traiterous, unworthy persons, and inconstant fools; and that they use this pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch us from the obedience due to our natural prince, hoping thereby to bring us in time under slavery and subjection, when none shall be there so odious and despised, as those very traitors who have sold their country to strangers, forsaking their faith and obedience, contrary to the laws of nature and religion, and contrary to that humane and universal honour, not only of Christians but of heathen and unbelieving nations, who have always sustained every degree of labour, embracing even death itself, in defence of their country, their prince, and their commonwealth.

[Footnote 375: He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes the Indians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewer than twenty millions.—Astley, I. 221. a.]

To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her majesty, to break the purposes of her malicious enemies, to confound the devices of forsworn traitors, and to overthrow all unjust practices and invasions. She hath ever been held in honour by the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall ever, by the favour of God, resist, repell, and confound all attempts against her person and kingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniards and traitors vaunt of their success; while we, her true and obedient subjects, guided by the shining light of her virtues, shall always love, serve, and obey her, to the end of our lives.



SECTION XI

Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; with the number that perished, according to the examination of certain Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England[376].

The fleet of New Spain, at their first gathering together, consisted of 52 sail. The admiral and vice-admiral ships were each of 600 tons burden. Four or five of the ships were of 900 and 1000 tons each; some were of 400 tons, and the smallest of 200. Of this fleet 19 were cast away, containing by estimation 2600 men, which happened along the coast of New Spain, so that only 33 sail came to the Havannah.

[Footnote 376: Hakluyt, II. 670.]

The fleet of Terra Firma, at its first departure from Spain, consisted of 50 sail, bound for Nombre de Dios, where they discharged their loading, and returned thence for their health sake to Carthagena, till such time as the treasure they were to take in at Nombre de Dios were ready. But before this fleet departed, some were gone by one or two at a time, so that only 23 sail of this fleet arrived at the Havannah.

There met at the Havannah,

33 sail from New Spain, 23 from the Terra Firma, 12 belonging to San Domingo, 9 from Honduras.

Thus 77 ships joined and set sail from the Havannah, on the 17th of July 1591, according to our account, and kept together till they arrived in the lat. of 35 deg. N. which was about the 10th of August. There the wind, which had been at S.W. changed suddenly to N. so that the sea coming from the S.W. and the wind violent from the N. they were put in great extremity, and then first lost the admiral of their fleet, in which were 500 men; and within three or four days after, another storm rising, five or six others of their largest ships were cast away with all their men, together with their vice-admiral.

In lat. 38 deg. N. and about the end of August, another great storm arose, in which all their remaining ships, except 48, were lost. These 48 ships kept together till they came in sight of the islands of Corvo and Flores, about the 5th or 6th of September, at which time they were separated by a great storm; and of that number, 15 or 16 sail were afterwards seen by three Spanish prisoners, riding at anchor under Tercera, while 12 or 14 more were observed to bear away for San Miguel. What became of them after these Spaniards were taken, cannot yet be certified; but their opinion is, that very few of this fleet escaped being either taken or cast away. It has been ascertained of late by other means of intelligence, that of this whole fleet of 123 sail, which should have come to Spain this year, there have only 25 yet arrived. This note was extracted from the examinations of certain Spanish prisoners, brought to England by six of the London ships, which took seven of these men from the before-mentioned fleet of the Indies near the islands of the Acores.

SECTION XII.

Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1591, by a feet of London ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by Captain Robert Flicke[377].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS[378].

The following voyage is extracted from a letter, dated at Plymouth the 24th of October 1591, and sent thence by Captain Flicke to Messrs Thomas Bromley, Richard Staper, and —— Cordall, three of the contractors, as we apprehend, for the ships, and is titled, "Concerning the success of a part of the London supplies sent to the isles of the Azores to my Lord Thomas Howard." In this letter no mention is made of the number of ships employed, nor of the names of more than two captains besides Flicke, namely, Brothus and Furtho, the latter of whom was bearer of the letter. We also find the name of four of the ships; the Costly, Centurion, Cherubim, and the Margaret and John, but not the names of their commanders, neither the name of the ship in which Flicke sailed, and which, for distinctions sake, we call the admiral. These omissions may be excuseable in a private letter, written only to acquaint the merchants of particulars they had not before learnt, and not designed as a formal narrative of the voyage to be laid before the public. As these, however, are essential to narratives of this kind, it might have been expected of Mr Hakluyt to have supplied such defects. We may judge, however, that the number of ships was seven, as in the preceding account of the fleet of the Indies, six London ships are mentioned as having fallen in with it, which were probably those separated from the admiral or commodore, which ship will make the seventh.—Astley.

[Footnote 377: Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221.]

[Footnote 378: Astley, I. 221.]

NARRATIVE[379].

Worshipful, my hearty commendations to you premised.—By my last letter, dated 12th August from this place, I advertised you particularly of the accidents which had befallen our fleet till then. It now remains to relate our exertions for accomplishing our orders for endeavouring to join my Lord Thomas Howard, and the success we have had. We departed from hence on the 17th August, the wind not serving before. Next day I summoned a council by signal, on which the captains and masters of all the ships came on board, when I acquainted them with my commission, confirmed by the lords of her majestys council, and with the advertisement of Sir Edward Denny, that my lord had determined to remain 60 leagues west of Fayal, spreading his squadron north and south between 37 deg. 30' and 38 deg. 30' north. But, if we did not there find him, we were to repair to the islands of Flores and Corvo, where a pinnace would purposely wait our coming till the last day of August; with the intent, after that day, to repair to the coast of Spain, about the heighth of the rock [of Lisbon?], some twenty or thirty leagues off shore. This being advisedly considered, and having regard to the shortness of time occasioned by our long delay at this place, and the uncertainty of favourable weather for us, it was generally concluded, as the best and surest way to meet my lord, to bear up for the heighth of the rock, without making any stay upon the coast, and thence to make directly for the foresaid islands, which was accordingly fully agreed to and performed.

[Footnote 379: In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from the original sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, only modernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied from the abridgement of Astley.—.E]

The 28th of August we had sight of the Burlings, and being on the 29th athwart of Peniche, and having a favourable wind, we directed our course west for the Azores, without making any stay off the coast of Portugal. The 30th we met the Red Rose, Captain Royden, formerly called the Golden Dragon, which had separated from my lord in a storm. He informed us of 50 sail of the king of Spains armada having sailed for the islands, but could not give us any intelligence of my lord, otherwise than supposing him to remain about the islands, wherefore we continued our course, the wind remaining favourable. The 4th of September we had sight of Tercera, and ranged along all the islands, both on their south, and north sides, for the space of four days, during which time we met with no ships whatever, so that we could learn no intelligence, either of my lord or of the fleet of the Indies; wherefore we directed our course to the west of Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. When plying to the westwards on the 11th, we descried a sail from our main-top, and by two or three in the afternoon raised her hull, but the weather fell so calm that we could not fetch her. I therefore sent off my skiff well manned, and furnished with shot and swords, the Cherubim and the Margaret and John doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again, and on the approach of night our boats lost sight of her and so returned. During this pursuit the Centurion was left astern, so that we missed her next morning, and spent all that day plying up and down in search of her: And, as all our ships were directed, in case of separation by stress of weather or other mischance, to meet and join at Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded for the purpose of finding my Lord Thomas Howard, and being in the heighth appointed, and not able to remain there in consequence of extreme tempests, which forced us to the isles of Flores and Corvo, which we made on the 14th in the morning, and there rejoined the Centurion. She informed us, that on the 12th day, being the same on which she lost us, she had met 45 sail of the fleet of the Indies.

The same night, in consequence of this intelligence, we came to anchor between Flores and Corvo, and next morning at day-break, I convened a council of all the captains and masters on board my ship, by a signal flag. For satisfying our desire to learn some intelligence of my lord, as also for the purpose of procuring a supply of water, it was thought good to send our boats on shore armed, under the command of Captain Brothus; besides which, it was agreed, after our departure thence, to range along the south sides of the islands, that we might either procure some intelligence of my lord, or fall in with the fleet of the Indies; and, in case of missing both objects, to direct our course for Cape St Vincent. The boats being sent on shore, according to this determination, it chanced that the Costely, which rode outermost at our anchoring ground, having weighed to bring herself nearer among us to assist in protecting our boats, discovered two sail in opening the land, which we in the road-stead could not perceive. Upon this she fired a shot of warning, which caused us to wave all our boats back; and before they could recover their ships, the two ships seen by the Costely appeared to us, on which we made all sail towards them, and in a happy hour as it pleased God. We had no sooner cleared the land and spoken one of them, which was a bark belonging to Bristol, also seeking my lord ineffectually at the place appointed, when so violent a storm arose that we had been in great danger of perishing if we had continued in the road. This storm continued in its utmost violence for sixty hours, during which I was separated from all our fleet except the Cherubim, and Costely, which continued in company. After it subsided, sailing in among the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no roaders there, I went thence for the isle of Tercera.

On the 19th day of September in the morning, coming to Tercera, and intending to edge into the road, a tempest arose and so scanted the wind that we could not get in. Being accordingly driven to leeward, we fell in among some of the fleet of the Indies, which had been dispersed by the storm, and driven from the road. Upon this our ship and the two others then with me gave several chases, by which we parted company. Following up my chase, we made her strike and yield about noon, when she turned out to be a Portuguese, laden with hides, sarsa-parilla, and anile [Indigo.] At this instant we espied another, and taking our prize with us, followed and captured her before night. She was called the Conception, commanded by Francisco Spinola, and was laden with cochineal, raw hides, and certain raw silk: And as the sea was so tempestuous that we could in no way board her, neither by boats nor from the ship, so we kept her under our lee till a fit opportunity. That same night, a little before day, another ship joined company with us, supposing us and our two prizes to belong to their fleet, which we dissembled till morning.

In the morning of the 20th, this new sail being somewhat shot a-head of us, and being anxious for the safe keeping of the two former, we purposed to cause our two prizes put out more sail, so as to keep near us while chasing the third, as our master insisted that they would follow us; owing to which, by the time we had caused this new one to yield, and had sent men on board to take possession, the Conception being far astern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all her sails, so that we were forced to make a new chase after her, and had not the wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. The whole of this day was spent in this new pursuit, before we recovered her, and brought ourselves again in company with our other prizes; by which we lost the opportunity of that day, during which the weather served for boarding the Portuguese prize, which was in great distress, making request of us to take them on board, as they were ready to sink, as we could well perceive by their pumping incessantly, and in our judgment she went down that night.

On the 21st the Conception sprung a leak also, which gained upon her notwithstanding every effort at the pumps, so that she could not be kept long above water. So I took out of her 42 chests of cochineal and silk, leaving her to the sea with 11 feet water in her hold, and 4700 hides. The other prize, which we have brought into harbour, is the Nuestra Sennora de los Remedios, Francisco Alvares captain, laden with 16 chests of cochineal, certain fardels [or bales] of raw silk, and about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods, your honours shall be particularly advertised of the same. In boarding our prizes, such was the disorder of our men, that, besides rifling the persons of the Spaniards, they broke open the chests and purloined what money was in them; although I had given notice of my intention of going on board in person, to have taken a just account thereof in presence of three or four witnesses, putting the whole in safe custody, pursuant to the articles made in this behalf. And whereas certain sums of money taken from our men, which they had thus purloined and embezzled, together with other parcels brought on board my ship, amounting to 2129 pesos and a half, all of which the company demanded to have shared among them as due pillage, I refused this demand, and read to them openly at the mast the articles confirmed by my lord treasurer and my lord admiral, by which they ought to be directed in these things, declaring that it was not in my power to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined at home. Thereupon they mutinied, and grew at length to such fury, that they declared they would have it or else would break down the cabin. Seeing them ready to execute this threat, I was forced to yield, lest the great number of Spaniards we had on board might have taken the opportunity of rising against us; which, indeed, after the brawls of our men were appeased, they actually endeavoured to have done.

By the last advice from Castile, the general of the king of Spains armada, lately put to sea, is ordered to join his fleet with that of the Indies, and to remain at Tercera till the 15th of October, waiting for six pataches with seven or eight millions of the royal treasure expected by that time: otherwise they are to wait their coming from the Havannah till January next, or until the kings farther pleasure shall be made known. These pataches are said to be of 300 tons burden each, carrying 30 pieces of brass cannon, and are also reported to sail in a superior manner to any other ships. Before their coming to Flores, there perished of the fleet of the Indies eleven sail, among which was the admiral, and not one roan saved. It is likewise supposed by the Spaniards, that the storms we encountered at Flores and Tercera must have destroyed many more of them, of which indeed we were partly eye-witnesses. On the whole, therefore, what by the seas and our men of war, of the 75 sail that came from the Havannah, I presume one half will not arrive in Spain.

On the night of the 11th October, we came to anchor in Plymouth sound, and got up next morning with our prize into Catwater, for which God be praised: For so vehement a storm arose, that our prize was forced to cut away her main-mast, otherwise, her ground tackle being bad, she had been driven on shore by the violence of the storm. This was the main cause which induced me to put in here, where I now propose to discharge the goods without farther risk, and have certified thus much to my lord admiral, and therewith desire to receive the directions of my lords of the council together with yours, as my lord Thomas Howard is not yet returned. How the rest of our consorts, which separated from us, may have sped, or what prizes they may have taken, of which there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West India fleet, I am as yet unable to say any thing. And thus, waiting your answer, and referring for all other matters to captain Furtho, the bearer hereof, I make an end, at Plymouth this 24th of October 1591.

Your Worships loving Friend, ROBERT FLICKE.

SECTION XIII.

Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyages from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten[380].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

The entire title of this article in Hakluyts Collection is, "A large testimony of John Huighen van Linschoten, Hollander, concerning the worthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, by Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Grenville, and diverse other English captains, about the isles of the Azores, and upon the coasts of Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96, 97, and 99." Of this article, the Editor of Astley gives the following account.

[Footnote 380: Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225.]

"The author, John Huighen van Linschoten, left Goa with a fleet of ships, viz. The Santa Maria, Nuestra Sennora de la Concepcao, the San Christopher admiral, the San Thome which was the largest and most richly laden, and the Santa Cruz in which Linschoten sailed. It was extracted by Hakluyt from the 96th, 97th, and 99th chapters of the first book of Linschotens Voyages in English, beginning at p. 171. This section is intended as a supplement to the English cruizing voyages already inserted, which fall within the period mentioned in the title; and is the more material, as the memoirs it contains not only confirm the most material facts related in these preceding voyages, but give a satisfactory account of many things which are there but imperfectly related, often continuing the history which in these breaks off abruptly, and bringing to light some remarkable achievements of our countrymen, of which otherwise no mention could be found in our voluminous naval transactions.

"We are persuaded the reader will feel a secret joy in contemplating the great figure this nation made in these heroic times; owing to that universal zeal to promote the commerce and glory of England, which then prevailed among the ministers of the crown, as well as the people at large. We presume likewise, that this pleasure will be not a little enhanced by the consideration that these particulars were written by a foreigner, who is held in great reputation for his judgment and fidelity, and who has sounded the praise of our countrymen even beyond what has been done by our own historians. On the other hand, the reader will be no less concerned to find what immense treasures some of our adventurers lost, by unaccountably missing the fleets of which they went in search, when at the same time they were so near them, that it seemed almost impossible they should escape. This shews, after all, how uncertain is the meeting of ships at sea, and that two great fleets may sail almost close to one another, without having the least suspicion."—Astley.

* * * * *

The 22d of July 1589, about evening, being near the islands of Flores and Corvo, we perceived three ships making towards us, which came from under the land and put us in great fear, for they came close to our admiral and shot diverse times at him and at another ship of our company, whereby we perceived them to be English, for they bore the English flag at their main-tops, but none of them seemed above 60 tons burden. About evening they followed after us, and all night bore lanterns with candles burning at their sterns, although the moon shined. That night we passed hard by the island of Fayal; and next morning, being between the isle of St George on our right and the small isle of Graciosa on our left, we espied the three English ships still following us. They consulted together, upon which one of them sailed backwards, as if one ship had followed after us without company, and for a time that ship was out of sight; but in no long time afterwards, it returned to the other two, when they consulted again, and came all three together against our ship, because we were to leeward of all our ships, having the island of St George on one side instead of a sconce, [fort] thinking so to deal with us as to force us to run on shore, to which we were very near. In that manner they came bravely towards us, with their flags displayed, sounding their trumpets, and sailed at least three times about us, discharging at us their muskets and calivers and some pieces of great ordnance, doing us no harm in the hull of our ship, but spoiled all our sails and ropes, and so plagued us that no man durst put forth his head. When we shot off a piece of ordnance, we had at the least an hours work to load it again, there being a great noise and cry in our ship, as if we had been all cast away, whereupon the English began to mock us, calling out to us with many taunting words.

In the mean time, the other ships that were in company with us hoisted all their sails, doing their best to bear away for Tercera, and not looking once behind them to help us, as not caring for us, but doubting they would be too late thither, and thinking they did enough if they could save themselves, whereby it may be easily seen what kind of company they keep with each other, and what kind of order is among them. In the end, finding small advantage against us, and little knowing in what fear we were, and also because we were not far from Tercera, the English left us; on which we were not a little rejoiced, as thinking ourselves risen from death to life, though we were not yet well assured nor void of fear, till we got to anchor in the road of Tercera, under the protection of the Portuguese fort, towards which we made all possible sail. On the other hand, we were still in great doubt, not knowing the situation of the island, or whether they were our friends or enemies; and we were so much the more doubtful, because we found no man of war there, nor any caravels of advice from Portugal as we expected, to have convoyed us home, or given us intelligence, as they usually do in that country. And, because the English had been so victorious in those parts, we suspected that it went not well with Spain. The inhabitants of Tercera were no less fearful than we, for on seeing our fleet they thought us to have been English, and that we came to over-run the island, because the three English ships came in along with us and had wound up their flags; upon which the islanders sent out two caravels to us that lay there, with advice from the king for such India ships as should come there.

Those caravels came to view us, and perceiving what we were made after us; upon which the English ships left us and made towards the caravels, because the caravels thought them friends and shunned them not, as supposing them of our company: But we shot three or four times, and made signs to them that they should make towards the island, which they presently did. On perceiving that, the Englishmen made out to sea: and then the caravels sent on board us, saying that the people of the island were all in arms, having received advice from Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and meant to come to the islands. They likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish armada which had gone against England, and that the English had been at the gates of Lisbon; for which reason it win the king's commands that we should put into the island of Tercera, and remain there under the protection of its castle, till we received further orders, as it was then thought too dangerous for us to continue our voyage to Lisbon. These news put all our fleet in great fear, making us look upon each other as not knowing what to do or say; as it was dangerous for us to put into the road, which lies open to the sea, so that although they had the kings commands for so doing, the India ships durst not anchor there, but only used to come thither, standing off and on, and sending their boats a-land for such necessaries as they wanted, without coming to anchor. But now necessity compelled us to this measure, owing to our fears for the three small English ships, also because of the kings orders, and because we understood that the Earl of Cumberland was not far from these islands with sundry ships of war. We made therefore a virtue of necessity, and entering the road of Tercera, anchored close under the castle, in waiting for orders from the king to pursue our voyage, it being then the 24th of July or St Jameses day.

The 12th of August, the Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of war, sailed past the island of Tercera; and to our great good fortune passed out of sight. We then set out in all haste, and, for our greater security, took along with us 400 Spaniards of those who were in garrison in the island, and made sail for Lisbon with a favourable wind, so that in eleven days we arrived in the river Tagus with great joy and triumph. For, had we been one day longer of getting into the river, we had all been taken by Captain Drake, [Sir Francis Drake] who came before Cascais with 40 ships, at the very time when we cast anchor in the Tagus under the guard of several gallies.

While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came to St Marys to take in fresh water and other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have it, and wounded both the earl himself and several of his men, so that they were forced to depart without having any thing. Likewise, while I was at Tercera, the same earl came to the island of Graciosa, where he went to land in person with seven or eight others, demanding certain beasts, poultry, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water, which they willingly gave him, after which he departed without doing any injury, for which the inhabitants were very thankful, praising his courtesy and faithfulness to his promise. The earl came likewise at that time to Fayal, where at the first they begun to resist him; but by reason of some controversy among themselves, they let him land, when he razed the castle, throwing all the cannon into the sea, and took with him certain caravels and ships that lay in the road, with all such provisions as he wanted, and then departed. Thereupon, the king caused the principal actors in that transaction to be punished, and went thither a company of soldiers, which went from Tereera, with all kind of warlike ammunition and great shot, rebuilding the cattle the better to defend the island, and no more trusting to the Portuguese inhabitants.

The 9th of October 1589[381], there arrived in Tereera fourteen ships from the Spanish West Indies, laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other rich wares. When they departed from the harbour of the Havannah, they were fifty in company; of which eleven sunk in the channel [of Florida] by reason of foul weather, and all the rest were scattered and separated from each other in a storm. Next day there came another ship of the same fleet, which sailed close under the island endeavouring to get into the road; when she was met by an English whip that had not above three cast pieces [of ordnance], while the Spaniards had twelve. They fought a long while together, which we in the island could distinctly see. The governor of the island sent out two boats filled with musketeers to aid the Spanish ship; but before they could get up to her assistance; the English had shot her below water, so that we saw her sink into the sea with all her sails up, and she entirely disappeared. The Englishmens boat saved the Captain and about thirty others, but not one pennyworth of the goods, which were to the value of 200,000 ducats, in gold, silver, and pearls. All the rest of the crew were drowned, to the number of about fifty persons, among whom were some friars and women, whom the English could not save. The English set all the people they had saved on shore, and then sailed away. The 27th of the same month of October 1589, these fourteen ships sailed from Tercera, for Seville; and on coming to the coast of Spain, they were all taken by some English ships that watched for them, two only excepted which made their escape, all the rest being carried to England.

[Footnote 381: In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extracted from the 99th chapter of Linschoten.]

About this time, the earl of Cumberland, with one of the queens ships and five or six others, kept hovering about the islands, and came oft-times close to the island of Tercera, and to the road of Angra, so near that the people on land could easily count all the men on his decks, and could even distinguish one from another; they of the island not once shooting at them, which they might easily have done, as they were often within musket-shot of the town and fort. He continued in these parts for the space of two months, sailing round about the islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as I have already mentioned. He took several ships and caravels, which he sent off to England, so that the people of the islands durst not put forth their heads. At one time, about three or four days after the earl had been at the island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived there six ships of the Indies, the general of which was one Juan Dorives, which landed in that island four millions of gold and silver[382]. Then, being much in fear of the English, and having refreshed themselves with all speed, they set sail and arrived safe at San Lucar, without meeting an enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards and bad fortune of the English; for, within less than two days after the gold and silver was again laden into the Spanish ships, the earl of Cumberland sailed past the island again; so that if he had once got sight of these valuable ships, without doubt he had got them all, as the Spaniards themselves confessed.

[Footnote 382: The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps pezos, or what we call dollars.—E.]

In the month of November, two great ships arrived in Tercera, being the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet laden with silver, which had been separated from the fleet in a great storm, and were in great jeopardy and distress, ready to sink, being forced to use all their pumps, and so terrified, that they wished a thousand times to have met the English, to whom they would willingly have given all the silver, and every thing they had on board, only to preserve their lives. Although the earl still hovered about the islands, yet did he not meet with these ships, which got with much labour and difficulty into the road of Angra, where with all speed they unladed and landed about five millions in silver, all in great pieces or ingots of 8 or 12 great pounds, so that the whole quay lay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of pieces of eight rials, most wonderful to behold: Each million being worth ten hundred thousand ducats, besides gold, pearls, and other precious stones, which were not registered. The admiral and chief commander of these ships, and of the whole fleet to which they belonged, was Alvaro Flores de Quin Quiniones, who was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land; and of which malady he died soon afterwards at Seville. He had with him the kings commission under the great seal, giving him full authority as general and commander in chief upon the seas, over all fleets and ships, and in all places, lands, and islands, on shore wherever he came; wherefore the governor of Tercera shewed him much honour, and between them it was concerted, seeing the weakness of the ships and the danger from the English, that they should send the ships first empty of treasure to Seville or Lisbon, under a guard of soldiers, when the king might give orders afterwards to fetch the silver home under safe convoy. The said admiral Alvaro Flores staid there, under colour of taking care of the silver, but chiefly because of his disease and fear of the English. He had for his part alone, above the value of 50,000 ducats in pearls, which he shewed us, and sought to sell or barter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. These two ships sailed from Tercera with three or four hundred men, including those who came with them from the Indies and soldiers; but while at sea in a storm, the admiral split and sunk outright, not one man being saved; and the vice-admiral, after cutting away her masts, ran aground hard by Setubal, where she broke in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by swimming, who brought the news of all the rest being drowned.

In the same month of November 1589, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and when within half a mile of the road of Tercera, they were met with by an English ship which fought them both together for a long while, and took them both. About seven or eight months before, there came an English ship to Tercera, pretending to be a Frenchman come for traffic, and began to load woad, but being discovered was confiscated to the king, both ship and cargo, and the men all made prisoners, yet were allowed to roam up and down to get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being considered in as safe custody in the island at large as if in a prison. But at length, upon a Sunday, they all went behind the hills called Bresil, where they found a fishing boat, in which they rowed out to sea to the ships of the Earl of Cumberland, who chanced for their good fortune to come to the island, and anchored with his ships about half a mile from the road of Angra, close to two small islands about a bare shot from the shore of Tercera, which are full of goats, deer, and sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of Tercera. These sailors knew this well, wherefore they rowed to these islands in their boats, whence they took as many goats and sheep as they needed, which was well seen by those of the town and main island, but they durst not go forth to hinder them. By this exploit, there only remained behind the master and merchant of the detained English ship. This master had a brother-in-law in England, who, on hearing of his brothers imprisonment, got a licence from the queen to fit out a ship, with which to endeavour to recover his losses by cruizing against the Spaniards, by which to redeem his brother from imprisonment in Tercera, and it was he who took the two Spanish ships before the town: The before-mentioned merchant, who was my intimate acquaintance, was standing on the shore along with me, looking at them at the time. When these ships were taken, which were worth 300,000 ducats, the brother sent all the men on shore, except only two of the principal gentlemen, whom he kept to give in exchange for his brother; and by the pilot of one of the captured ships he sent a letter to the governor of Tercera, offering to send the two gentlemen on shore if his brother were delivered up, otherwise he would carry them prisoners into England, which indeed he did, as the governor would not deliver up his brother, saying the gentlemen might make that suit to the king of Spain. We invited that Spanish pilot to supper with us, and the Englishmen likewise, when he related to us the particulars of the fight, much commending the order and manner in which the English fought, as also their courteous behaviour to him: But, in the end, the English merchant stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom.

In January 1590, there arrived one ship alone at Tercera from the Spanish West Indies, bringing news that a fleet of an hundred sail, which had set out from the Indies, were driven by a storm on the coast of Florida, where they were all cast away, vast riches and many men being lost, and she alone had escaped with the news. Thus by account, of 200 ships which were certainly known to have sailed out of New Spain, San Domingo, Havannah, Cabo Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c. in the year 1589, for Spain and Portugal, not above 14 or 15 of them arrived safe, all the rest having either been foundered, cast away, or taken. In the same month of January, there came to Tercera from Seville, 15 or 16 ships, mostly fliboats of the Low Countries, and some ships of Britanny, that were arrested in Spain. These came out full of soldiers and well provided with guns and ammunition, to lade home the silver that lay in Tercera, and to bring home Alvaro Flores into Spain, by order of the king. As at this time of the year there are always great storms about these islands, the above-mentioned ships durst not enter the road of Tercera, for it then blew so great a storm that some of the ships, which had entered the road, had been forced to cut away their masts, and were in much danger of being lost, and among these a ship of Biscay was actually driven upon the coast and dashed to pieces, but all the men were saved. The other ships were obliged to keep to sea and to separate from each other, allowing themselves to drive at the mercy of the winds and waves till the 15th of March, as in all that time they had not one day of good weather in which to anchor, so that they endured much distress, heartily cursing both the silver and the island.

When this storm was passed, they fell in with an English ship of about 40 tons, which by reason of the heavy wind could not hoist all her sails, so that they took her. Hoisting her English ensign on the stern of their admiral, the ships came now as proudly into the road-stead of Tercera as if they had defeated the whole navy of England: But, just as their admiral was entering the road, trickt out with the English flag on his stern, there came by chance two English ships past the island, which paid her so well for her bravity, that she had to cry out misericordia. Had she been a mile farther out, the English ships doubtless would have taken her; but getting under the guns of the fortress, which began to play upon the English ships, they were forced to leave her and put farther out to sea, after having slain five or six of the Spaniards.

The Englishmen taken in the small ship were put under hatches, coupled together in irons; and, after they had been three or four days prisoners, a Spanish ensign in the ship, who had a brother slain in the armada that went against England, took a fancy to revenge his brothers death, and to shew his own manhood on these captives; whereupon, taking a poinard, he stabbed six of them to the heart as they sat below in irons. Two others of them perceiving this atrocious action, clasped each other about the body, and leapt into the sea, where they were drowned. This infamous act was much disliked by all the Spaniards, so that the assassin was carried prisoner to Lisbon; upon which the king of Spain commanded him to be sent to England, that the queen might use him according to her pleasure; which sentence, at the earnest request of the friends of the murderer, was commuted to an order for his being beheaded; but on Good Friday, when the cardinal was going to mass, the captains and commanders made such intercession for him, that he was finally pardoned. I thought good to note this incident, that the bloody and dishonourable minds of the Spaniards to those who were under subjection to them, might be made manifest.

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish admiral till he took shelter under the guns of the fort, put out to sea, where they met with the only remaining vessel of that fleet which had been scattered in the storm, all the rest being now in the road. This small ship they took, sending all me men on shore unhurt; but it they had known what had been done to the English captives, I believe they would have taken vengeance, as many an innocent soul afterwards paid for the atrocity of the Spanish ensign. The ship now taken by the English, was the same which had been formerly confiscated at Tercera, and was sold to the Spaniards that then came from the Indies, who sailed in her to San Lucar; where it also was arrested by the duke, and appointed to go along with the others, to fetch the silver from Tercera, as it was a good sailer; but it was the meanest of all that fleet. By this means, it was taken from the Spaniards and carried to England, where the owners got it again when they least expected.

On the 19th March 1590, having laden the kings silver and received Alvaro Flores with his company, and good provision of necessaries, warlike ammunitions and soldiers, the before-mentioned 19 ships sailed from Tercera, firmly resolved, as they set forth, to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. Though they intended to make for San Lucar, the wind forced them to Lisbon, as if willing to keep them there in safety, although Alvaro Flores would have persisted in forcing his way to San Lucar against the wind and weather. But, constrained by adverse wind, and importunately urged by the mariners, who protested they would require their losses and damages from him, he consented to put in at Lisbon, whence the silver was conveyed by land to Seville. At this time, there lay 20 English ships off Cape St Vincent, to watch for this fleet; so that if they had gone forwards for Sun Lucar, which they certainly had done if the wind had been fair, they must have fallen into the hands of the English: They may say, therefore, that the wind lent them a fortunate voyage on this occasion. If the English had met them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly few of them had escaped, on account of the fear which they were then in of the English; as fortune, or God rather, was then wholly against them, which was enough to make the Spaniards out of heart, and to inspire the English with the greater boldness; for being victorious, they were stout and valiant, and seeing all their enterprizes successful, they were become lords and masters of the sea, and needed to care for no man, as well appears from this short narrative.

On the 7th of August 1590, a fleet of 20 English ships appeared off Tercera, five of them being ships belonging to the queen, of which one Martin Frobisher was general, as we afterwards learnt. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish West Indies, and for the India ships, and the ships of the other countries in the West. This put the islanders in great fear, especially those of Fayal, where the English sent a trumpeter to the governor, to ask certain supplies of wine, flesh, and other provisions for their money. This request was not only refused, but they shot the messenger and slew him, which gave the English much displeasure, so that they sent another message desiring them to look to themselves and keep sure guard, as they meant to come and visit them per force. The governor sent back for answer, that he was there in behalf of the king of Spain, and would do his best to keep them out, as in duty bound; but nothing was done after all, though the people of Fayal were in great fear, sending to Tercera for aid, whence they had some barks with powder and other ammunition of war, with some Biscuit and other necessary provisions.

The 30th of August, certain news came from Portugal, that 80 ships had sailed from the Groin, (Corunna) laden with victuals, ammunition of war, money, and soldiers, bound for Britanny in aid of the catholic leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At this time likewise, two Netherland hulks, when half seas over on their way from Portugal to Tercera, were met by four English ships belonging to the queen, commanded by Sir John Hawkins, by whom they were stopped; but he let them go again uninjured. According to the report of these Netherlanders, each of these ships carried 80 pieces of ordnance. They reported likewise, that Captain Drake (Sir Francis) lay with 40 English ships in the channel, watching for the fleet from Corunna; and that ten other English ships lay off Cape St Vincent, that if any ships escaped Frobisher at the islands, they might intercept them. These tidings greatly alarmed the islanders, lest if the English failed of catching the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they might fall upon the islands, that they might not go home empty handed; whereupon they held strict watch, sending home advice to the king of what intelligence they had.

The 1st September, there came a Portuguese ship from Pernambuco in Brazil to the island of St Michael, with news, that the admiral of the Portuguese fleet from the East Indies, having missed St Helena, was forced to put into Pernambuco, though expressly forbidden by the king under a heavy penalty, because of the worms in that haven which greatly spoil the ships. The same ship, in which was the Admiral Bernardin Ribero, sailed the former year 1589 from Lisbon for India with five ships in her company, four only of which got to India, the fifth being never heard of, so that she was believed lost. The other four returned safe into Portugal, though the admiral was much spoiled, as he met two English ships, which fought him a long while and slew many of his men, yet he escaped from them at last. The 5th of the same month, there arrived at Tercera a caravel belonging to Corvo, bringing 50 men who had been spoiled by the English, who set them ashore on the island of Corvo. They had been taken in a ship coming from the Spanish West Indies, and reported that the English had taken four other West India ships, and a caravel having the king of Spains letters of advice for the Portuguese ships coming from the East Indies; and that, including those they had taken, the English had at least 40 ships together, so that nothing could escape them; therefore, that the Portuguese ships coming from India durst not put into the islands, but took their course between 40 deg. and 42 deg. of N. latitude, whence they shaped their course for Lisbon, shunning likewise Cape St Vincent, as otherwise they could not look for safety, the sea being quite full of English ships. Wherefore, the king advised that the fleet now at Havannah in the Spanish West Indies, and ready to sail for Spain, should remain till the next year, because of the great danger of falling into the hands of the English. This was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, as the ships that remain long at the Havannah consume themselves and in a manner eat up one another, from the great number of their people, and the great scarcity and dearness of every thing at that place; wherefore many of the ships adventured rather to hazard themselves singly for the voyage than to stay there; all of which fell into the hands of the English, and many of their men were brought to Tercera: So that we could see nothing else for a whole day but spoiled men set on shore, some from one ship and some from another, it being pitiful to see and hear them all, cursing the English and their own bad fortunes, with those who had been the cause of provoking the English to war, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein by the officers of the king of Spain.

The 19th of the same month of September, a caravel arrived at Tercera from Lisbon, bringing one of the kings officers to cause lade the goods that were saved from the Malacca ship, and for which we had so long tarried there, and to send them to Lisbon. At the same time Don Alonso de Bacan sailed from Corunna for the Azores with 40 great ships of war, to wait for the fleets from the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, which, along with our Malacca goods when laden, he was to convoy to the Tagus. But, when he had been some days at sea, always with a contrary wind, only two of his ships could get to the islands, all the rest being scattered. When these two ships arrived at Tercera and did not find the fleet, they immediately returned in search of it. In the mean time the king changing his mind, sent orders for the commercial ships to remain in the Indies, and for Don Alonso Bacan to return to Corunna, which he did accordingly, never once coming near the Azores except the two ships already mentioned; for he well knew that the English lay near Corvo, but would not visit them, and so returned to Corunna. Thus our goods from Malacca remained unshipped, and were trussed up again, having to wait some other opportunity.

The 23d October in this same year 1590, a caravel came from Portugal to Tercera, bringing advice that of the five ships which sailed in that year from Lisbon for the East Indies, four of them had returned to Portugal after being four months at sea: the admiral ship, in which was the viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, having only got to India after being eleven months at sea without ever seeing land, as was afterwards learnt by news over-land, having arrived in great misery at Malacca. In this ship there died 280 men during the voyage out, according to a note sent by the viceroy to the cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and sirnames of every man, likewise giving a narrative of the voyage, and the misery they had endured. This obstinate perseverance was entirely occasioned by the anxiety of Albuquerque not to lose the government of Portuguese India, as he had sworn to lose his life or arrive in India, which indeed he did to the great danger and loss of his company, many of whom paid with their lives, and that chiefly owing to want of provisions. Albuquerque knew well, however, if he had returned to Portugal with the other ships, that he would have been deprived of his government, as the people began already to murmur at his proud and lofty demeanour. Among other instances of his pride, he caused to be painted over his gallery, the figure of Fortune and his own picture, with a staff standing by, as if threatening Fortune, with this motto, Quero que vencas; that is, I will have thee to overcome[383]. When this was read by the cardinal and other gentlemen, who accompanied him on board out of respect, they thought it an instance of foolish arrogance: But this is no strange matter among the Portuguese, as they above all others must let the fool peep out of their sleeves, especially when in authority. I knew Mathias de Albuquerque in India, when a military officer, then beloved of all men and behaving himself courteously to all, so that he was unanimously desired to be their viceroy. But, having received his patent with full power and authority, he so much changed from his former behaviour, that, by reason of his pride, all began to fear and curse him, even before his departure from Lisbon, such charges being often seen in many men, when advanced to high state and dignity[384].

[Footnote 383: De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when he set out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish the voyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing on Fortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would perform the voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflect upon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely an indication of an heroic disposition.—Astley, I. 231. a.]

[Footnote 384: De Faria gives a very advantageous character of this viceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those who enjoyed that high station. He left 80,000 ducats in the treasury, besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheat him; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay three several times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame of one foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christian and well-bred gentleman.—Astley, I. 231, b.]

The 20th January 1591, news was brought from Portugal to Tercera, that the English had taken a ship sent by the king to the Portuguese Indies, carrying advice to the viceroy of the return of the four ships to Portugal; which captured ship was stuffed full of goods, in consequence of their return, besides having 500,000 ducats in ryals of eight. It sailed from Lisbon in November 1590, and fought the English a long time, but had at length to yield, and was carried to England, where all the men were set free and returned to Lisbon, at which place the captain was thrown into prison, but afterwards justified himself and was released, as he told me personally. The English took, at the same time, a ship coming from the Mina, laden with gold, and two ships laden with pepper and other spices, bound for Italy, their pepper only being worth 170,000 ducats. All these rich prizes were carried clear off into England.



In July 1591, an earthquake commenced in the island of Tercera, which continued from the 26th of that month to the 12th of August, or 18 days, during all which time no person durst remain within a house, but all fled into the fields in terrible consternation, fasting and praying almost incessantly. Many houses fell down, and in particular a town called Villa Franca was almost utterly destroyed, all its houses and cloisters thrown down, and several people slain. In some places the ground rose up, the cliffs were removed from their places, and even some hills were thrown down and levelled with the adjoining plains. The earthquake was so violent, that the ships in the road and in the adjoining sea, were shaken as if the whole earth had been agitated to its centre. In one place a fountain sprung from the ground, whence clear water flowed in abundance for four days, and then ceased. All this time a noise was heard under ground as of thunder, or as if all the devils in hell had been assembled there, by which many died of fear. Four several times the island of Tercera shook with such violence as if it had turned upon its foundations, yet was it not overwhelmed. Earthquakes are common in these islands, as about 20 years before there happened just such an earthquake, when a hill, close to the town of Villa Franca, fell down and buried all the town with earth, by which many people were overwhelmed and slain.

The 25th of August, the kings armada from Ferrol arrived in Tercera, consisting of 30 ships of war belonging to Biscay, Portugal, and Spain, together with 10 Dutch fliboats that were pressed at Lisbon into the service, besides other small vessels and pataxos to serve as advice-boats, and to scour the seas for intelligence. This fleet came to wait for and convoy the ships from the Spanish Indies; and the fliboats were for the purpose of bringing home to Lisbon our goods that were saved in the lost ship from Malacca. This fleet arrived at the island of Corvo on the 13th of September[385], where the English then lay waiting for the fleet from the Spanish Indies, with a squadron of about 16 ships. Some or most of the Spanish ships were already come to the Azores, and the English were in great hopes to have taken them: But, on perceiving the Spanish fleet of war to be so strong, the lord Thomas Howard, who was admiral of the English, gave orders to his fleet not to assail the Spaniards, and on no account to separate from him without special orders[386]. Yet the vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville, in his ship the Revenge, bore into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing much harm, thinking that the rest of the English ships would have followed him, which they did not, but left him there and sailed away, the reason of which could not be known. Perceiving this, the Spaniards boarded the Revenge with 7 or 8 ships, but she bravely withstood them all, fighting with them at the least 12 hours without ceasing, and sunk two of them, one a double fliboat of 600 tons, and admiral of the fliboats, the other a ship of Biscay. In the end, however, in consequence of the overwhelming number that came against her, the Revenge was taken, but to the heavy loss of the Spaniards, who lost in the fight, either slain or drowned, above 400 men, while 100 of the English were slain. Sir Richard was himself wounded in the brain, of which he afterwards died.

[Footnote 385: It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of the fleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that it only then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera.—E.]

[Footnote 386: See the English account of these events in the immediately preceding section.—E.]

Sir Richard, after the Revenge yielded, was carried on board the San Paulo, the ship in which was Don Alonso de Bacan, the admiral of the Spanish fleet, where his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons, but Don Alonso would neither see nor speak to him. All the other captains went to visit and comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and constancy, as he shewed no signs of faintness, not even changing colour: But, feeling his death approaching, he spoke in Spanish to the following purport: "Here die I Richard Grenville, with a joyous and quiet mind, having ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for my country, my queen, my religion, and my honour: so that my soul most joyfully departeth from this body, and shall always leave behind the everlasting fame of a true and valiant soldier, having done my duty as became me." When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up the ghost with great and unshaken courage, no man being able to perceive the least sign of concern. This sir Richard Grenville was a great and rich gentleman of England, having large yearly revenues, but of a daring and intrepid disposition, and much affected to warlike enterprize; insomuch that he voluntarily offered his services to the queen. He had performed many valiant deeds, and was greatly feared among the islands, his intrepidity being well known to all. He was, however, of a severe and rigid character, so that his own people feared and hated him for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him. For, when they in the Revenge first fell in among the Spanish fleet, they had their mainsail in readiness, and might possibly have got away, as it was one of the best sailing ships of the English; and, as the master perceived that the rest of the squadron had left them, and did not follow up to their support, he gave orders to cut the mainsail, that they likewise should make off: But sir Richard threatened him and all the rest of the crew, that if any man laid hold of the mainsail with that intent, he would cause him to be hung up immediately; so that in fact they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hardy a complexion, that, while among the Spanish officers, while at dinner or supper with them, he would swallow three or four bumpers of wine, and then by way of bravado, crush the glasses between his teeth and swallow them, so that the blood ran out of his mouth, yet without any apparent harm to him. This was told me by several credible persons, who had often stood by and beheld him.

The Englishmen who remained alive in the Revenge, as the captain of the soldiers, the master, and others, were distributed among the different ships by which she was taken. On taking possession of her, a fight had almost taken place between the Biscaineers and Portuguese who boarded her, both claiming the honour of having boarded first, so that there grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one seizing the chief ensign, and the other the flag, the captains and every one holding their own. The ships which had laid her on board were altogether out of order, and sore shattered, having many of their men hurt, so that they had to come to Tercera to be repaired. On their arrival, I and my chamber companion, desirous to hear the news, went on board one of the twelve apostles, or great ships of Biscay, whose captain was Bartandono[387], who had been general of the Biscaineers in the great armada that went against England. On seeing us, he called us into his gallery, where he received us courteously, being then at dinner along with the English captain, who was dressed in a suit of black velvet, but could not tell us any thing, as he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which last Bartandono could speak a little. The English captain was permitted by the governor of Tercera to land with his sword by his side, and was in our lodging visiting the Englishman who belonged to the ship of which the sailors escaped, as I related before. This captain wrote a letter, in which he related all the particulars of the fight, and left it with that English merchant who resided in the lodging with us, to forward it to the lord admiral of England. The captain went afterwards to Lisbon, where he was honourably received, and sent, to Setubal, whence he sailed for England with the other prisoners. The master likewise of the Revenge came on shore, with licence from Bartandono, and lived in the same lodgings with us. He had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, in his head and body, of which he afterwards died on his voyage from the islands to Lisbon.

[Footnote 387: Named Britandona in the foregoing section.—E.]

The Spanish navy remained at the Azores till the end of September, to assemble all the fleet together, which in the end amounted to the number of 140 sail in all, including the ships of war and those of the Indies. When all ready to sail, there arose suddenly so violent a storm, that the islanders declared nothing like it had been seen in the memory of man. The sea raged with such fury as if it would have swallowed up the islands, the waves rising higher than the cliffs, so that it was amazing to behold them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. The storm lasted for seven or eight successive days, veering about to every point of the compass at least twice or three times during its continuance, with a continual tempestuous force most terrible to behold, even by us who were on shore, much more to those who were on the sea, and exposed to its fury. During this dreadful storm, above 12 ships were dashed to pieces on the coasts and rocks of the island of Tercera all round about, so that nothing was to be heard but weeping, lamenting, and wailing, now a ship being broken in pieces in one place, then another at a different place, and all the men drowned. For 20 days after the storm, nothing else was done but fishing for dead men that were continually driving on shore. Among the rest, the Revenge was cast away on a ledge of rocks near the isle of Tercera, where she split to pieces and sunk, having in her 70 men, Gallegos and Biscaineers and others, with some of the captive English, one only of whom got upon the rock alive, having his head and body all wounded. Being brought on shore, he told us the sad tidings, and desired to be shriven, after which he presently died. The Revenge had in her several fine brass pieces of artillery, which were all sunk in the sea; but the islanders had great hopes of weighing them up next summer.

Among those ships that were cast away about Tercera, was one of those fliboats which had been arrested in Portugal for the kings service, named the White Dove, the master of which was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, having in her 100 soldiers, as was the case in all the rest. Being overruled by the Spanish captain, so that he could not be master of his own ship, he was sailing about at the mercy of the winds and waves, and came at length in sight of Tercera, whereupon the Spaniards, thinking all their safety consisted in putting into the roads, compelled the master and pilot to make towards the island; and when they remonstrated, saying they would certainly be cast away and all destroyed, the Spanish captain called him a drunkard and heretic, and striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he was ordered. Seeing this, the master said, "Well then, since it is your desire to be cast away, I can lose but one life." He then made sail for the land, which was on that side of the island where there is nothing but rocks and stones as high as mountains, most terrible to behold. Several of the inhabitants stood on the cliffs with long ropes, having bundles of cork fastened to one end, to throw down to the men, that they might lay hold of them and save their lives. Few of them, however, got near enough for this, as most of them were dashed to pieces before they could reach the rocks forming the wall-like shore. At this time, when approaching the rocks, the master, who was an old man, called his son who sailed with him, and having embraced and taken a last farewell, the good old father desired his son to take no note of him, but to seek and save himself. "Son, said he, thou art young, and mayst have some hope of saving thy life; but I am old and it is no great matter what becomes of me." Thus, shedding many tears, as may well be conceived in such a situation, the ship struck the rocks and went in pieces, the father and son falling into the sea on different sides of the vessel, each laying hold on what came first to hand, but to no purpose. The sea was so high and furious, that all were drowned, except fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and sore hurt. Among these was the Dutch masters son and four other Dutch boys; all the rest of the Spaniards and sailors, with captain and master, being drowned. What heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a sight, especially considering the beastly and ignorant insolence of the Spaniards? From this instance, it may be conceived how the other ships sped, as we indeed partly beheld, and were informed by those few who were saved, some of whom were our countrymen.

On the other islands the loss was no less than at Tercera, two ships were cast away on the island of St George; two on Pico; three on Graciosa. Besides those, there were seen everywhere round about, many pieces of broken ships and other things, floating towards the islands, with which the sea was everywhere covered, most pitiful to behold. Four ships were cast away on the island of St Michael, and three more were sunk between Tercera and St Michael, from which not one man was saved, though they were seen and heard to cry out for aid. All the rest were dismasted and driven out to sea, all torn and rent; so that of the whole armada and merchant ships, 140 in all, only 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal, and these with great pain, misery and labour, not any two together, but this day one, to-morrow another, and next day a third. All the rest were cast away about the Azores islands, or foundered at sea, whereby may be judged what loss was incurred; as the loss was esteemed greater by many, than had been sustained in the great armada that went against England. It may very well be considered that this terrible disaster was a just judgment of God against the Spaniards; and it may truly be said that the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged against them, not by the force of men, but by the power of God. Some of the people in Tercera said openly, that they verily believed God would consume them, and that he had taken part with the Lutherans and heretics. They alleged farther, that so soon as they had thrown the body of Sir Richard Grenville overboard, they verily believed, as he had a devilish faith and religion, therefore all the devils loved him: For he instantly sunk to the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where he raised up all the devils to revenge his death; and that they brought these great storms and tempests upon the Spaniards, because they only maintained the Catholic and true Romish religion. Such and the like blasphemies did they utter openly and continually, without being reproved of any one for their false opinions.

Of their fleet which sailed from New Spain, 50 in all, 35 were cast away or foundered at sea, so that 15 only escaped. Of the San Domingo fleet, 14 were cast away coming through the channel from Havannah, the admiral and vice-admiral being of the number. Two ships, coming from the Terra Firma, laden with gold and silver, were taken by the English; and before the fleet under Don Alonso de Bacan came to Corvo, at the least 20 ships, coming from San Domingo, India, Brazil, &c. had been taken at different times by the English, all of which were sent to England.

Section XIV.

Cruizing voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, Knight[388]



INTRODUCTION.

THE title of this section as here given from Astleys Collection, is by no means accurate, as the service performed by Burrough forms only one prominent portion of the present narrative. The expedition which it relates was fitted out and commanded by the memorable Sir Walter Raleigh, and the entire title of this relation, as given by Hakluyt, is as follows: "A true report of the honourable service at sea, performed by Sir John Burrough, knight, lieutenant-general of the fleet prepared by the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, lord warden of the stanneries of Cornwal and Devon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was taken, and two East India Caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced; the one burnt, and the other taken and brought into Dartmouth, the 7th September 1592."

[Footnote 388: Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245.]

Even this long title does not clearly describe the narrative, as Sir Walter Raleigh actually sailed on the expedition. But it is not necessary to extend this observation, as the story will sufficiently explain itself. The editor of Astleys collection, alleges that Sir Walter Raleigh seems to have been the author of this article.—E.

* * * * *

Having received a commission from the queen for an expedition to the West Indies, Sir Walter Raleigh used the utmost diligence in making all necessary preparations, both in the choice of good ships and sufficient men and officers, as the performance sufficiently evinced. His ships were 14 or 15 in number; of which the two principal belonged to the queen, called the Garland and Foresight The rest either belonged to himself or his friends, or to the adventurers of London. As for the gentlemen who went with him as officers, they were so well qualified in courage, experience and discretion, that the greatest prince might think himself happy in being served by the like. The honour of lieutenant-general [vice-admiral] was conferred upon Sir John Burrough, a gentleman every way worthy of that command, by his many good and heroic qualities; with whom, after Sir Walter returned, was joined in commission Sir Martin Frobisher; who, for his great skill and knowledge in maritime affairs, had formerly held employments of similar or greater importance. The rest of the captains, sailors and soldiers were men of notable resolution, and who for the most part had before given sufficient proof of their valour, in sundry services of the like nature.

With these ships thus manned, Sir Walter Raleigh departed towards the west country, there to provide such farther necessaries as were needful for the expedition. The wind blew long from the west, quite contrary to his intended course, by which he was wind-bound many weeks, the fittest season for his purpose being thereby lost, his victuals much consumed, and the minds of his people greatly changed. When her majesty came to understand how crossly all this went, she began to call the propriety of this expedition in question, as the 6th of May was come before Sir Walter could put to sea. Sir Martin Frobisher came to him the next day, in a pinnace of the lord admiral called the Disdain, and brought her majestys letters of recal, with orders to leave the fleet under the command of Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher. But, finding his honour so far engaged, that he saw no means to save his reputation or content his friends who had adventured great sums on fitting out the expedition, Sir Walter pretended to understand the queens letters as if they had left it to his choice either to return or proceed; wherefore he would in no case leave his fleet, now under sail.

Continuing therefore his course to sea, he met within a day or two some ships newly come from Spain, among which was a ship belonging to Monsieur Gourdon, governor of Calais, on board of which was one Mr Nevil Davies an Englishman, who had endured a long and miserable captivity of twelve years, partly in the inquisition, and had now by good fortune made his escape, and was on his way home. Among other things, this man reported that there was little good to be done or expected this year in the West Indies, as the king of Spain had sent express orders to all the ports both of the islands and the main, that no ships were to sail that year, nor any treasure to be shipt for Spain. Yet did not this unpleasant intelligence induce Sir Walter to desist from his proceedings; till, on Thursday the 11th of May, a tempest of great violence, when he was athwart Cape Finister, so scattered the greater part of his fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, that Sir Walter, who was in the Garland belonging to her majesty, was in danger of foundering.

Upon this, considering that the season of the year was too far gone for the enterprize he meditated against Panama, having been detained by contrary winds on the coast of England from February till May, in which time he had expended three months victuals, and considering that to cruize upon the Spanish coast or at the islands for the homeward bound East or West India ships, was a mere work of patience, he gave directions to Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher, to divide the fleet in two parts. Sir Martin, with the Garland, Captain George Clifford, Captain Henry Thin, Captain Grenville and others, to lie off the south cape, on purpose to oblige the Spanish fleet to remain on their own coast; while Sir John Burrough, with Captain Robert Crosse, Captain Thomson and others, should go to cruize off the Azores for the caraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. These intentions took effect accordingly: For the Spanish admiral, having intelligence of the English fleet being on the coast, attended to the defence of the southern parts of Spain, keeping as near Sir Martin Frobisher as he could, to hinder the success of any thing he might undertake, and thereby neglected the safe conduct of the caraks.

Before the fleet separated, they met with a great ship of Biscay on the coast of Spain, called the Santa Clara of 600 tons, which was taken after a stout resistance. She was freighted with all sorts of small iron ware, as horse shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, &c. and valued by us at 6000 or 7000 pounds, though worth treble that value to them. This ship was on her way to San Lucar, to take in there some farther articles of freight for the West Indies; and being first rummaged, was sent off for England. Our fleet then sailed towards the south cape of St Vincent; and while near the rock of Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck espied a sail far off to which he gave chace. Being a fliboat and a quick sailer, she drew him far to the south before he could fetch her, but at last, she came under his lee and struck sail. The master gave information, that a great fleet was prepared at Cadiz and San Lucar, destined according to report for the West Indies; but the real object of this armament was this: Having received notice that Sir Walter Raleigh was fitted out with a strong force for the West Indies, the king of Spain had provided this great fleet to oppose him; but, in the first place, as the East India caraks were expected, this fleet was to convoy them home. But, as he persuaded himself, if Sir Walter went to the West Indies, the Azores would only have a few small ships of war to infest them, his orders to Don Alonzo de Bacan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and general of his armada, were to pursue the fleet of Sir Walter Raleigh whatever course he went, and to attack him wherever he could find him.

Our men soon found this to be true, for, not long after the capture of the fliboat, as Sir John Burrough sailed back again to rejoin his fleet, he discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward; which, espying him between them and the shore, made themselves sure of carrying him into a Spanish harbour. For this purpose, they spread themselves in such sort before him, that his danger was very great, as his course to seawards was utterly impeded, and the land being hostile could yield him no relief. In this extremity, putting his trust in God and his good ship, he thrust out from among them with all sail, and in spite of their force and notable cunning to intercept him, got clear off. Having thus got clear, and finding the coast so well guarded by this fleet, and knowing it were only folly to expect meeting with Sir Martin Frobisher, who knew of the armada as well as himself, and would be sure to avoid them, he began to shape his course directly for the Azores, according to the orders of Sir Walter Raleigh, and soon came in sight of St Michael, running so near the town of Villa Franca, that he could easily discern the ships that lay there at anchor. He intercepted several small vessels, both here and between St Georges and Pico in his course to Flores, but could get no intelligence from them for his purpose.

Arriving before Flores on Thursday the 21st June towards evening, then only accompanied by captain Caufield and the master of his ship, the rest not being yet arrived, be made towards the shore in his boat, where he found all the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, a village or small town of that island, under arms, and drawn up to oppose his landing. Having no intention of committing hostilities, Sir John shewed a white flag in token of amity, which was answered by the islanders, upon which a friendly conference ensued, and hostages were taken on both sides, the captain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for us; so that whatever our people wanted and that place could supply, as fresh water, victuals, or the like, was freely granted by the inhabitants, and our people had leave to refresh themselves on shore without restraint, as long and as often as they pleased. At this place Sir John Burrough was informed, that they had no expectation of any fleet coming from the West Indies; but that only three days before his arrival, a carak had passed by from the East Indies for Lisbon, and that there were four more behind all of one convoy. Being very glad of this news, Sir John embarked immediately, having at this time in his company only a small bark of Bristol, belonging to one Mr Hopkins.

In the meanwhile, part of the English ships that Sir John had left on the coast of Spain drew towards the Azores; and Sir John very soon got sight of one of the caraks. The same evening he descried two or three of the earl of Cumberlands ships, whereof one Mr Norton was captain, which had descried the carak and pursued in the track she was following for the islands, but no way could be made by either party, as it was almost a dead calm. In this dilemma, on purpose to discover her force, burden, and countenance, Sir John took his boat and rowed three miles towards her, to make her out exactly; and on his return, having consulted with his officers, it was resolved to board her in the morning. A heavy storm arose in the night, which forced them to weigh anchor, yet did they bear up amain against the weather, not to lose the carak. In the morning, being very near the shore, our men could perceive the carak close to the land, and the Portuguese using their utmost endeavour to convey whatever they could from her on shore. Seeing our men making all haste to come upon her, the Portuguese forsook her, but first, that nothing might be left for our men, they set her on fire, that neither the glory of victory nor the benefit of the ship and cargo might remain to the English. And, lest the English might find means to extinguish the fire, and thereby to preserve a part of the cargo, being in number 400 well armed men, they entrenched themselves on shore as near as possible to the carak, to keep our men aloof till the fire might consume the carak and all her contents.

Seeing this, Sir John landed with an hundred of his men, many of whom had to swim on shore or wade more than breast high; and having easily dispersed those who guarded the shore, he no sooner approached the entrenchment but the Portuguese fled, leaving as much as the fire had spared to reward the pains of our men. Among others taken at the entrenchment, were a Portuguese called Vincent Fonseca, purser of the carak, with two of her cannoneers, one a German, and the other a Hollander; who, refusing to give any account voluntarily of what was asked, were threatened with torture, and then confessed that within fifteen days three other caraks would certainly arrive at the same island, there being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, the Buen Jesus admiral, Madre de Dios, San Bernardo, San Christophoro, and Santa Cruz, that now on fire. They had especial orders from the king of Spain, not in any case to touch at St. Helena, where the Portuguese caraks used always till now to refresh on their way from the East Indies, procuring water and fresh, provisions. The reason of this order was, that the king was informed the English men of war meant to lie there in wait for them. If therefore, their necessities should drive them to seek supply any where, they were commanded to put in at Angola on the coast of Africa, and only to remain there so long as was necessary to take in water, that they might avoid the inconvenience of infections, to which that hot country is dangerously liable. The last rendezvous appointed for them was the island of Flores, where they were assured of a naval force meeting them and convoying them to Lisbon.

On receiving this intelligence, Sir John held a council with Captains Norton, Downton, and Abraham Cocke, commanding three ships of the Earl of Cumberland, Mr Thomson of Harwich, captain of the Dainty, belonging to Sir John Hawkins, one of Sir Walter Raleighs fleet, Captain Christopher Newton of the Golden Dragon, newly come from the West Indies, and others. To these he communicated the intelligence he had just got from the foresaid examination, and what great presumptions of truth appeared in their story; and wishing, since God and their good fortune had so opportunely brought them together, that they might unite their utmost endeavours to bring these Orientals under the lee of English obedience. Upon this it was mutually agreed not to part company or leave these seas, till time and opportunity should enable them to put their consultations into execution. Next day her majestys ship Foresight, Sir Robert Cross, joined them, and he, being informed of the matter, entered heartily on this service. Then Sir John, with all these ships, went 6 or 7 leagues to the west of Flores, spreading them out in a line from north to south, each ship at least two leagues distant from each other, by which order they were able to discover two whole degrees of the sea.

They lay in this manner from the 29th of June to the 3d of August, when Captain Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest belonging to the crown of Portugal. Having the start of the rest, and being an excellent sailor, the Dainty began the combat something to her cost, by the slaughter and hurt of several of her men. Within a little Sir John Burrough came up to second her in the Roebuck, belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, and saluted the Madre de Dios with great shot, continuing the fight within musket-shot, assisted by Captains Thomson and Newport, till Sir Robert Cross came up, who was vice-admiral and was to leeward, on which Sir John asked his opinion what was best to be done. Sir Robert said, if she were not boarded she would reach the shore and be set on fire, as had been done with the other. Wherefore Sir John Burrough concluded to grapple her, and Sir Robert Cross engaged to do so likewise at the same moment, which was done accordingly. After some time in this situation, Sir John Burroughs ship received a shot of a cannon perier[389] under water; and, being ready to sink, desired Sir Robert to fall off, that he also might clear himself and save his ship from sinking. This was done with much difficulty, as both the Roebuck and Foresight were so entangled that they could not clear themselves.

[Footnote 389: Probably a large stone ball.—E.]

That same evening, finding the carak drawing near the land, Sir Robert Crosse persuaded his consorts to board her again, as otherwise there were no hopes of taking her. After many fears and excuses, he at last encouraged them, and then went athwart her bows all alone, and so hindered her sailing, that the rest had time to get up to the attack before she could make the land. So, towards evening, after Sir Robert had fought her three hours singly, two of the Earl of Cumberlands ships came up, and then they and Sir Robert Crosse carried her by boarding with very little loss, as Sir Robert by this time had broken their courage, and made the assault easy for the rest. Having disarmed the Portuguese, and bestowed them for better security as prisoners into the other ships, Sir Robert had now time to contemplate the proportions of this vast carak, which did then, and may still provoke the admiration of all men not accustomed to such a sight. But though this first view afforded our men sufficient admiration, yet the pitiful sight of so many bodies slain and mangled drew tears from their eyes, and induced them to lend aid to those miserable people, whose limbs were sore torn by the shot, and their bodies agonized by a multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon a dead carcass or a bloody floor, but especially about the helm, where many of them had been slain while endeavouring to steer, as it required the united strength of twelve or fourteen men at once to move the rudder, and some of our ships beating in at her stern with their ordnance, often slew four or five labouring on each side of the helm at one shot, whose places were immediately supplied by fresh hands, and as our artillery incessantly plied them with continual vollies, much blood was necessarily spilt in that place.

Moved with compassion for their misery, our general immediately sent them his own surgeons, withholding no possible aid or relief that he or his company could supply. Among those whom this chance of war had rendered most deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoca, grand captain and commander of this mighty carak, descended of the house of Mendoca in Spain, but having married in Portugal, lived there as one of that nation. He was a gentleman well striken in years, of comely personage and good stature, but of hard fortune. In the course of his services against the Moors he had been twice taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former return voyage from the East Indies, he was driven upon the Baxos or sands of India, near the coast of Sofala, being then captain of a carak which was lost, and himself fell into the hands of the infidels on shore, who kept him in a long and rigorous captivity. Once more, having great respect for him, and willing to mend his fortune, the king had given him the conduct of this huge carak, in which he went from Lisbon as admiral of the India fleet, and had returned in that capacity, but that the viceroy embarked in the Bon Jesus, and assumed that rank in virtue of his late office. Not willing to add too severely to the affliction of this man, Sir John Burrough freely dismissed Don Fernando and most of his followers, giving them some vessels for that purpose, with all necessary provisions.

Having dispatched this business, Sir John Burrough had leisure to take such a survey of the goods in his prize, as the convenience of the seas would admit; and seeing many inclined to commit spoil and pillage, he very prudently seized upon the whole in the name of her majesty. He then made a cursory inspection of the cargo, and perceived that the wealth would be fully answerable to expectation, and would be more than sufficient to content both the desires of the adventurers, and the fatigues and dangers of the captors. I cannot here refrain from acknowledging the great favour of God to our nation, by putting this rich prize into our hands, thereby manifestly discovering the secrets and riches of the trade of India, which had hitherto lain strangely bidden and cunningly concealed from our knowledge, only a very imperfect glimpse of it being seen by a few, while it is now turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whence it would appear to be the will of God for our good, if only our weakness would so apprehend it, that we should participate in those East Indian treasures, by the establishment of a lawful traffic, to better our means of advancing the true religion and the holy service of God.

This carak, in the judgment of those most experienced, was of not less than 1600 tons burden, 900 of which were stowed full of rich merchandize; the remainder being allowed partly for the ordnance, which were 32 pieces of brass cannon of all sorts, and partly to the ships company, passengers, and victuals, which last could not be a small quantity, considering the length of the voyage, and that there were between six and seven hundred persons on board. To give a taste as it were of the commodities, it may suffice to give a general enumeration of them, according to the catalogue made out at Leadenhall, London, on the 15th September 1592. After the jewels, which were certainly of great value, though they never came to light, the principal wares consisted of spices, drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger. The drugs, benzoin, frankincense, gallinga, mirabolans, socotorine aloes, camphor. The silks, damasks, taffetas, sarcenets, altobassos or counterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, white twisted silk, and curled cypress. The calicoes were book-calicoe, calicoe-lawns, broad white calicoes, fine starched calicoes, coarse white calicoes, brown broad calicoes, brown coarse calicoes. There were also canopies, and coarse diaper towels, quilts of coarse sarsenet, and of calico, and carpets like those of Turkey. Likewise pearls, musk, civet, and ambergris. The rest of the wares were many in number, but less in value; as elephants teeth, porcelain vessels of China, coco nuts, hides, ebony as black as jet, bedsteads of the same, curious cloth made of the rind of trees, &c. All which piles of merchandize, being valued at a reasonable rate by men of approved judgment, amounted to no less than 150,000 pounds Sterling, which being divided among the adventurers, of whom her majesty was the chief, was sufficient to content all parties.