[Footnote 184: Corruptly called by the British in India running a muck.—E.]

Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful armament before Diu. This city is built upon rocks, and is entirely encompassed by rocks and water. The entrance into the river or haven was shut up by massy chains suspended upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn up full of archers and musqueteers to defend the passage. The garrison consisted of 10,000 men, with a prodigious number of cannon. On the 16th of February, the signal was given for the attack, but after fighting the whole day without gaining any advantage, and having suffered some loss, it was determined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as. impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time had not been fruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth, Diu must have fallen; as it had been reinforced only three, days before the arrival of the Portuguese by a Turk named Mustapha, who was the principal cause of its brave and effectual resistance. Nuno returned with the principal part of his fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March, leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cambaya to annoy the enemy.

After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha presented himself before Badur king of Cambaya, who received him honourably, giving him the command of Baroach in the Bay of Cambaya, with the title of Rumi-khan. He was called Kami, as having been born in Greece; as the Moors of India, being ignorant of the divisions of the European provinces, call the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacent countries by the general name of Rum, and the inhabitants Rumi though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace, the modern Romania. The Turks and Rumes are different nations; the former being originally from Turkistan, and the natives of Greece and Thrace consider themselves as of more honourable descent than the Turks[185]. The tide of Khan now bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among the Tartars equivalent to that of Duke in Europe, and is bestowed in the east on persons of distinguished merit.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania or Thrace.—E.]

Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea of Cambaya, with 60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt the town of Madrefavat,[186] five leagues from Diu towards Beth. He then went against Gogo, twenty-four leagues farther, formerly a strong and populous place of great trade. There were fifteen of the largest paraos belonging to Calicut at that time in the port laden with spice, which took shelter in a creek, and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smaller vessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by 300 horse and 800 foot that came to defend the Makbars; but after a sharp encounter, in which 200 of the enemy were slain, they were constrained to abandon the vessels, which were all burnt; after which Saldanna destroyed the town of Gogo and eight ships that were in the port He afterwards destroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Mail, Kelme, and Agasim, and lastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its former destruction. Having thus ravaged the coast of Cambaya, he returned to Goa. About this time a brother of the king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to that crown, came into the hands of Nuno; who expected through his means to obtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Diu, and the command of the trade of Cambaya.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania or Thrace.—E.]

[Footnote 186: Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad.—E.]

About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-seven ships belonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Being perplexed by the great losses he was continually sustaining through the Portuguese superiority at sea, the sovereign of Calicut made overtures towards an accommodation; and in a treaty of peace gave permission to the governor-general to build a fort in the island of Chale, in a river that falls into the sea about three leagues from Calicut, which is navigable by boats all the way to the foot of the Gaut mountains. Urinama, a heathen, was at this time rajah of Chale, and both he and the neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the zamorin, were anxious to throw off their subjection to that prince, and to enter into alliance with the Portuguese, in hopes of becoming rich by participating in their trade. Immediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin to construct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels, in which were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native Lascarines. So much diligence was used in carrying on the work, even the gentlemen participating in the labour, that in twenty-six days it was in a defensible situation, being surrounded by a rampart nine feet thick and of sufficient height, strengthened by towers and bastions or bulwarks at proper places. Within the fort a church was built, together with a house for the commander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses for trade. Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty with the zamorin, was left in command of this new fortress, with a garrison of 250 men; and Manuel de Sousa had orders to secure its safety by sea, with a squadron of twenty-two vessels. The zamorin soon repented of having allowed this fort to be built in his dominions, and used ineffectual endeavours to induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to break with the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to no purpose.

About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles was sent to the Red Sea with two galliots and several brigantines to cruise against the Turks. Off Xael he captured several Turkish vessels, among which, was a large ship, named Cufturca, which was sent to Muscat. The king of Xael, fearful of danger, made his peace with Vasconcelles. Soon afterwards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take the command in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms entered into with the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince sent all the valuables belonging to the town, together with the women and children into the interior, that he might provide for defence; but being obliged to quit the Red Sea on account of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscat and thence to Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy, among which was one in which he got above 60,000 Venetian chequins. About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered and burnt Puttun, a city twelve leagues from Diu, and destroyed four ships that were in the harbour. He acted in a similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and other places, and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinite booty.

All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities against Diu and the king of Cambaya, in hopes of constraining him to allow of the construction of a fort in that city. Malek Tocam[187], lord of Diu, was then fortifying the city of Basseen, and as that place might prove injurious to the designs of Nuno against Cambaya, he determined to destroy it. For this purpose he fitted out a fleet of 150 vessels, in which he embarked with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins. Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12,000 men in Basseen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of attacking such superior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and took Basseen by assault, in which action 600 of the enemy were slain, and only eight or nine on the side of the Portuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and razed the fortifications of Basseen, Emanuel de Albuquerque was sent with twelve vessels and 300 men to destroy the fort of Daman, which he was unable to accomplish. He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from Basseen to Tarapor, and reduced Tanua, Bandora, Maii, and Bombay to become tributary. About this time orders were sent from Portugal that all the commanders of forts in India should make oath of obedience to the governor-general, whence it appears that till then they were in a great measure independent.

[Footnote 187: The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek Saca; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by change of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the son of Malek Azz.—E.]

About this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to send a proper person to him with whom he might treat of an important affair, he being at that time apprehensive that the king of Cambaya meant to deprive him of his government. Vasco de Cuna was accordingly sent on this embassy, with instructions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful. At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cambaya to allow of building a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed a desire of conferring with the governor-general on the subject, though his real design was to kill him rather than grant permission to build a fort. Nuno went accordingly to Diu with a fleet of 100 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops; but the king who was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences, and desired Nuno to send some of his principal captains to wait upon him. They went accordingly richly dressed and were splendidly received. While in discourse with the king, Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in a respectful manner, to say "That he wondered much his majesty should deprive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had not only served him faithfully, but was the son of one who had performed many signal services and had long enjoyed his favour, and that he should bestow the command on Mustapha Rumi Khan, whose principal merit was disloyalty to the Grand Turk, his natural prince." He added, that if Mustapha denied this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand, or in any other manner he might think fit. Rumi Khan was present, but made no answer, till the king looking angrily at him, he said his silence proceeded from contempt. Macedo repeated the challenge, and the Turk, no longer able to shun it with a good grace, agreed to fight him at sea. But this challenge took no effect, as the parties could not agree upon the terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreement with the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league with Humayun[188] padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and returned to Goa, dispatching several of his captains with squadrons to different places.

[Footnote 188: In De Faria called Omaum Patxath, king of the Moguls.—E.]

At this time, Cunale Marcar, a bold pirate, scoured the seas about Calicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men. One night off Cape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese brigantine at anchor, in which were twenty-one Portuguese, all so fast asleep that they were bound before they waked. He caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, to punish them for daring to sleep while he was at sea, a merry cruelty. From thence Cunale went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coromandel, where there were forty Portuguese, who defended themselves to no purpose, as the degar or governor of that place agreed with Cunale to rob them. Khojah Marcar, though a relation of Cunale, used his endeavours to deliver the Portuguese from this danger, by instilling mutual jealousy into the Degar and Cunale, who however took some Portuguese vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight of their men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin with 200 musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale took refuge in a bay on the coast called Canamnera, where he fortified himself. But Antonio forced him to make his escape in the habit of a beggar to Calicut, leaving his vessels and cannon, with which Antonio returned to Cochin.

In 1534 Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in India, took the fort of Daman; and Badur king of Cambaya, fearing still greater losses, and finding his trade completely interrupted, made peace with Nuno, on the following conditions. The fort of Basseen with all its dependencies was ceded to the crown of Portugal: All ships bound from the kingdom of Cambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the first place to Basseen, and to touch there on their return, paying certain duties to the crown of Portugal: No ships belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other parts without licence from the Portuguese government: No ships of war were to be built in any of the ports belonging to Cambaya: The king of Cambaya was on no account to give any assistance to the Rumes or Turks. There were other articles in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render the harshness of these more palatable; and even these were afterwards moderated when he gave permission for building a fort at Diu.

The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from the name of its metropolis, extends from Cape Jaquet or Jigat in the west, to the river Nagotana near Chaul, within which limits there is a large and deep bay or gulf having the same name with the capital, in which bay the sea ebbs and flows with wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship that is caught in this tremendous bore certainly perishes. To avoid this danger, there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives notice with a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent. The distance between Cape Jigat and the river of Nagotana is above 200 leagues. On the west Guzerat borders on the Resbuti or Rajputs, a people dwelling in a mountainous country.[189] On the north it joins with the kingdom of Chitor[190]: On the east with that of Pale.[191] The coast is covered by numerous towns and cities. It is watered by two famous rivers, the Taptii and Tapei[192] by many creeks that form several islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally travel in waggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which are easily drawn by oxen, smaller than those of Spain. The country breeds cattle in great abundance, and plenty of provisions of all sorts. The natives are of four different kinds. The first called Baneanes Baganzariis, feed after our manner: The second called simply Baneanes[193], who eat of nothing that hath life. Their priests are called Vertias, who are clothed in white, and never change their apparel till it falls in pieces. These live altogether on charity; and, like the children of Israel in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next day. They place their greatest hope of salvation in abstaining from killing any creature whatever, and even use no light at night, lest any moth should fly into the flame; and always carry a broom to sweep the ground they tread on, that they may not trample any worm or insect to death. The third race consists of the Resbuti or Rajputs, who are good soldiers, and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These people acknowledge one God in three persons, and worship the blessed Virgin, a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the time of the apostles[194]. The fourth and last class of inhabitants are the Mahometans called Lauteas, consisting both of strangers who have conquered the country, and natives who have embraced that religion. The inhabitants of Guzerat are very ingenious mechanics in works of silk, gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, crystal, ebony, and other articles. They follow the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature; but rather buy all, though even venomous, from those who take them, on purpose to set them free. They have even a set of men whose only employment is to go about the towns and fields looking out for sick beasts, which are tended with great care in hospitals built on purpose. Yet in spite of all this charity to the brute creation, they are devoid of human kindness, and will not reach out their hand to help a fellow creature in the utmost need.

[Footnote 189: These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they pervade in a range of considerable length from N.E. to S.W.—E.]

[Footnote 190: More properly Agimere, in which is the town or city of Cheitore, whence the name in the text.—E.]

[Footnote 191: Malwa, one of the kingdoms or Soubahs of Hindostan is to the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not obvious.—E.]

[Footnote 192: The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to say what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north, the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the two great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from Malwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded on the west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of Sinde or Jesselmere, and from Cutch.—E.]

[Footnote 193: Banians: It would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully illustrated in the sequel of this work.—E.]

[Footnote 194: It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most ridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the Portuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion of Christ! even under its idolatrous debasement of image worship, and the invocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superstitions of the bramins will be discussed in a future division of this work.—E.]

In the year of God 1292, or according to the Mahometan account the 700, a pagan king named Galacarna ruled in peace in Guzerat; but involved the country in war to deprive his brother of the kingdom of hampanel or Champaneer which had been left him by their father. Galacarna employed two generals in this war, one of whom named Madana had to wife one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race of Padaminii, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so sweet a scent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all other women. It is said there are scarcely any of these women in Guzerat, but many in Orissa. There is no mischief without a woman even with an ill savour, how much more then for one of a good scent! King Galacarna fell in love with the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to no purpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the sweet smell, gave notice to her husband and brother of the dishonourable conduct of the king; on which they called in Shah Nasr Oddin king of Delhi, who invaded the kingdom of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle; after which he left his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection, having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their services, and made the kings of Mandou and Cheitore tributary[195]. Shah Nasr Oddin was soon afterwards killed by his nephew, and the kingdom of Delhi was so much weakened by civil war, that Habed-shah revolted and set himself up as king of Guzerat.

[Footnote 195: Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant.—E.]

In 1330, Hamet a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the city of Cambay, by the assistance of a number of Arabs, Persians, and Rumes or Turks, usurped a great part of Guzerat, then possessed by Deosing-rao. Ali Khan succeeded Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings. The eldest Peru-shah succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat. The second Azeide-khan got the kingdom of Mandou or Malwa by his wife; and the third named Ali-khan acquired the kingdom of Agimere in the same manner. Peru-shah followed the example of his father and grandfather in securing his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of Diu in memory of a victory over a Chinese fleet. Sultan Mahomet his son succeeded, and reigned at the time when Vasco de Gama discovered India. He left the kingdom to his son Modafer, as most worthy; but in consequence of a civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother Mahomet Khan was raised to the throne. An elder brother Latisa Khan aspired to the kingdom, but without success; and after a succession of civil wars it fell to Badur, or Behauder Khan, who was king of Guzerat at this period. The former king Modafer divided the possessions belonging to Malek Azz who was lord of Diu among his three sons, which destination gave great displeasure to his own sons who coveted these territories. But Badur was chiefly dissatisfied, and even poisoned his father Modafer Khan. After this parricide, he fled to the king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence of the king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He there professed himself a Calendar or religious person, to shun the punishment due to his crimes. These Calendars go about loaded with iron chains and live abstemiously; yet with all their outward shew of religious austerity, they practice all manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. They enter into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people may bring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of two thousand or more, laying the country under contributions.

After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur got notice of the distractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went there with his chains in search of the crown, and acquired the favour of the people so strongly by his pretended religious austerity, that he was proclaimed king. To secure his ill-gotten power, he caused Madrem-al-Mulk to be flayed alive for having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the throne, and put to death all his brothers. Being desirous to take off Malek Saca lord of Diu, Saca fled, and was succeeded by his brother Malek Tocam. In the year 1527, one Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled his country for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship with forty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made prisoner with all his men, who were cruelly put to death by order of Badur.

While at Champaneer in 1527, ambassadors came from Baber, padishah or emperor of Delhi, demanding homage and tribute for Guzerat, as part of his dominions. At first Badur was disposed to have slain these unwelcome messengers; but he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answer in person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100,000 men and 400 elephants, with a great train of artillery. But he was prevented from carrying his designs into execution, in consequence of a great town called Doitabad being taken by Nizam-al-Mulk; and though he recovered it, he met with great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it being winter, some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large as oranges[196]. Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom of the Colii[197], who demanded tribute; but he flayed them alive. In 1529, Badur marched with 70,000 horse and 200,000 foot into the dominions of Nizam-al-Mulk, where he did much damage. In the same year Baber padishah of the Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction of Guzerat; but met with so much loss in a battle with the king of Cheitore in Agimere that he was forced to retire to Delhi.

[Footnote 196: The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I am apt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul, designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery of Dowlatabad in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text is to be understood of hail.—E.]

[Footnote 197: Who these were does not appear.—E.]

Badur invaded the kingdom of Mandou[198], and killed the king by treachery. He then imprisoned all the kings sons, and distributed the wives and daughters of the deceased king among his officers. Salahedin, one of the principal officers of that kingdom fled to Raosinga, a place almost impregnable by nature and art, but was inveigled into the power of Badur and forced to turn Mahometan. Badur then besieged the mountain fort of Raosinga, and commanded the women belonging to Salahedin to come out; but they sent word that they would not do so unless along with Salahedin, who was accordingly sent into the fort for that purpose. His women, about 500 in number, exclaimed against his becoming a Mahometan, saying they would rather be all burnt alive than delivered to the enemy. Whereupon Salahedin, with 120 men who guarded his zenana, slew them all upon a pile of wood, where they were burnt with all his riches. After this Badur went against Chitore with an army of 100,000 horse, an innumerable infantry, and 600 cannon, and besieged Chitore for two months, at the end of which it surrendered. By this conquest Badur was in possession of three considerable kingdoms.

[Footnote 198: Probably Malwa.—E.]

At this time Tristan de Ga, as formerly mentioned, was at the court of Badur on an embassy from Nuno de Cuna to treat of peace, but which negociation was delayed by sundry accidents, and in particular by the death of the Great Mogul, of whom Badur was in great fear. Through covetousness Badur discontinued the pay of many of those leaders who had served him with great fidelity in his late conquests, on which account 4000 men of note deserted from him to the Mogul. One of his officers named Mujate Khan endeavoured to convince him of the dangerous effects this conduct might have upon his affairs; in reward for which Badur sent him on some frivolous pretence to Diu, and at the same time sent secret orders to Melek Tocam to put him to death; but Tocam disdained to execute the tyrannical order, and advised the faithful Mujate Khan to save himself by flight. Instead of following this advice, Mujate returned to Badur and prostrated himself at his feet, delivering up his scymeter with these words, "If I have deserved death from you, I here present you the traitor and the instrument of his punishment. Kill me, therefore, that I may have the honour of dying by your hand: Yet the faithful services of my grandfather, father, and self, have merited a better reward." Badur, struck with his fidelity and attachment, received him again to favour; but turned his rage against Melek Tocam for revealing the secret orders with which he had been entrusted, and sent Mustapha Rume Khan to Diu to put him to death. Malek Tocam got notice of this at a country house in which he occasionally resided, whence he fled from Rume Khan. After this Badur came to Diu which he reduced, having arrived there at the same time with Nuno de Cuna, when the interview between the governor and him was proposed; but which Badur only intended as a feint to ward off the danger which he apprehended from the padishah of the Moguls; meaning, if he could patch up an agreement with that sovereign, to break with the Portuguese. But the Mogul recalled his ambassadors and commenced war upon Bader, of which hereafter.

Those whom we name Moguls call themselves Zagetai, in the same manner as the Spaniards call themselves Goths. Zagetai is the name of the province which they inhabited in Great Tartary near Turkestan, and the nobles do not permit themselves to be called Moguls. According to the Persians, the Moguls are descended of Magog the grandson of Noah, from whom they received the worship of the one only God. Wandering through many provinces, this nation established themselves in Mogalia or Mongolia, otherwise Mogostan, called Paropamissus by Ptolemy. At this time they extend farther, and border upon the kingdom of Horacam or Chorassan, called Aria, or Here by that ancient geographer. From the extreme north, the Moguls extend to the river Geum or Jihon, which runs through Bohara or Bucharia, the ancient Bactria, so named from its capital, the celebrated seat of learning from the time of Zoroaster, and where Avicenna acquired the knowledge which made him so famous. Bucharia, or Bactria borders upon Quiximir or Cashmire and Mount Caucasus, which divides India from the provinces of Tartary in the north. This kingdom of the Moguls now reaches to the mountainous regions of Parveti and Bagous which they call Angou [199]. As in this dominion there ace great mountains, so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by five rivers which compose the Indus. These are the Bet, Satinague, Chanao, Rave, and Rea[200]. The cities of this country are numerous and, the men courageous.

[Footnote 199: De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he here means the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the north-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable as immediately followed in the text by the Punjab, or country on the five rivers composing the Indus.—E.]

[Footnote 200: These rivers are so strangely perverted in their orthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all. The true Punjab or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus, Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary stream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two last are the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run into the Indus to the west of the Punjab—E.]

The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the Turkish and Persian languages. They are of fair complexions, and well made, but have, small eyes like the Tartars and Chinese. Their nobility wear rich and gay clothes, fashioned like those of the Persians, and have long beards. Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly gilt and highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the use of the bow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined and use artillery. Their padishah is treated with wonderful majesty, seldom making his appearance in public, and has a guard of 2000 horse, which is changed quarterly. Both Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India; but by treachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom of Delhi were reduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber, the great-grandson of the great Tamerlane was their padishah.

At the period to which we have now proceeded in our history of the Portuguese in India, Omaum or Humayun, the son of Baber, was padishah of the Moguls, and declared war against Badur king of Guzerat; who immediately sent an army of 20,000 horse and a vast multitude of foot to ravage the frontiers of the enemy. Ingratitude never escapes unpunished, as was exemplified on this occasion. Crementii queen of Chitore, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and who in return had deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore, was required by him to send her son with all the men he could raise to assist him in the war against Humayun. The queen required he would restore her other son, whom he kept as an hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the mean time raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of her intentions, Badur sent her son to Chitore, on which she immediately put herself under the protection of Humayun. Badur immediately drew together an army of 100,000 horse, 415,000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and 6000 carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its walls with great fury. While engaged in this siege, he received information that the army he had sent to ravage the country of the Moguls had been defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. He at length got possession of Chitore by policy more than force, after losing 15,000 men during the siege; but the queen made her escape with all her family and wealth. He repaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which he left Minao Husseyn with a garrison of 12,000 men. He then marched to meet the army of the Moguls, which was advancing through Mandou or Malwa in order to relieve Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur was intrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched to that place and took up a position with so much judgment that the army of Badur was reduced to extremity for provisions. Being unable to extricate his army from this state of difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to Mandou, or Mundu near the Nerbuddah on the southern frontier of Malwa, accompanied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese. His prodigious army was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and his camp plundered by the Moguls; he even escaping with difficulty from the pursuit of 10,000 Mogul horse.

Badur fortified himself in Mundu, giving the command of his remaining force to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to Humayun. The family and wealth of Rumi Khan were at this time in the fortress of Champaneer, and both Badur and Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to secure that place, in which Badur had deposited one of his three tres, which only in copper money was worth 30 millions[201], besides pearls, precious stones, and other valuables. Badur got possession of Champaneer, whence he immediately sent all the treasure, and the family of Rumi Khan, under a strong escort to Diu; while he wasted the country and destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the hands of Humayun, and even did the same at Cambaya his own capital. Seeing his women and riches in the hands of Badur, Rumi Khan obtained five hundred horse from his new master, with which he pursued Badur so expeditiously that he entered one of the gates of Cambaya as Badur was going out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur left the women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping the pursuit, which had the desired effect, as Rumi Khan immediately returned with them to Champaneer, and Badur got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom to Humayun.

[Footnote 201: No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of money here alluded to.—E.]

In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the erection of a fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had formerly given up Basseen to them, to secure their friendship during his contest with Humayun, and was now in hopes by their assistance to recover his dominions. Still however his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an ambassador to request assistance from the Turks to recover his territories. Hearing that Humayun had taken Champaneer he gave himself up to despair and resolved upon going to Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk; but his mother and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow the Portuguese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs might be restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to Martin Alfonso de Sousa, then at Chaul, who communicated the event to Nuno de Cuna, and went immediately to Diu at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st of September 1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately entered into between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the former treaty was confirmed, except that the emporium of trade was to be transferred from Basseen to Diu: The fort was to be built where and in what manner should be judged best by the governor-general; and in the mean time a bulwark or castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the port was to be delivered up. There were many other articles, and among these that the Portuguese were not to meddle with the kings revenues at Diu and other places. The governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, came immediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by Badur.

A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry intelligence of this event to Portugal [202]. At this time there was a person named Diego Botello residing at Diu who was in disgrace with the king of Portugal, on account of it being reported that he intended to go over to the French in hopes of high promotion, as he was very conversant in the affairs of India. Knowing how earnestly King Joam had desired the establishment of a fort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring to be the first messenger of this news. For this purpose, having procured a copy of the treaty and a draught of the intended fort, he embarked in a small vessel, only sixteen feet and a half long, nine feet broad, and four feet and a half deep, manned by his own slaves, with three Portuguese and two others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when out at sea, he informed his companions that he meant in this frail bark to traverse the prodigious extent of ocean between India and Portugal, and prevailed upon those along with him to concur in his design. Being reduced to unspeakable miseries, the slaves, who were the only mariners on board, entered into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one of his servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or pilot, he held on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the astonishment of every one. Botello was restored to the royal favour for this wonderful action, but received no other reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed, that it might not be known so small a vessel was capable of performing so great a voyage.

[Footnote 202: Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers were probably sent over land.—E.]

Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the command of which was given to Emanuel de Sousa with 900 Portuguese troops, the ramparts being furnished with sixty pieces of great cannon. Badur soon found the benefit of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulk at the instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him against Humayun; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez recovered for him a considerable place towards the Indus named Varivene[203]. Garcia de Sa and Antonio Galvam defended Basseen against the Moguls, who were constrained to retreat from that place; and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew to Badur, recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls. Being thus prosperous, solely by the assistance of the Portuguese, 500 of whom served in his army under the command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badur repented of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even began to build a wall or fortification between the fort and the city, under pretence of separating the Portuguese from the natives, to prevent differences by too free communication. But after several strong remonstrances this was desisted from.

[Footnote 203: Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch.—E.]

In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon removing the Portuguese from Diu, for which purpose he again sent to procure assistance from the Turks, and in the mean time used his utmost endeavours to take the fort and to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invited to Diu with that view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs of Badur, De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of securing him while on a visit on board his ship, deferring it to a future opportunity in a proposed conference in the fort. While Badur was going on shore in his katur or barge, Emanuel de Sousa the commandant of the fort of Diu followed him in a barge and went on board the royal katur to give the invitation from the governor-general. At this time another Portuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious of some evil intention, and ordered his officers to kill De Sousa. One Diega de Mosquita who had aided Badur in the late war and had acquired a perfect knowledge of the language, understood what was said by Badur, whom he immediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by his attendants. Upon this a bloody affray took place between the Portuguese and the attendants on Badur, in which seven of the latter were slain. Several other boats belonging to both parties came up, and Badur attempted to escape in his barge to the city, but was stopped by a cannon-shot which killed three of his rowers; on which he endeavoured to escape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out, discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an oar for him to take hold of, that he might get on board the boat; but a soldier struck him on the face with a halberd, and then others, till he was slain. His body sunk, and neither it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards be found for interment.

Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from the walls, and when the intelligence of the kings death reached the city, the inhabitants began to abandon it in such haste and confusion that many were trampled to death in the throng, being afraid that the Portuguese would plunder them. The governor-general soon restored confidence by a public proclamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to their houses. He even entered the town unarmed, to reassure the inhabitants and to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder was committed. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned, De Cuna gave the command of the fortress of Diu to his brother-in-law Antonio de Sylveira Menezes, and his gallant conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy of the station. The queen-mother had retired to Navanaguer[204], and Nuno sent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endeavouring to demonstrate that it had been occasioned by his own fault; but she refused to receive or listen to the message. The treasure found in the palace of Diu in gold and silver was of small value, not exceeding 200,000 pardaos[205], but the quantity of ammunition was exceedingly great. The number of brass cannon was prodigious, those of iron not being deemed worthy of account. Among the brass ordnance were three basilisks of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De Cuna as a curiosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle of St Julian at the mouth of the Tagus, where it is known by the name of the Gun of Diu. Among the papers belonging to Badur and his treasurer Abd' el Cader letters were found from Saf Khan, communicating the progress he had made in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portuguese, and copies of others from the sheikhs of Aden and Xael to the same purpose. Having collected these and other testimonies of the treachery of the late king, Nuno caused Khojah Zofar, a man of great reputation among the citizens both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting of the principal people, merchants, and cazis, or teachers of the Mahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were produced, in justification of the conduct of the Portuguese, and in proof of the treacherous intentions of the late king. All the Moors and Pagans acknowledged themselves satisfied by these documents, and accordingly gave certificates to that effect in the Arabic and Persian languages, which were signed by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among the Mahometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the kings of the Deccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the sheikhs along the coast of Arabia as far as Aden.

[Footnote 204: Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf of Cutch.—E.]

[Footnote 205: At 3s. 9d. each, worth L. 37,500 sterling.—E.]

For the greater security and satisfaction of the people, Nuno gave orders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and that the laws and regulations established by Badur for the government of the city and its dependencies should continue to be executed, even continuing all the salaries and pensions granted by the late king. Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by authentic information was 320 years old[206]. This man had two sons, one ninety and the other only twelve years of age. He appeared to be only about sixty, and it was said that his beard and teeth had fallen and been renewed four or five times. He was rather under the middle size, and neither fat nor lean. He pretended that before he was an hundred years old, while herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a man to him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having wounds on his hands and feet, who requested to be carried by him across the river on his shoulders; which having done, this person said that as a reward for his charity, he should retain all his faculties till he saw him again. Going accordingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India, this old man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is he whom I carried across the river so many years ago.

[Footnote 206: Perhaps an error of the press for 120.—E.]

Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings of Guzerat, on learning the death of Badur, went to condole with the queen-mother at Novanaguer; but she, fearing he came to rob her, refused to see him and even endeavoured to remove to another place. Offended at her suspicions, Mahomet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, and robbed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of gold. He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized Novanaguer, and had himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He then sent a messenger to Nuno de Cuna, giving an account of the posture of his affairs and of his title to the crown, desiring his assistance, in requital for which he offered to cede to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore to Beth[207], including the towns of Daman and Basseen with the royal country house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno accepted these offers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the mosque of Diu, and urged him to raise forces and disperse the other pretenders. Fearing that this advice was only given to deceive, Zaman procrastinated and took no effectual steps to secure the crown to which he aspired, of which misconduct he soon experienced the evil consequences; as the principal people of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan, a nephew of the deceased Badur on the Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Zaman. As Nuno was under the necessity of leaving Diu early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs of his extensive government, the Guzerat nobles in the interest of Mahomet raised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against Zaman; and having corrupted most of his officers, he was obliged to flee to Delhi, where he was honourably received by the padishah of the Moguls, from whom he received the kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzerat called Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for the death of Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed a treaty of peace; but as they peremptorily refused to accede to the condition conceded by Zaman, the negociations were broken off.

[Footnote 207: This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is on the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be found in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is at the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch.—E.]

The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India were the Moors upon the coast between Chaul and Cape Comorin, a space of about 200 leagues, who had flocked thither in great numbers allured by the vast and profitable trade in that part of India. About this time there lived in Cochin a rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who being irritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels went to reside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being revenged upon them by the assistance of the zamorin, who furnished him with above 50 ships, 2000 men, and 400 pieces of cannon. With these he went to the assistance of Madune Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Ceylon who was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Marcar attacked a large Portuguese ship which was loading pepper, but was beat off after killing the captain. In another port farther south he took a ship belonging to the Portuguese and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyed a town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these depredations, Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from Cochin in pursuit of Marcar, whom he found in a creek where he offered him battle; but as Marcar declined this, and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attack him in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement. Setting out again with 28 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso found Marcar careening his vessels at a port or creek beyond Cape Comorin named Beadala, where he gave the Moors a total defeat though they had gathered a force of 7000 men to resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400 cannon, 1500 firelocks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerable number of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action, chiefly through the mistake of a signal. After this great victory, Alfonso went over to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of which place was besieged by his rebellious brother Madune Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguese fleet to be that of Marcar coming to his assistance; but hearing of the destruction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace.

It is proper that we should give some account of the rich and fertile kingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which receives the waters of the famous river Ganges by two principal mouths and many subordinate creeks. This river has its source in the mountains of Great Tartary, whence it runs southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into two parts infra et extra Gangem, or on this side and the other side of the Ganges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges stands the city of Chatigam or Chittagong, and on the western mouth the city of Satigam[208]. On the east of the Ganges, which runs through the middle of Bengal, Caor, Camatii, Sirote, Codovascam, Cou, and Tipora were subject to that kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrown off the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of Cospetir, whose plain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land of Egypt by the Nile, had been conquered by the Patans. According to the Pagans, God hath granted to the kingdom of Bengal an infinite multitude of infantry, to Orixa abundance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled in using the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns, and to Cou innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal, reaching between the latitudes of 22 deg. and 26 deg. 30' N. is well watered and exceedingly fertile, producing abundance of fruit, with sugar and long pepper, great quantities of cotton, which the inhabitants manufacture with much skill, and has great abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathens of a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous; for it ally the case that cowardice and treachery go together.

[Footnote 208: It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the text by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the river Sagar.—E.]

The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The capital city, named Gowro, on the banks of the Ganges, is three leagues in length. It contains 1,200,000 families, and is well fortified. The streets are long, wide, and straight, with rows of trees to shelter the people from the sun, and are sometimes so thronged with passengers that many are trodden to death.

About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Portuguese, an Arabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became very rich and powerful, and having defeated the king of Orixa in a great battle grew so much in favour with the king of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards. But, ungrateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped the kingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have since possessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession to this kingdom proceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent; but is often acquired by slaves who kill their masters, and whosoever acquires the government, were it only for three days, is looked upon as established by Providence and Divine right. Hence during a period of forty years this kingdom had been ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time when Martin Alfonso Melo de Jusarte was prisoner in Bengal, Mahomet Shah was king and held his court in Gowro with such state that there were 10,000 women in his Zenana, yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed. Martin and the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service to Mahomet in his wars with the Patans; and Martin and his followers obtained their liberty through the means of one Khojah Sabadim, a rich Moor, who engaged to procure liberty for the Portuguese to build a fort at Chittagong, if Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nano being eager to acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was asked, and sent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels to Bengal, and to secure the friendship of the king sent him a magnificent present. Thirteen men who carried the present to Gowro, and thirty others who accompanied Martin Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were made prisoners. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva with 350 men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of Martin Alfonso and prisoners, by the assistance of Khojah Sabadim, to whose suggestions the former unfortunate expedition was owing; and to secure the fidelity of Sabadim, a ship belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained in pledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowro with a letter and a present; but as the answer was long in coming, Silva judged that the king had detained his messenger along with the rest, on which he rashly destroyed Chittagong and some other places; for which proceeding the king confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But his necessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into kindness.

Xerchan, or Shir Khan, a general of note among the Moguls, being in disgrace with the padisbah or Great Mogul, fled from Delhi to Bengal accompanied by his brother Hedele Khan, and both of them rose to eminent rank in the service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army, Shir Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of the former infant king of Bengal; for which purpose he revolted with his army to Humayun the Mogul padishah, and turned his arms against Mahomet. In his distress, Mahomet consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose the arms of Shir Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by Portuguese were stationed in the Ganges at a pass near the fort of Gori where the Ganges enters Bengal. These effectually barred the passage of Shir Khan in that direction; but having discovered another ford, he advanced to Gowro, which he invested with 40,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 1500 elephants. Shir Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats down the river, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to oppose the enemy. At this place Duarte de Brito did signal service in the sight of King Mahomet, and among other things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese, he took an elephant that was swimming across the river. The city of Gowro being reduced to distress by the besiegers, Mahomet bought a peace, and Shir Khan drew off with his army. Being now as he thought in safety, Mahomet allowed Martin Alfonso to depart with the other Portuguese, only retaining five as hostages for the assistance he had been promised by Nuno.

Shir Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he took by assault, obliging the king, who was wounded in the assault, to abandon the city. Mahomet died of his wounds on his way to ask assistance from Humayun. Shir Khan drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the amount of 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead body of King Mahomet to Gowro, where he appointed his own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman to the vacant kingdom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on the return of Humayun towards Delhi, Shir Khan returned to Gowro and drove out Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then marched against Shir Khan with 100,000 horse and 150,000 foot, with above 200,000 followers. The two armies met on the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when Shir Khan gained so complete a victory that Humayun made his escape with only 25 attendants, and never stopt till he arrived at Lahore. Shir Khan treated the women belonging to Humaynn with great respect, and restored them to the padishah. Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal, Humayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat; but abandoned in his distress by his own Omrahs, he went into Persia, where the Sophi supplied him with an army of 12,000 horse, to which he was enabled to add 10,000 volunteers. With these allies, added to the troops that continued to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brother Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan. The city was taken and given up to the Persians. In the mean time Shir Khan made himself formidable in Bengal, having an army of 400,000 horse. He took the city of Calijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vast treasure contained in the temple at that place; but pointing a cannon to kill an elephant belonging to the temple, the piece burst and killed himself.

The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the king of Guzerat to the Grand Turk to obtain his assistance, was delivered at Constantinople, where at the same time arrived news of the kings death. But the great value of the present demonstrated the vast riches of India, and made the Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing in that country, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily expelled, and their possessions reduced under his dominion. In this enterprise he was greatly encouraged by a Portuguese renegado at Constantinople, who asserted that the Turkish power might easily supplant that of the Portuguese in India. For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered a fleet to be fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to the eunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a Greek janizary born in the Morea, of an ugly countenance, short of stature, and had so large a belly that he was more like a beast than a man, not being able to rise up without the aid of four men. At this time he was eighty years of age, and he obtained this command more by dint of his wealth than merit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition. To enable him to perform this, he put many rich men to death and seized their wealth. Among others he strangled Mir Daud, king or bey of the Thebaid, and seized his treasure. It might be said therefore that this fleet was equipped rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of 70 sail, most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon, ammunition, and provisions; on board of which he embarked 7000 soldiers, part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes; besides a great number of choice sailors and galley-slaves, many of the latter being taken from the Venetian gallies then at Alexandria, which were seized in consequence of a war breaking out between the Turks and the republic of Venice.

Solyman, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out from Suez on the 22d of June 1538, ordering four hundred of the soldiers to assist at the oars, and as they resisted this order as contrary to their privileges, he put two hundred of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to take the sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into the interior. At Zabid, after receiving a rich present, he put the sheikh to death. He did the same thing at Aden; and arrived at Diu about the beginning of September 1538, losing six of his vessels by the way.

When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one Khojah Zofar swam on shore and was well received by the Portuguese, being the only one of the kings retinue who was saved on that occasion. For some time he seemed grateful for his safety; but at length fled without any apparent reason to the new king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and even endeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portuguese from his dominions, asserting that this might be easily done with the assistance of the Turks. By his instigation, the king of Guzerat raised an army at Champaneer of 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added 3000 horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of these preparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu, used every precaution to provide against a long and dangerous siege. Khojah Zofar began the war by attacking the town of the Rumes[209] near Diu. Francisco Pacheco defended himself bravely in a redoubt at the place, with only fourteen Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar was forced to draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediately afterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zofar with all the army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate all the posts beyond Diu, that he might be able to maintain the city and fort; but some vessels and guns were lost in the execution of these orders. In consequence of these losses, and because there were many concealed enemies in the city who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evil in their power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient to evacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of the fort. Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession of the city, and began to fire upon the fort with their cannon. Lope de Sousa, who guarded the wood and water belonging to the garrison, had several rencounters, in which he slew many of the enemy without any loss on his side, except being himself severely wounded.

[Footnote 209: This must have been some town or village inhabited by Turks.—E.]

Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira sent immediate notice of it to Nuno de Cuna, who prepared with great diligence to go in person to relieve Diu. Michael Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to look out for the enemy, and falling in with their fleet came so near on purpose to examine their force that several of their shot reached his vessel. He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of Goa. The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port of Diu, where it was formidable not only to the small Portuguese garrison in the fort, but to the Moors even who had long expected their arrival. Next day Solyman landed 600 well armed janizaries, who immediately entered the city and behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they killed six Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them from the fort and drove them away with the loss of fifty men. In consequence of a storm, Solyman was obliged to remove his fleet to Madrefavat, as a safer harbour, where he remained twenty days, during which time Sylveira was diligently occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle, planting his artillery on the ramparts, and assigning every one his proper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time, the Turks assisted by Zofar commenced operations against the fort, by constructing batteries, and endeavouring to ruin the defences of a bulwark at the entrance of the harbour, which they battered with their cannon. With this view likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which, they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the bulwark to set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who commanded the small naval force then at Diu, went against this floating castle under night, and contrived to destroy it by fire. At this time likewise some relief was sent to the fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much elated by the assurance of his intention of coming speedily in person to raise the siege.

Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy fire from his ships against the sea bulwark in which Francisco de Gouvea commanded, but was so well answered both from that work and the tower of St Thomas, that one of his gallies was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatest harm suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting of some of their own cannon, by which several men were killed. Two brothers only were slain by the fire of the Turks. Zofar now so furiously battered the bulwark in which Pacheco commanded, that it became altogether indefensible, on which seven hundred janizaries assaulted it and set up their colours on its ruined walls; but the Portuguese rallied and dislodged them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. The assault of this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night the enemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day Pacheco deeming it impossible to resist, surrendered upon promise of life and liberty to himself and his men. Solyman did not perform the latter stipulation, but he granted their lives for the present and clothed them in Turkish habits. By one of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveira to surrender, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman now planted his artillery against the fort, having among other cannon nine pieces of vast size which carried balls of ninety pounds weight. His artillery in all exceeded 130 pieces of different sizes, and his batteries were continually guarded by 2000 Turks. This formidable train began to play against the castle on the 4th of October 1538, and continued without cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to the defences of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to the besiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the most dangerous breaches, though they used every possible exertion for that purpose. On the sixth day after the commencement of this violent cannonade, perceiving that the bulwark commanded by Caspar de Sousa was much damaged, the Turks endeavoured to carry it by assault, but were repulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being slain. Every day there were assaults by the besiegers or sallies by the garrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost his head; and Juan de Fonseca being disabled by a severe wound of his right arm continued to wield his lance with his left as if he had received no hurt. A youth of only nineteen years old, named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the sea and slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the fort through showers of balls and bullets. Many singular acts of valour were performed during this memorable siege.

At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers were slain, powder began to wax short and provisions shorter. The relief expected from Non Garcia Noronha, now come out as viceroy of India, was long in making its appearance. The remaining garrison was much weakened by a swelling in their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loose that they were unable to eat what little food remained in the stores. Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence of their post, as if even misery and famine were unable to conquer them. Even the women in the fort exerted themselves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, the wife of Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to go to her father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might be taken and she might fall into the hands of the Turks; but she refused to leave him. During the distress of the garrison, as many of the men were obliged to work in repairing the works, this bold-spirited lady called together all the women who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake this labour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to stand to their arms. The women consented to this proposal, and continued for the remainder of the siege to perform this duty. She was even outdone by Ann Fernandez, the wife of a physician, who used to visit the most dangerous posts by night, and even appeared at the assault to encourage the soldiers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks, she immediately drew away his body, and returned to the place of danger, and when the fight ended she went and buried her son.

Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark which he commanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with seventy men to prevent that work and made a great slaughter of the enemy. When retreating he missed two of his men and returned to rescue them; but being surrounded by the enemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought upon his knees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine was countermined; but the continual labour to which the besieged were subjected became insupportable, and they were utterly unable to repair the many breaches in their works. At this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from the viceroy Don Garcia, and landed only a reinforcement of twenty men. Solyman was much concerned at this relief though small, and was astonished the fort should hold out against so many assaults, more especially as Zofar had assured him he might carry it in two. At the beginning of the siege the garrison consisted of six hundred men, many of whom were slain and several of the cannon belonging to the fort had burst; yet Solyman began to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to the sea, fearful of the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was coming against him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously, especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa commanded, which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two of which were sunk by the Portuguese cannon. The Turks made several attempts to scale this bulwark, in all of which they were repulsed with great slaughter, yet returned repeatedly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sent off his wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed. Among these was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who waiting his turn heard the noise of a fresh assault, and forgetting the dressing ran immediately to his post where he received a fresh wound. Going back to get dressed, a third assault recalled him before the surgeon had time to attend to his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at length returned to get all his three wounds dressed at once.

By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only 250 remained that were able to stand to their arms. Solyman was almost in despair of success, yet resolved to make a desperate effort to carry the place. In hopes of putting Sylveira off his guard, and to take the place by surprise, he sent twelve of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raise the siege; but Sylveira was not to be lulled into security, and continued to exert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger. One night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of the castle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great numbers of scaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose them during the darkness of the night, and when morning broke, the place was seen beset all round by at least 14,000 men. The cannon of the fort was immediately directed against the assailants, and the garrison mounted the walls in every part, but chiefly near the governors house where the defences were weakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he could most rely upon. Being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, the enemy made an attempt on an adjoining bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, and poured in prodigious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen gallies came up against this bulwark, which they battered with their cannon; but Gouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk two of the gallies and killed many of their crews. At length 200 Turks forced their way into the bulwark and planted their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirty Portuguese remained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy with great fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were driven out with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regained the bulwark, on which they planted four standards. Many Portuguese who were wounded and burnt by the fireworks of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars of salt water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment.

Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging all to do their duty manfully and supplying reinforcements where most needed. The enemy had much the better in the second assault on the bulwark commanded by Gouvea, on which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time, one Joam Rodrigues, a strongman of great bravery, ran forward with a barrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to clear the way, as he carried his own death and that of many. He threw the barrel among the enemy, which exploded and blew up above an hundred of them, yet Rodriques came off unhurt, and performed other memorable deeds, so that he merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were gained in this siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who set up the colours were burnt to death, and two others who went to succeed them were slain. Being again driven from the bulwark, the enemy made a third assault: But their commander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar, his men were dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated assaults lasted four hours, during which a small number of exhausted Portuguese had to withstand vast numbers of fresh enemies. At length, having 500 men slain and 1000 wounded, the enemy retired; while on the side of the Portuguese fourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds. Only forty remained who were able to wield their arms, insomuch that no hope remained of being able to withstand a fresh attack. The walls were shattered and ruined in every part: No powder remained: In fact nothing remained but the invincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouraged the remnant of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Not knowing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and dismayed by the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised the siege and set sail with all his fleet on the 5th of November.

When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and depart he thought it was merely a feint preparatory for another assault, for which reason he posted the forty men who still remained of his garrison, determined to resist to the last man. He even made some of the wounded men be brought to the walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number than he really had. Many even who were so badly wounded as to be unable to rise, made themselves be carried in their beds to the walls, saying that it was best to die in an honourable place. Several even of the women armed themselves and appeared on the walls. The whole night was spent in anxiously waiting for the enemy; but the morning gave comfort to the afflicted garrison, as Solyman was seen in full sail, and had no thoughts of returning. Fear did much on this occasion, yet Zofar did more towards inducing Solyman to go away. Zofar was weary of the insupportable pride of the Turks, and had even received orders from the king of Guzerat, in case it appeared that the Turks meant to keep the city and fort of Diu, rather to endeavour that it might remain in the hands of the Portuguese. Zofar accordingly framed a letter which fell into the hands of Solyman, saying that the viceroy of India would be at Diu next day with a vast fleet; on reading which letter Solyman thought proper to hasten his departure. On the same night, Zofar set fire to the town of Diu and marched away. Thus ended the first siege of Diu, which added new lustre to the Portuguese fame, all due to the invincible courage of the renowned Antonio de Sylveira, and those valiant gentlemen who fought under his command, whose fame will last from generation to generation.

Solyman, on his voyage back to Suez, touched at several ports in Arabia, where he took such Portuguese as happened to be there, to the number of 140, whose heads he cut off, salting their ears and noses to send to the Grand Turk as memorials of his services against the Christians. Among these was Francisco Pacheco, who had not the courage to die in his bulwark, and had surrendered with some men at Diu, as formerly related. On his return to Turkey, Solyman was not well received, and was reduced to the necessity of killing himself, a fit end for such a tyrant.

This famous siege was far advanced when Don Garcia de Noronha arrived as viceroy in India, to whom Nuno de Cuna immediately resigned the government. His arrival with a great reinforcement might well have enabled him immediately to relieve the deplorable situation of Diu, yet on the contrary contributed to augment its danger. For, if he had not come, Nuna had certainly relieved Diu much sooner and prevented so many miseries, and the death of so many brave men, as he had prepared a fleet of eighty sail, and was ready to have gone to Diu when Don Garcia arrived. Still fresh advices were brought of the extremity to which the besieged were reduced, yet still Don Garcia wasted time in considering of proper means for their relief, without putting any into execution, and refusing to take the advice of De Cuna for his proceedings. By these means the siege was raised before he could determine on the mode of relief, for which purpose he had gathered 160 sail of vessels of all sorts and sizes. Don Garcia did not want courage, of which he had given sufficient demonstrations while under Alfonso de Albuquerque: But he chose rather to commit an error through his own obstinacy, than rightly to follow the advice of Nuno de Cuna. It soon appeared indeed, that he was not at all disposed to take any advice from De Cuna, whom he treated so disrespectfully at Goa, that he forced him to retire to Cochin to arrange his affairs previous to his return to Portugal. When at Cochin, he even refused him a convenient ship which he had chosen for his accommodation; although he had authority from the king to continue to act as governor while he remained in India, and liberty to choose any vessel he thought proper, but Don Garcia forced him to hire a merchant vessel for himself and family. If the viceroy treated De Cuna ill in India, no less evil designs were entertained against him in Portugal; and doubtless the knowledge Don Garcia had of the evil intentions of the ministers of state, was the cause of the hard usage he gave him in India. Nuno de Cuna fell sick and died on the voyage. He protested at his death that he had nothing belonging to the king except five gold medals found among the treasure of the late king Badur, which he had selected for their beauty and meant to have presented to the king in person. Being asked by a chaplain what he would have done with his body after his death; he said, that since it had pleased God he was to die at sea, he desired that the sea might be his grave. Nuno de Cuna, who was an excellent governor of India, died at fifty-two years of age. He was of large stature and well proportioned, but wanted an eye. Though of stately manners, he was extremely courteous, not subject to passion, easily reconciled, a strict observer of justice, loved to do good to all around him, free from covetousness, prudent in council, and affable in discourse. He governed for ten years, all but two months, and died in the beginning of the year 1539.

Don Garcia de Noronha assumed the government of India as viceroy in November 1538, having arrived from Lisbon with 3000 soldiers, many of whom were men of note. Although this great armament had been principally intended for opposing the Turks who besieged the castle of Diu, yet the viceroy permitted them to continue their operations before that place, and merely sent hopes of relief to the oppressed garrison. At length however he sent a second reinforcement under Antonio de Menezes in 24 small vessels. Though this armament came late, yet Menezes contended in some measure with the great Sylveira for the honour of having occasioned the retreat of the Turks, as he valued himself much in having witnessed their flight. The viceroy had indeed made ready to sail for Diu with a fleet of 160 sail of vessels of different kinds, having 5000 soldiers and 1000 pieces of cannon, when advice came that the Turks had abandoned the siege. On this intelligence he dismissed all the trading ships from his fleet, still retaining 90 sail, with which he set out for Diu, but proceeded so slowly as if some evil omen had threatened his ruin at that place, since he not only avoided it while environed with danger, but seemed afraid to visit it in peace. Hearing that it was still infested by Lur-Khan and Khojah Zofar, he sent Martin Alfonso de Melo against them with his galley, together with the vessels that had been there before under Antonio de Menezes. Melo was too weak to be able to do any thing against the enemy, and had to seek protection under the guns of the fort.

At length the viceroy sailed for Diu on the first of January 1539; but the fleet was dispersed by a storm to different ports, two gallies and some other vessels being lost. He arrived however at Diu with 50 sail; and having given all due praise to Antonio de Sylveira for his valiant defence, he repaired the fort and confided it to the charge of Diego Lopez de Sousa, who had been nominated to the command by the king. A treaty of peace was set on foot with the king of Guzerat, which was concluded, but very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, which was attributed by common fame to the covetousness of the viceroy.

During this year 1539, the viceroy sent Ferdinand de Morales with a great galleon laden on the kings account to trade at Pegu. Morales was induced by the king of Pegu to assist him against the king of Birmah, who had invaded the kingdom of Pegu with so prodigious a power that the two armies amounted to two millions of men and 10,000 elephants. Morales went in a galliot having the command of the Pegu fleet, and made great havock among the ships of the enemy. The king of Birmah came on by land like a torrent, carrying every thing before him, and his fleet was so numerous that it covered the whole river, though as large as the Ganges. Morales met this vast fleet with that which he commanded, at the point of Ginamarreca; where, though infinitely inferior, he fought a desperate and bloody battle. But overpowered by the multitude of the Birmans, the Peguers deserted Morales, who was left alone in his galliot amid a throng of enemies, against whom he performed wonders and long maintained the battle, doing astonishing execution; but at last oppressed by irresistible multitudes, he and all his followers were slain: Yet the memory of his heroism was long preserved among these people.

The cause of this war and of the revolt of the king of Birmah, who was tributary to Pegu, was as follows. Above 30,000 Birmans laboured in the works of the king of Pegu, as that was one condition of their vassalage. The king of Pegu used often to visit these labourers attended only by his women, who were curious to see the foreigners and the great works that were carrying on. The Birmans seized an opportunity on one of these visits to murder the king, after which they plundered the women of every thing they had of value, and fled to their own country. As many of the subjects of Dacha Rupi, who succeeded to, the kingdom of Pegu, rebelled against him, Para Mandara king of the Birmans seized this favourable opportunity to recover his independence and to enlarge the bounds of his dominions. He accordingly reduced with astonishing rapidity the kingdoms of the Lanjaoes, Laos, Jangomas, and others, who like his own dominions were tributary to Pegu. By these means he possessed himself of the whole ancient kingdom of Ava, which extends to the length of two months of ordinary travelling, and contains 62 cities. To the north-east of this, at the distance of a months journey is the kingdom of the Turks, containing as many cities, which the king of Pegu had conquered from the king of Cathay. The kingdom of Bimir is west from Ava, and is of similar extent, having 27 populous cities. North of this is Lanjam, of equal size, with 38 cities and abounding in gold and silver. On the east is the kingdom of Mamfrom, equally large, but having only 8 cities. East again from this is Cochin-China; on the south is Siam, which was afterwards conquered by the king of Birmah; and east of Siam is the great kingdom of Cambodia. All the inhabitants of these kingdoms are Pagans, and the most superstitious of all the east: Yet they believe in one only God, but in time of need have recourse to many idols, some of which are dedicated to the most secret acts and necessities of nature, even in the very form in which they are acted. They hold the immortality of the soul; are zealous in giving alms, and hold their priests in great veneration. These are very numerous, and live according to rules like those of the Catholics in monasteries, subsisting from day to day upon what is given them, without laying any thing up for the next. These priests and monks eat neither flesh nor fish, as they kill no creature whatever. They observe Lent and Easter after the manner of the Christians; whence some have inferred that they are some remnant of the disciples of St. Thomas, though mixed with many errors. They wear yellow cassocks and cloaks, with hats of oiled paper. The whole natives of these countries are white, and their women very beautiful; but their bodies are all over wrought with blue figures down to the knees made with hot irons. In their manners they are very uncivilized and even brutal.



CHAPTER II.

PARTICULAR RELATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF SOLYMAN PACHA FROM SUEZ TO INDIA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE AT DIU, WRITTEN BY A VENETIAN OFFICER WHO WAS PRESSED INTO THE TURKISH SERVICE ON THAT OCCASION [210].

INTRODUCTION.

Following the PORTUGUESE ASIA of Manuel de Faria y Sousa, we have given an account of the Portuguese transactions in India in the preceding chapter, from the year 1505 to 1539. We might have extended this article to a much greater length from the same source, as De Faria continues this history to the year 1640; but his work after the year 1539 is generally filled with an infinite multiplicity of uninteresting events, petty wars, arrivals and dispatch of trading ships, and such minute matters, unconnected and tending to no useful information. We now take up an original document of much interest, and most directly connected with the object of our collection, as an actual journal of a voyage. In a separate future division of our arrangement, we propose to give an abridged extract from De Faria of every thing his work contains worthy of notice, as tending to discovery, but leaving out all uninteresting details.

[Footnote 210: Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88.]

There are two published copies of the voyage which constitutes the essence of our present chapter. The earliest of these was published by Aldus at Venice in 1540, along with other tracts of a similar nature, under the name of A Voyage from Alexandria to India[211]. The other was given by Ramusio in the first Volume of his Collection, under the title of A Voyage written by a Venetian officer[212] of the Gallies, who was carried prisoner from Alexandria to Diu in India, &c. These copies differ in several respects besides the title. That by Ramusio is altered in several places both in the substance and diction, which in many parts of that edited by Aldus is obscure. Yet that edition is of use to correct some errors of the press in Ramusio. Our translation is from the text of Aldus, but we have marked the variations in that of Ramusio, and have likewise divided the journal into sections, as done by Ramusio.

[Footnote 211: The title of the book published by Aldus in which this voyage is contained is Viaggi alla Tana, Persia, India, &c.—Astley, I. 88. a.]