In fitting out for this expedition, the viceroy had not laid in any considerable store of provisions, as he expected to have got supplies on the coast; but on sending to the neighbouring villages none was to be had, as the last crop had been utterly eaten up by locusts, many of which were found preserved in pots for food by the natives, and being tasted by the Portuguese were found palatable, and not unlike shrimps. This made them conclude that there were land shrimps, as in some places, particularly in the vineyards about Rome, there are crabs found not unlike those of the sea. Hence if locusts were not so numerous and destructive, so as to blast the hopes of harvest and to be dreaded like a plague, they might be useful as food; and we know from Scripture that St John fed upon them in the desert.

Leaving Dabul, the viceroy proceeded for Diu, expecting to procure provisions along the coast. Payo de Sousa, having seen some cattle feeding on the banks of a river, went up the stream in his galley in hopes of procuring some; but was opposed by the natives, and he and George Guedez were both slain. Diego Mendez succeeded in the command of that galley, and while continuing the voyage towards Diu he met one of the Mameluke galleys going from Diu to Dabul, which was well manned and commanded by a courageous and experienced Turk; who, on discovering the Portuguese galley ordered all his soldiers to conceal themselves, so that Mendez immediately boarded without suspecting any danger, on which the Turks rushed out from their concealment and had almost gained the Portuguese galley; but the Portuguese recovered from their surprise, and made themselves masters of the Turkish galley, slaying every one of the enemy without losing a single man on their side. The chief booty taken on this occasion consisted of a young and beautiful Hungarian lady of noble birth, who was brought to the viceroy, and given by him to Gaspard de la India, who gave her to Diego Pereyra, who afterwards married her. Farther on, they took in the river of Bombaim, now called Bombay, a bark with twenty-four Moors belonging to Guzerat, by whose means they procured a supply of sheep and rice, while some cattle were procured in other places, and a farther supply was got at the fort of Maim, all the people flying to the mountains from terror of the Portuguese, having heard of what had happened at Dabul.

On the 2d of February 1509, the viceroy arrived at Diu, which from the ships appeared a grand and spacious place, girt with strong walls and lofty towers, all handsomely built and well laid out like towns in Portugal, which recalled in the men the memory of their own country, and animated their courage to achieve the conquest. Malek Azz the lord of Diu was at this time with his army about twenty leagues distant, making war upon the Rajaputs; but immediately on receiving notice of the approach of the Portuguese fleet, he hastened to his capital with all possible celerity. He had already used such precautions as not to excite suspicions in Husseyn of his fidelity, though little inclined to assist him, and he was now anxious not to exasperate the viceroy in case of his proving victorious. Taking into consideration the strength of the place, the courage and conduct of Azz and Husseyn, and above all that there were above two hundred vessels well manned and armed, he thought it necessary to proceed with the greatest circumspection, and accordingly it was settled in a council of war, that Nunna Vaz Pereyra should lead in with his ship, in which there were 120 fighting men, many of them gentlemen of tried valour. Pereyra was to be seconded by George de Melo, whose crew was equally numerous; after which the rest of the ships were to follow in succession, having from 80 down to 25 men in each according to their size. The night was spent by the Portuguese in anxious preparation for the approaching conflict, by exercises of religion and putting their arms of all kinds in order.

Between nine and ten next morning, when the tide had risen sufficiently to float the ships over the bar, the viceroy gave the signal for entering the port in the appointed order, and the fleet moved on amid the noise of loud shouts and the din of warlike instruments from both sides. The vessels belonging to Malek Azz made haste to oppose the entrance of the Portuguese, and poured in a shower of bullets and arrows into the galley commanded by Diego Perez who led the way for Nunno Vaz, by which ten men were slain; yet Nunno courageously continued his course, pouring his shot among the large ships of the enemy and sunk one of them. Vaz was in great danger between two ships of the enemy, when Melo came up gallantly to his rescue, and ran so furiously upon one of these ships that he drove it up against the ship commanded by Vaz, so much disabled that it was immediately boarded and taken by the next ship in succession commanded by Sebastian de Miranda. All the ships having penetrated into the harbour, pushed on in emulation of each other who should do most damage to the enemy; while the viceroy, placing himself in the midst of the enemy, directed his shot wherever it seemed most calculated to annoy the enemy and to aid his own ships. In this manner the action continued to rage for some time with reciprocal courage and violence, till at length the paraos belonging to Calicut fled along the coast, giving out every where that the Rumis or Mamelukes were victorious.

On the flight of the Moors of Calicut, and seeing many of his fleet destroyed, Mir Husseyn, who was wounded, went on shore in disguise; and mounting on horseback, went in all haste to the king of Cambaya, being no less fearful of the fury of the Portuguese than of the treachery of Malek Azz, against whom he made loud complaints, that though he had given aid in the battle with his vessels, he had not assisted in person. Yet did not the absence of Husseyn discourage his men, for those of his own vessel being boarded disdained to yield, and fought valiantly till they were all slain. The Portuguese now attempted to carry a large ship belonging to Malek Azz by boarding, but being unable to succeed, the ship commanded by the viceroy in person sunk her by repeated broadsides. Antonio de Campo boarded and took a large galleon. Ruy Soarez, who was next in order to enter the harbour, dashed boldly through the thickest of the enemies ships and placed his vessel in front of the city, where he fought his ship in so gallant a style, forcing the crews to abandon two gallies, which he took, that being noticed by the viceroy he exclaimed, "Who is this who so nobly excels the rest? I wish I were he!" The victory was now complete, and the viceroy and all the captains assailed the smaller vessels, whose crews endeavoured to escape by swimming; but the gallies and boats of the Portuguese being sent among them, killed such numbers that the sea was dyed in blood. In this great battle, the enemy lost above 1500 men, and the Portuguese only 40. Vast riches were acquired by plunder in the captured vessels; and by the great variety of books which were found in different languages, it was concluded that the crews were made up of various nations. Some of these books were in Latin, some in Italian, and others in Portuguese.[107] The colours of the Soldan and of his admiral Mir Husseyn were taken, and afterwards sent to the king of Portugal. Of all the vessels taken in this glorious and decisive victory, four ships and two gallies only were preserved, all the rest being ordered to be burnt by Almeyda. This great victory would have much more redounded to the honour of the Portuguese arms, had not the conquered been treated with barbarous cruelty: owing to which, many persons very reasonably considered the unhappy end of Almeyda and other gentlemen, as a just punishment for their crimes on this occasion.[108]

[Footnote 107: It is hardly necessary to observe that these books belonged in all probability to Christian galley slaves serving under the Mamelukes.—E.]

[Footnote 108: Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct of Albuquerque and the Portuguese on this occasion; it may be noticed that the almost interminable war which subsisted for many centuries between the Christians and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion of the latter, with the states of Barbary; joined to the hellish Inquisition on the one side, and the most degrading slavery inflicted on both by their enemies, long nourished the most rancorous spirit of enmity and hatred, now farther exalted by commercial rivalship.—E.]

Next morning Malek Azz sent a message to Almeyda by one of his principal officers, in which he congratulated the Portuguese viceroy on his glorious victory, with which he pretended to be well pleased. It was reported in the Portuguese fleet that the city of Diu was in the utmost consternation, being afraid of an assault from the victors; and when the Portuguese saw that Almeyda seemed inclined to accept the congratulatory compliments of Azz in good part, they complained of him for checking them in the career of fortune. On being informed of these murmurs, the viceroy convened his principal officers, and represented to them that he did not act on the present occasion from any regard to Malek Azz, but out of respect for the king of Cambaya who was still the friend of the Portuguese, and to whom the city of Diu belonged. He requested them likewise to consider that the city was strongly fortified, and defended by a numerous garrison; That they were already fatigued by the exertions of the late battle; and that between the men who had been slain and wounded, and those who were sick, out of 1200 there were now only 600 fit to carry arms in the assault of Diu: Even supposing they were to succeed in capturing the place, it would be utterly impossible to maintain possession of it; and that they might easily revenge themselves of Malek Azz by the capture of his trading ships. All the officers being completely satisfied by these reasons, the viceroy received the envoy of Malek Azz very graciously, and told him that two motives had principally induced him to make the late assault on Diu; one of which was to be revenged on the Rumi or Mamelukes, and the other to recover the Portuguese prisoners who had been taken by them at Chaul, as he considered them in the same light as the son he had lost on that former occasion. The first object he had already completely attained, and he demanded immediately to obtain the second, by having all the Portuguese prisoners in the power of Malek Azz delivered up to him. He demanded in addition to these, that all the artillery and ammunition which had belonged to the Rumi, still remaining in such of their ships as had been hawled on shore, should be delivered up, and these ships burnt; and that Malek Azz should supply the Portuguese fleet with provisions.

All these conditions were readily agreed to by Malek Azz, and executed with the utmost readiness and punctuality; in consequence of which a treaty of peace and friendship was settled between Azz and the viceroy. Almeyda left one of the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to load two ships with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor; and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dispatched Norenha with a supply of provisions, and some of the booty procured in the late battle, to his brother Don Alfonso at Socotora. These important affairs being dispatched, the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul, where the king was so much intimidated by the accounts he had received of the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute. Passing thence to Cananor, he was received in the most honourable manner; and entered afterwards into Cochin in triumph. Even before he had laid aside his festive ornaments, Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government, pursuant to the royal orders; but the viceroy begged he would give him time to divest himself of his present heavy robes, after which there would be sufficient opportunity to talk of those matters. Evil councillors fomented the dispute on both sides, some persuading the viceroy to retain the government in his hands, while others incited Albuquerque to insist upon his resignation. The rajah of Cochin even became in some measure a party in these dispute, insomuch that he delayed loading two homeward bound ships with pepper, till Albuquerque should be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose so high, that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to Cananor, where he was courteously received by Lorenzo de Brito who commanded there; and to whom Almeyda wrote a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards the prisoner as one who was soon to be viceroy of India.

Some considerable time before this, the king of Portugal having been informed of the preparations which were making by the Soldan of Egypt, resolved to send a powerful reinforcement to India. This consisted of fifteen sail of ships commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had an extraordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might happen to be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the probability of a disagreement between Almeyda and Albuquerque. Coutinno arrived safely at Cananor, whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him to Cochin as viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much civility, but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him have a ship which he had purposely prepared and fitted out for his return to Lisbon, and was obliged to put up with another which he had no mind to.

Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty which indeed he had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed from Cochin on the 19th of November 1509, with two more ships in company. Before leaving Cochin some of the sorcerers or astrologers of that place predicted that he would not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape however, but was slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna only a few leagues beyond that place. Having passed the Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, he observed to some of his attendants, "Now God be praised! the witches of Cochin are liars." Near that place, he put into the Bay of Saldanna to procure a supply of water; and as some of the people went on shore to exchange goods with the natives for provisions, a servant belonging to the ex-viceroy treated two of the Hottentots so ill that they knocked out two of his teeth and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendants upon Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which ought to be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for that purpose, when they ought to have counselled him to punish the servant for abusing people among whom they sought relief. Almeyda yielded to their improper suggestions, though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim as he went into the boat, "Ah! whether and for what end do they now carry my old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men, the choice of the ships, they went to a miserable village, whence they carried off some cattle and children. When on their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170 natives, who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in defence of their children; and though these naked savages were only armed with pointed stakes hardened in the fire, they soon killed fifty of the Portuguese and Almeyda among them, who was struck through the throat, and died kneeling on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised to heaven. Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when the natives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed with a party and buried Almeyda and the others who had been slain. This was a manifest judgment of God, that so few unarmed savages should so easily overcome those who had performed such heroic actions in India.

Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don Lope de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the order of St Jago. He was graceful in his person, ripe in council, continent in his actions, an enemy to avarice, liberal and grateful for services, and obliging in his carriage. In his ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of the cloak now used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves were seen, and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He is represented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his right hand, while the left rests on the guard of his sword, which hangs almost directly before him[109].

[Footnote 109: De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of the persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of Portuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in the sequel.—E.]

Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for India in 1508, were two squadrons under the command of Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopez de Sequeira, which were sent upon separate services, and which could not be conveniently taken notice of in their proper place. After encountering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called Medones de Oro, whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozambique, where he was rejoined by the rest of the squadron, except one ship commanded by George de Aguilar, which was lost. He now assumed the government of the coasts of Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from the king. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he proceeded to visit the several islands and towns along the eastern coast of Africa to compel payment of the tribute they had been in use to pay to Quiloa, and which was now considered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugal by the conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar resisted, but the inhabitants were driven to the mountains and the town plundered. Pemba acted in a similar manner, the inhabitants taking refuge in Mombaza, and leaving their houses empty; but some plunder was taken in a small fort in which the sheikh had left such things as he had not been able to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary orders for conducting the trade of Sofala.

Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with seven ships, one of which was separated from the rest in the night on the coast of Magadoxa, and carried by the current to the port of Zeyla near the mouth of the Red Sea, and there taken by the Moors. In his progress along the Arabian coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force. Using the same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by the king and Khojah Attar, and received from them the stipulated tribute of 15,000 xerephines. From this place he dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India, who was afterwards killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of which he gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio Noronha to India, who fell in with and took a richly laden ship belonging to the Moors. Noronha manned the prize with some Portuguese; but she was cast away in a storm between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. His own ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and some others who attempted to get on shore in the boat were all lost, while about thirty who remained in the ship were made prisoners by the Moors and sent to the king of Cambaya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took a Moorish vessel with a rich loading. When the winter was passed, he returned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja, who had come from India with provisions, and had made prize of a rich ship belonging to Cambaya; the great wealth procured in which he generously shared with Lemos and his men, saying they had a right to it as being taken within the limits of his government. Finding himself now too weak for any farther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he was received with much civility by Albuquerque, who was now in possession of the government.

Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed from Lisbon at the same time with Lemos, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar and Malacca. Arriving at the port of St Sebastian in the island of Madagascar, he run along the coast of that island, using a Portuguese as his interpreter, who had been left there[110] and had acquired the language. In the course of this part of his voyage he had some intercourse with a king or prince of the natives named Diaman, by whom he was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of any spices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding much trouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of the farther orders he had received from the king. He was well received by Almeyda, then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded by Garcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In the prosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the kings of Pedir and Pacem[111], who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crosses indicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in the port of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of his cannon, so that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour to defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.

[Footnote 110: Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been formerly mentioned from Castaneda in our second volume.—E.]

[Footnote 111: Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English.—Astl. I. 70. b.] A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire who they were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent back for answer that he brought an ambassador from the king of Portugal, to propose entering into a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and city of Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as is usual among the orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as some of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailed upon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, to destroy Lopez and the Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent Hierom Teixeyra in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue, who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to the king, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait to entrap the Portuguese to their destruction; and in addition, the king sent an invitation to Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez accepted this invitation, but was informed by a friend of Jao-Utimuti-rajah, that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse under pretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by a Persian woman to Duarte Fernandez, after she had been prevented by Sequeira from coming on board under night, thinking she came on an amorous errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Another contrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his ships, by offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to send for it to three several places. This succeeded in part; as while thirty men were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vessels was secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault the ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town. At this time likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board under pretence of a visit to Lopez, and finding him engaged at draughts requested him to continue his game, that he might have the better opportunity of assassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand to his dagger for that purpose, but waited till the other branches of the intended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of the tops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town and hearing a considerable noise, called out 'Treachery! Treachery! they kill our men.' Lopez instantly threw away the draught board, calling out to arms; and the son of Utimuti, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered, leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. The fleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, who exerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering the suddenness of the attack; and after sinking many of the enemies boats, forced the rest to retire. Not having a sufficient force to take vengeance for this treachery, Lopez was under the necessity of quitting Malacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took two Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having arrived at Cape Comorin, he sent on Teixeyra and Sousa with their ships to Cochin; resolving, though ill provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque, as he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting the government of India. He reached the island of Tercera with much difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.

SECTION V.

Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515.

Being put into possession of the government of India in November 1509, Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against Calicut, in conjunction with Fernando Coutinno. The design was kept secret, yet the zamorin and all the other princes along the coast provided for their defence, on hearing that the Portuguese were making preparations for war. Setting out from Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 land forces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in hopes of plunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January 1510; and consulting on the difficulties attending the enterprise, it was determined that the division of the fleet belonging to Albuquerque should be left in charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to be commanded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so posted as to land first, and the men were so eager for landing that they were under arms all night, and so tired in the morning that they were fitter for sleep than fighting, yet soon recovered when the signal was given and the cannon began to roar.

The troops landed in two divisions; that under Coutinno consisting of 800 men with some field-pieces, and that commanded by Albuquerque of the same number of Portuguese troops, together with 600 Malabars. They marched in strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The first attack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by De Cunna and De Sousa, who were bravely resisted by 600 men, till on the coming up of Albuquerque, the defenders fled and the Portuguese got possession of the bulwark. Being fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion of his men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with all speed to his assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours flying on the bulwark, Coutinno believed he had been called back by a contrivance of the viceroy to prevent him from acquiring honour, and addressed him in the following terms. "Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbon should report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus recal me? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it with only this cane in my hand; and since I find no one to fight with, I am resolved to proceed to the palace of the zamorin!" Without waiting any reply from Albuquerque, Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Being above five leagues from the shore, and the road much encumbered with palm trees, and having met some opposition by the way, Coutinno and his people were tired by their long march, and rested some time in a plain before the palace. He then attacked it, and though well defended, the Moors[112] were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portuguese soldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their ranks and began plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they had been close to the shore under protection of their ships, and had no enemy to fear. But the enemy having procured reinforcements, returned to the palace, and fell upon the disordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed while loaded with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men, though Vasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of three chiefs called Caymals.

[Footnote 112: The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, or Malabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability there might be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut.—E.]

In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the city of Cochin, which he set on fire; and finding no enemy to oppose him, he thought proper to march to the palace to see what Coutinno was about. On his arrival he found the palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinno was within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the way from the enemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he waited for him; and after the third message, Coutinno sent back word that Albuquerque might march on and he would follow, being busy in collecting his men who were dispersed over the palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much pressed upon by the enemy, and had not marched far when he received notice that Coutinno was in great danger. He immediately endeavoured to return to his relief, but was impeded by the multitude of the enemy, who slew many of his men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in the throat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless to the shore.

By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the palace, and several others on their way back to the shore; being oppressed by the multitude of the enemy, spent with labour and heat, and almost stifled by the great dust. The whole of Coutinnos division had certainly been cut off, if Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city with a reserve of 200[113] men had not checked the fury of the enemy and forced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest about who should get first on board, as had been about landing first, not considering that all their misfortunes had been occasioned by hurry and confusion. At length they got on board and sailed on their return to Cochin, having lost 80[114] men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom were Coutinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses while at sea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the homeward bound ships; and on his arrival at Cochin, immediately made preparations for an attempt to reduce Ormuz.

[Footnote 113: In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously a typographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without considering that the whole original force was only 1800.—E.]

[Footnote 114: The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small for so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect the converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that the loss might have been 800.—E.]

Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations made for his expedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading ships dispatched, Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 1700 troops in 21 vessels of various sorts and sizes. On arriving at the river of Onor, he sent for the pirate Timoja, who being powerful and desirous of acquiring the friendship of the Portuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerque with provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India, Albuquerque consulted Timoja respecting his intended enterprise against Ormuz; but he endeavoured to dissuade him from that attempt, endeavouring to shew that Goa would be a more advantageous conquest, and might be easily taken as quite unprovided for defence. This advice pleased Albuquerque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war to change the destination of the armament, for which Timoja agreed to supply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to accompany the Portuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of Goa might not be provided for defence. Timoja had been dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treated by his kindred and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and of recovering his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of the Portuguese against the interest of his own countrymen.

The small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands, is situated in lat. 15 deg. 30' N. in a bay at the mouth of the river Gasim on the coast of Canara, being about three leagues long and one broad. It contains both hill and level ground, has good water, and is fertile, pleasant, and healthy. The city of Goa, now seated on the northern part of the island, was formerly in its southern part. The present city was built by a Moor named Malek Husseyn about 40 years before the arrival of the Portuguese in India. It is not known when the old city was founded, but some authentic writings mention that Martrasat, king of that city above 100 years before, believed in one God, the incarnation of the Son, and the Trinity in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was found affixed to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may have been descendants from the converts to the true faith through the ministration of the holy apostle Thomas.

About the year 1300 the Mahometans began to conquer India[115]. The first who attempted this with great power was Shah Mahmud Nasraddin[116], king of Delhi, who came down with a powerful army from the north, and conquered all the gentiles as far as the kingdom of Canara. He returned to Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute the conquest, who became so powerful by his valour and conduct that he coped with his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his enterprise after the decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to the king of Delhi, and having possessed himself of the kingdom of Canara, called it the Deccan, from the various nations composing his army, this word having that import in their language[117]. Too great an empire is always in danger of falling to pieces. Mahmud Shah[118], being aware of this, used every possible precaution for his safety, which was effectual for some time; but at length several of the governors of this extensive empire erected their provinces into independent sovereignties. The greatest of these was he of Goa, the sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguese coming into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time that Albuquerque went against Goa; upon which Kufo Adel Khan, king of Bisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed it in the hands of his son Ismael. The other princes were Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido, Khojah Mozadan, Abexeiassado, and Cotemaluco, all powerful but some of them exceedingly so[119]. Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at Saba in Persia, whence his name; but having long served the king of the Deccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the city of Calberga, whence he extended his conquests over the Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goa which had belonged to the Moors of Onor, killing Malek Husseyn its prince or ruler who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men. Goa had several dependencies, with which and the other territories he had acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in these parts, and was consequently hated by them all. He maintained himself however against all his neighbours while he lived, sometimes by means of force, and at other times by profound policy; but his death produced great alteration.

[Footnote 115: From various circumstances in the context, the word India, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of the Nerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south.—E]

[Footnote 116: He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia, which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it from the family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, which had subdued all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah Nasr Addin began his reign in 1246, so that the conquests mentioned in the text must have happened considerably before 1300.—Astl. I. 71. 2.]

[Footnote 117: Deccan or Dakshin signifies the south, and is properly that portion of India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna river. It would far exceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indian history, which is very confusedly, and imperfectly stated in the text.—E.]

[Footnote 118: In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably the same person named immediately before Madura.—E.]

[Footnote 119: These names are strangely corrupted in the Portuguese orthography of Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Only three of them were very considerable: Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, to whom belonged Viziapour; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the same with Cotamaluco of the text, who possessed Golconda; and Kufo Adel Khan, called Cufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar.—Astley, I. 71. d.—The great king of Narsinga is here omitted; which Hindoo sovereignty seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southern India, from the western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and low Carnatic with Mysore.—E.]

Having sailed from Onor accompanied by Timoja, Albuquerque came to anchor off the bar of Goa on the 25th of February 1510. As it was necessary to sail up the northern arm of the bay or river, on the bank of which the city was situated, Albuquerque sent his nephew Antonio de Noronha, accompanied by Timoja, to sound the channel. A light vessel of easy draught of water which led the way gave chase to a brigantine belonging to the Moors, which took shelter under protection of a fort or blockhouse, erected for protecting the entrance of the harbour, which was well provided with artillery and garrisoned by 400 men, commanded by Yazu Gorji, a valiant Turk. Seeing the other vessel in chase, Noronha pressed after him; and though the fort seemed strong, they attacked and took it after a stout resistance, during which the commandant lost greater part of one of his hands, yet persisted to defend his post till deserted by his men, when he too retired into the city. In the mean time, in emulation of his new allies, Timoja attacked and took another blockhouse on the continental shore of the channel leading to Goa, which was defended by some artillery and forty men. After these exploits the channel was sounded without any farther obstruction.

Next day, as Albuquerque was sailing up the channel to proceed in his enterprise, he was met by Mir Ali and other chief men of the city, who came to surrender it to him, only stipulating, that their lives, liberties, and goods should be secured. The reason of this surrender was because Gorji had terrified them by his account of the astonishing and irresistible prowess of the Portuguese, and because a Joghi, or native religious saint, had predicted a short time before, that Goa was soon to be subjected by strangers. Albuquerque readily accepted the surrender on the terms proposed, and having anchored before the town on the 27th of February, was received on shore by the inhabitants with as much honour and respect, as if he had been their native prince. Mounting on a superbly caparisoned horse which was brought for his use, he received the keys of the city gates, and rode in great pomp to the palace which had been built by Sabayo, where he found a great quantity of cannon, arms, warlike ammunition, and horses. Having issued orders and regulations which were much to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, he dispatched several messages or embassies to the neighbouring sovereigns, the only effect, of which was to shew his high spirit. Such of the neighbouring towns as were dependent upon God, sent deputations without delay to proffer their obedience and submission. The command of the fort or castle was given to Don Antonio de Noronha, the government of the infidels to Timoja, and the other offices were disposed of to the general satisfaction. Understanding that several ships belonging to Ormuz and other places on the Arabian coast, were lading in the port of Baticala, four Portuguese vessels were sent thither, which took and carried them to Cochin, and sent an ample supply of provisions to Goa.

About four months after the easy conquest of Goa, the fortune of Albuquerque began to change its appearance, as those persons in Goa on whose fidelity he had reposed most confidence, in spite of the remonstrances of Timoja, entered into plots to deliver up the place to its former master Ismael. They had submitted so easily to Albuquerque, because unprovided for effectual resistance, to save their properties, and to gain time till Ismael Adel Khan was prepared to come to their relief. Having at length completed his preparations, he sent on before him in June 1510 his general-in-chief Kamul Khan with 1500 horse and 8000 foot, on which Albuquerque took proper measures to defend his recent acquisition. Having detected a conspiracy of the Moors to deliver up the city, his first step was to secure and punish the chief conspirators; among these were Mir Cassem and his nephew, to whom he had confided the command of four hundred Moors, whom he caused to be hewed in pieces by his guards; several others were hanged in the most public places of the city, and the rest were rigorously imprisoned, above 100 being convicted of participating in the plot. By these rigid measures the city was terrified into submission.

Soon afterwards Kamul Khan approached with the van of the army of Ismael, and attempted to pass over into the island by means of boats which he had provided for that purpose. He was courageously opposed by Noronha, who captured twelve of the boats; many of the enemy were killed by the Portuguese, and many others devoured by the alligators which swarmed in the channel round the island; but at length Kamul Khan effected a landing in force on the island, and the Portuguese were obliged to take refuge within the walls of the city. Kamul Khan then invested the city with his army, which he began to batter with his cannon, and Albuquerque used every possible effort to defend the place. Ismael Adel Khan now came up to second his general, at the head of 60,000 men, 5000 of whom were cavalry. Part of this great army passed over into the island to strengthen the besiegers, and the rest took post in two divisions on the continent to prevent the introduction of provisions, one of these being commanded by an officer of reputation, and the other by the mother and women belonging to Ismael, who maintained their troops by the gain from 4000 prostitutes, who followed the camp. By the arrival of this vast army the city of Goa was completely surrounded, and no opportunity was left for Albuquerque to execute any enterprise against the numerous assailants. Making what was necessary prudent, he and his officers resolved to abandon the city before day, which was accordingly executed though with much hazard, the way being occupied by the troops of the enemy, and Albuquerque had his horse killed under him; yet he got off all his men without loss after a siege of twenty days.

After this retreat, it was resolved to spend the winter in these seas, for which purpose the fleet came to anchor in a bay, which although not commodious was the best that could be had on this part of the coast; and being incommoded by a fort named Pangi which had a considerable number of cannon, it became necessary to gain possession[120]. Accordingly 300 Portuguese troops were appointed for the assault, while Noronha had the command of a body of reserve, and Albuquerque guarded the shore. While the Portuguese prepared during the night to assail the fort next morning, 500 men marched by order of Ismael to reinforce the garrison; and when the Portuguese marched to the assault, both the Moorish garrison and the relief, being all drunk, mistook the Portuguese for friends; the garrison believing them to be the reinforcement, and the relief conceiving them to have been the garrison coming out to meet them. They were soon however fatally undeceived by the attack of the Portuguese, in which 340 of them were slain, and the rest put to the rout, while the Portuguese only lost one man who was drowned accidentally. A similar circumstance happened at the bulwark which had been formerly won by Timoja at Bardes. By these two severe defeats of his people, Ismael was so excessively alarmed that he left Goa, and his fear was much increased as some conjurer had foretold that he was to be killed by a cannon-shot near some river. He sent several ceremonious messages to Albuquerque, on purpose to discover what was doing on board the ships, and by the threatening answers he received his fears were materially augmented. In consequence of this intercourse of messages, Ismael was prevailed on to exchange some Portuguese, who had necessarily been left behind when Goa was abandoned; for the Moors engaged in the late conspiracy who remained prisoners with Albuquerque.

[Footnote 120: From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fort of Pangi were in the close neighbourhood, of Goa; in fact the bay appears to have been the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one of those bulwarks on the continental shore which defended the navigation of that channel.—E.]

About this time Albuquerque received intelligence that some vessels were preparing at Goa to set his ships on fire, on which he anticipated the intentions of the Moors by sending a force up the river to burn these vessels, which was effected, but Don Antonio de Noronha was slain in this enterprise; Noronha used to moderate the violent passions of his uncle Albuquerque, who after his death allowed the severity of his temper to proceed to extremities. Having detected a soldier in an amour with one of the female slaves he used to call his daughters, and whom he was accustomed to give away in marriage, he ordered him immediately to be hanged; and as some of his officers demanded to know by what authority he had done this arbitrary and cruel deed, he ordered them all below deck, and flourishing his sword said that was his commission for punishing all who were disobedient, and immediately cashiered them all. During the continuance of this winter, the Portuguese fleet suffered extreme hardships, especially from scarcity of provisions; and on sailing from thence after the cessation of winter[121], they discovered four sail which they supposed to have been Turks, or Mamelukes rather, but on coming nearer, they were found to be a squadron from Portugal under the command of Diego Mendez. Besides these, the king had sent out this year other seven ships, under Sequeira, who arrived at Cananor soon after Albuquerque; and a third armament of two ships to settle a trade at Madagascar.

[Footnote 121: By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only be understood, the period of storms and excessive bad weather which occurs at the change of the monsoons, when it is imminently perilous to be at sea.—E.]

On the return of Albuquerque from Goa to Cananor, he was much rejoiced at the prospect of such powerful succours, and communicated his intentions of immediately resuming his enterprise against Goa, but was overruled in the council by Sequeira, on which Albuquerque went to Cochin, and obtained a victory over the Malabars of Calicut, who endeavoured to obstruct the Portuguese from loading pepper. Having dispatched Sequeira with the homeward bound ships, and soon afterwards Lemos with four more, he determined to resume the enterprise upon Goa. As Diego Mendez, who had formerly been favourable to this design, and several other captains, now opposed it, because it interfered with their intentions of going to Malacca, as directed by the king, Albuquerque commanded them all under the severest penalties not to quit the coast without his orders. Though much dissatisfied, they were obliged to obey. Accordingly, having fitted out twenty-three ships at Cananor, in which he embarked with 1500 soldiers, he proceeded to Onor to join his ally Timoja, whom he found busied in the celebration of his marriage with the daughter of a queen; and being anxious to have the honour of the viceroys presence at the wedding he invited him to land, which proved very dangerous, as they were kept on shore for three days in consequence of a storm, and when Albuquerque returned to the ships a boat with thirty men was lost. On leaving Onor for Goa, Timoja sent three of his ships along with Albuquerque, and promised to join him at Goa with 6000 men.

Albuquerque anchored for the second time before the bar of Goa on the 22d of November 1510. Impressed with a strong recollection of the dangers he had escaped from on the former attempt, and anxious to sooth the discontent which he well knew subsisted among some of his principal officers on account of having been reluctantly compelled to engage in this expedition, he addressed them in a conciliatory harangue by which he won them over entirely to concur with him in bringing the hazardous enterprise in which he was engaged to a favourable issue. Having made the proper dispositions for the assault, the troops were landed at early dawn on the 25th of November, and attacked the enemy who defended the shore with such determined intrepidity that they were put to flight with great slaughter, and without the loss of a man on the side of the Portuguese. The enemy fled and endeavoured to get into the city by one of the gates, and being closely pursued by the Portuguese who endeavoured to enter along with them, the fight was there renewed, till at length many of the Portuguese forced their way into the city doing prodigious execution, and the battle was transferred to the streets. These were successively cleared of the enemy by dint of hard fighting all the way to the palace, in which time the Portuguese had lost five officers of some note, and the fight was here renewed with much valour on both sides. Albuquerque, who had exerted himself during the whole action with equal courage and conduct, now came up with the reserve, and the Moors were completely defeated, flying in all directions from the city and endeavouring to escape to the continent, but through haste and confusion many of them perished in the river. After this decisive victory, it was found that of 9000 men who defended the city, 6000 had perished, while the Portuguese lost fifty men. Medeorao[122], or Melrao, nephew to the king of Onore, who commanded the three ships sent by Timoja, behaved with great courage and fidelity on this occasion; Timoja came himself to Goa with a reinforcement of 3000 men, but too late to assist in the attack, and was only a witness to the carnage which had taken place. The booty in horses, artillery, arms, provisions, and ships, was immense, and contributed materially to enable Albuquerque to accomplish the great designs he had in contemplation.

[Footnote 122: This person is afterwards named by Faria Melrao, and is said to have been nephew to the king of Onore; the editor of Astley calls him Melrau. Perhaps his real name might have been Madeo row, and both he and Timoja may have been of the Mahrana nation.—E.]

The Portuguese who were slain in this brilliant exploit were all honourably interred; those of the enemy were made food for the alligators who swarmed in the river. All the surviving Moors were expelled from the city, island, and dependencies of Goa, and all the farms were restored to the gentiles, over whom Timoja was appointed governor, and after him Medeorao, formerly mentioned. While employed in settling the affairs of his conquest, ambassadors came from several of the princes along the coast to congratulate Albuquerque on his brilliant success. Both then and afterwards, many of the officers of Adel Khan made inroads to the neighbourhood of Goa, but were always repelled with loss. At this time, Diego Mendez and other two captains belonging to his squadron, having been appointed by the king of Portugal for an expedition to Malacca, stole away from the port of Goa under night in direct contravention of the orders of Albuquerque, intending to proceed for Malacca. Albuquerque sent immediately after them and had them brought back prisoners; on which he deprived them of their commands, ordering them to be carried to Portugal to answer to the king for their conduct, and condemned the two pilots who had conducted their ships from the harbour to be immediately hung at the yard-arm. Some alleged that Albuquerque emulously detained Diego Mendez from going against Malacca, which enterprise he designed for himself, while others said that he prevented him from running into the same danger which had been already met with by Sequeira at that place, the force under Mendez being altogether inadequate to the enterprise.

To provide for the future safety of Goa, Albuquerque laid the foundations of a fort, which he named Manuel, after the reigning king of Portugal. On this occasion, he caused the names of all the captains who had been engaged in the capture of Goa to be engraven on a stone, which he meant to have put up as a monument to their honour; but as every one was desirous of being named before the others, he turned down the stone so as to hide all their names, leaving the following inscription,

Lapidem quem reprobaverant aedificantes.

Thus they were all pleased, rather wishing their own individual praises to be forgotten, than that others should partake. Albuquerque assuming all the powers of sovereignty in his new conquest for the king of Portugal, coined money of gold, silver, and copper, calling the first Manuels, the second Esperas, and the third half esperas. Resolving to establish a permanent colony at this place, he engaged several of the Portuguese to intermarry with the women of the country, giving them marriage portions in lands, houses, and offices as an encouragement. On one night that some of these marriages were celebrated, the brides became so mixed and confounded together, that some of the bridegrooms went to bed to those who belonged to others; and when the mistake was discovered next morning, each took back his own wife, all being equal in regard to the point of honour. This gave occasion to some of the gentlemen to throw ridicule on the measures pursued by Albuquerque; but he persisted with firmness in his plans, and succeeded in establishing Goa as the metropolis or centre of the Portuguese power in India.

The king of Portugal had earnestly recommended to Albuquerque the capture of the city of Aden on the coast of Arabia near the entrance of the Red Sea; and being now in possession of Goa, he thought his time mispent when not occupied in military expeditions, and resolved upon attempting the conquest of Malacca; but to cover his design, he pretended that he meant to go against Aden, and even sent off some ships in that direction the better to conceal his real intentions. Leaving Don Rodrigo de Castel Branco in the command of Goa with a garrison of 400 Portuguese troops, while the defence of the dependencies and the collection of the revenue was confided to Medeorao with 5000 native soldiers, Albuquerque went to Cochin to prepare for his expedition against Malacca.

The city of Malacca is situated on the peninsula of that name, anciently called Aurea Chersonesus, or the Golden Peninsula, and on the coast of the channel which separates the island of Sumatra from the continent, being about the middle of these straits. It is in somewhat more than two degrees of north latitude[123], stretching along the shore for about a league, and divided in two nearly equal parts by a river over which there is a bridge. It has a fine appearance from the sea, but all the buildings of the city are of wood, except the mosque and palace which are of stone. Its port was then frequented by great numbers of ships, being the universal mart of all eastern India beyond the bay of Bengal. It was first built by the Celates, a people who chiefly subsisted by fishing, and who united themselves with the Malays who inhabited the mountains. Their first chief was Paramisora, who had been a person of high rank in the island of Java, whence he was expelled by another chief who usurped his lordship, on which occasion he fled to Cincapura, where he was well received by the lord of that place and raised to high employment. But having rebelled against his benefactor, he was driven from thence by the king of Siam, and was forced to wander about Malacca, as a just punishment for his ingratitude. Having drawn together a number of the before-mentioned natives, with whom he established a new colony, he gave the name of Malacca to the rising city, signifying in the language of the country a banished man, as a memorial of his own fortunes. The first king of Malacca was Xuque Darxa, or sheikh Dar-shah, called by some authors Raal Sabu, or Ra-el-Saib, who was the son of Paramisora, and was subject to the kings of Siam; but from whom his successors revolted. The country of Malacca is subject to inundations, full of thick woods, and infested by dangerous and savage beasts, particularly tigers, so that travellers are often forced to pass the nights on the tops of high trees, as the tigers can easily take them off from such as are low by leaping. The men of Malacca are courageous, and the women very wanton. At this time the city of Malacca was rich and populous, being the centre of trade between the eastern and western parts of India, Mahomet was then king of Malacca, against whom the king of Siam had sent an army of 40,000 men, most of whom perished by sundry misfortunes, but chiefly through similar treacherous devices with those which had been put in practice against Sequeira. But now Albuquerque approached to revenge them all. Mahomet, fearing to meet the reward of his former treachery to the Portuguese, had procured the assistance of the king of Pam[124], who brought an army of 30,000 men with a great number of pieces of artillery[125].

[Footnote 123: In lat. 2 deg. 25' N.]

[Footnote 124: Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of Astleys Collection.]

[Footnote 125: In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, the number of cannon is said to have been 8000; a number so incredible that we have used a general expression only on this occasion in the text.—E.]

On the 2d of May 1511, Albuquerque sailed from Cochin on his expedition against Malacca, with 19 ships and 1400 soldiers, 800 of whom were Portuguese, and 600 Malabars. While off the island of Ceylon he fell in with and captured five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were bound for Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings of Pedier and Pisang sent friendly messages to Albuquerque, on which occasion Juan de Viegas, one of the men left behind by Sequeira was restored to freedom, he and others having made their escape from Malacca. About this time likewise, Nehoada Beguea, who had been one of the principal authors of the treachery practiced against Sequeira, fled from Pedier and being taken at sea by Ayres Pereira, to the great astonishment of every one shed not one drop of blood, though pierced by several mortal wounds; but on taking off a bracelet of bone from his arm the blood gushed out. The Indians, who discovered the secret, said this bracelet was made from the bone of a certain beast which is found in Java, and has this wonderful virtue. It was esteemed a great prize and brought to Albuquerque. After this, they fell in with another ship in which were 300 Moors[126] who made so resolute a defence, that Albuquerque was obliged to come up in person to assist in the capture, which was not accomplished without considerable danger. In this vessel was Geniall, the rightful king of Pisang; who had been banished by an usurper. Three other vessels were taken soon after, from one of which a minute account was procured of the military preparations at Malacca.

[Footnote 126: All are Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. The crew of this vessel were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociously desperate people of the whole world.—E.]

On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor in the roads of Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among multitudes that covered the whole shore, by the clangour of their warlike instruments, and the noise of repeated discharges of cannon; being sensible of their guilty conduct to Sequeira and conscious that the present armament was designed for their condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in great state with a message from the king, and was received with much courtesy and ceremonious pomp by Albuquerque[127], to whom he said that if he came for trade, the king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted. Albuquerque made answer that the merchandise he sought for was the restitution of the Portuguese who had been left there by Sequeira, and when they were restored, he should then say what farther demands he had to make from the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spread universal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to endeavour to avert the threatened danger, by restoring the Portuguese, and by paying a large sum of money. But Prince Al'oddin, the son of the king of Malacca, and his brother-in-law the king of Pahang opposed this, and made ready for defence. Upon this Albuquerque began some military execution, and the king restored the captives. After this some farther negotiations ensued, as the king was desirous of peace, which Albuquerque offered to agree to, on condition of having permission to build a fortress at Malacca, and that the king should repay the entire charges incurred by Sequeira and the present armament, all the damage having been occasioned by his own treachery and falsehood; but he demanded to have an immediate answer; whether the king chose peace or war. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms demanded by the Portuguese viceroy, but his son and the king of Pahang opposed him, and it was at length determined to stand on their defence.

[Footnote 127: On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque wore his beard so long that it was fastened to his girdle; having made a vow when he was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never be trimmed till he sat on the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose.—E.]

On the 24th of July, being the eve of St James the apostle, every thing being disposed in order for attack, the signal was given for landing, by the discharge of artillery, and immediately the Portuguese leapt on shore and charged the enemy with loud shouts. The hottest of the battle was about gaining and defending the bridge, which enterprise Albuquerque undertook in person, and where the enemy after a vigorous defence, in which great numbers of them were slain, were forced to leap into the river, where many of them were drowned. The prince and the king of Pahang bravely opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavoured to force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at the same time King Mahomet came out on a large elephant, attended by two others having castles on their backs, whence numbers of darts were launched against the Portuguese. But the elephants being soon severely wounded, turned and fled through among their own men, trampling many of them to death and making way for the Portuguese to join those who had possession of the bridge. At this place Albuquerque fortified himself, and as considerable harm was done to his men by poisoned arrows discharged from the tops of the adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire. After bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageous behaviour, and perceiving that his people began to grow faint by long exertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he withdrew to the ships towards night. Ten of the Portuguese died in consequence of their wounds from the poisoned arrows. The loss of the enemy was not known. The king of Pahang withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing a reinforcement, but never returned.

While Albuquerque rested and refreshed his men on board, Mahomet was busily employed in making every possible preparation for defending the city. For this purpose he undermined the streets in several places, in hopes to blow up the assailants, and strewed poisoned thorns in the way, covering them over to prevent their being observed. He likewise fortified the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As a prelude to the second assault, Albuquerque sent Antonio de Abren in a vessel well manned to gain possession of the bridge. On his way thither he had to pass through showers of bullets from both sides of the river and from the battlements of the bridge, and though desperately wounded, refused to be brought off, when Deniz Fernandez Melo, who came up to his rescue proposed sending him to the ships to have his wounds dressed, saying, "Though he neither had strength to fight nor voice to command, he would not quit his post while life remained." Floats of wildfire were sent down the river to burn the vessel; but at length Albuquerque in person gained possession of the bridge, and the vessel being freed from the fire rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy. Having rested his men a short time on the bridge, Albuquerque penetrated the city, through showers of bullets, darts, and arrows; and having been apprised of the mines in the principal street, he took, another way and gained the mosque. At length, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he gained entire possession of the city, having only with him in this action 800 Portuguese and 200 Malabars.

At the end of nine days every one of the Moors who inhabited this great city were either slain or driven out, and it was repeopled with strangers and some Malays, who were permitted to take possession of the vacant houses. Among these last was Utimuti rajah, whose son had formerly endeavoured to assassinate Sequeira. Utimuti was a rich and powerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter. The soldiers were allowed to plunder the city during three days. There were found 3000 pieces of great cannon, out of 8000[128] which King Mahomet had relied upon for the defence of his city, the rest having been carried off to Bintang, where the king and prince Al'oddin had fortified themselves. As it might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these princes to establish themselves so near the city of Malacca, Albuquerque sent a force to dislodge them, consisting of 400 Portuguese, 400 Malays belonging to Utimuti, and 300 men belonging to the merchants of Pegu who resided in Malacca. On the approach of these troops, the king and prince took flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings, and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to wander in the woods and mountains of the interior, Mahomet so severely reflected upon the obstinacy of his son and the king of Pahang, that he and his son quarrelled and separated, each shifting for himself.

[Footnote 128: This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible, though, twice repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to form any rational conjecture for correcting the gross error or exaggeration in the text.—E.]

To secure this important conquest, Albuquerque built a fort or citadel at Malacca, which from its beauty was called Hermosa. He likewise built a church, which was dedicated to the Visitation of our Lady; and coined money of different values and denominations, which was ordered to pass current by proclamation, and some of which he caused to be scattered among the populace. By these and other prudent measures he gained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to settle in Malacca, and secured this important emporium of trade. Although Albuquerque was perfectly conscious of the deceitful character of Utimuti rajah, yet considering it to be sometimes prudent to trust an enemy under proper precautions, he gave him authority over all the Moors that remained in Malacca. It was soon discovered however, that Utimuti carried on a private correspondence with Prince Al'oddin, under pretence of restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca, but in reality for the purpose of using his remaining influence among the people to set himself up. On receiving authentic information of these underhand practices, Albuquerque caused Utimuti with his son and son-in-law to be apprehended, and on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to be publicly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly destined for Sequeira. This was the first public exertion of sovereign justice which was attempted by the Portuguese in India, but was soon followed by others. Pate Quitir, another native of Java, whom Albuquerque appointed to succeed Utimuti in the government of the Moors in Malacca, was gained by the widow of Utimuti, by promise of her daughter in marriage with a portion of 100,000 ducats, to revenge the death of her husband on the Portuguese, and to assassinate Albuquerque. Quitir accepted her offer, meaning to seize the city for himself. About the same time also, the king of Campar formed a similar design, for the attainment of which purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy to Albuquerque, from whom he demanded the office which had been conferred on Quitir. These plots having no consequences at this time, shall be farther explained in the sequel.

During his residence at Malacca, Albuquerque received embassies from several princes, particularly from the king of Siam; and he sent likewise embassies in return, to the kings of Siam and Pegu. He sent also two ships to discover the Molucca islands and Banda[129], and gave orders to let it be known in all quarters that Malacca was now under the dominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of India would be received there on more favourable terms than formerly. Having now established every thing in Malacca to his mind, Albuquerque determined upon returning to Cochin, leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to command the fort with a garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time Fernando Perez de Andrada with ten ships and 300 soldiers to protect the trade, and carried four ships with himself on his return to Cochin.

[Footnote 129: According to some authors these were commanded by Lopez de Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in 1513; but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, and Ferdinand Magalhaens were the officers employed on this occasion, during which Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe.—Astley, I. 74. 2.]

During these transactions at Malacca a rebellion broke out among the natives at Goa, taking advantage of which, Pulate Khan, an officer in the service of Kufo Adel Khan king of Bisnagar passed over into the island of Goa with considerable army, and laid siege to the city. One of the principal exploits during this siege was a sally made by Rodrigo Robello de Castello Franco the governor, in which the besiegers suffered considerable loss. But Rodrigo was soon afterwards slain, and Diego Mendez de Vasconcellos was chosen to take the command by the universal suffrages of the besieged. At this time Adel Khan became jealous that his general Pulate Khan intended to usurp the sovereignty over the territory of Goa, on which account he sent his brother-in-law, Rotzomo Khan to supersede him, who entered into a treaty with Diego Mendez, by whose assistance he got the mastery over Pulate Khan. Finding himself at the head of 7000 men, while there were not above 1200 troops in the city of Goa, 400 only of whom were Portuguese, Rotzomo resolved to endeavour to drive them out, and resumed the siege. Being short of provisions, the besieged began to suffer severely from famine, and several of the men deserted to the enemy, some of whom repented and returned to the city. In this critical situation, Emanuel de la Cerda who had wintered at Cochin fortunately arrived with succours, and was followed soon after by Diego Fernandez de Beja, who had been sent to demolish the fort at Socotora, and to receive the tribute at Onnuz. By these the besieged were abundantly relieved and succoured with recruits and provisions when almost reduced to extremity. Soon afterwards arrived Juan Serram who had gone from Portugal the year before with Peyo de Sa, in order to settle a trade in the island of Madagascar, but ineffectually; and Christopher de Brito, who happened to be at Cananor with a large ship and four smaller vessels, where he heard of the distressed situation of Goa, went immediately thither with a strong reinforcement and an ample supply of provisions.

On his voyage from Malacca to Cochin, the ship in which Albuquerque was embarked struck during the night on a rock off Cape Timia in the kingdom of Aru on the coast of Sumatra. Being completely separated a midships, the people who had taken refuge on the poop and forecastle were unable to communicate with each other, and the night was so exceedingly dark that no assistance could be sent from the other vessels. When day-light appeared next morning, Albuquerque was seen holding a girl in his arms, whom chance had conducted to him during the confusion. Pedro de Alpoem came up to his relief, though with much difficulty and danger. On this occasion some of the men were lost, and much valuable commodities, but what Albuquerque most regretted was the wonderful bone which prevented the wounded Moor from bleeding, and some iron lions of curious workmanship, which he had intended for supporters to his tomb. Albuquerque continued his voyage after this disaster in the ship commanded by Alpoem; and on his way back took two Moorish ships, which, though rich did not make amends for the loss he had sustained in the wreck of his own. Immediately on his arrival at Cochin, being informed of the distress of Goa, he dispatched eight vessels to that place with men and provisions, promising soon to repair thither in person. There were then in the town 1000 men, who were besieged by an army of 20,000 natives.

It being now the year 1512, six ships arrived in India from Portugal, having spent a whole year on the voyage without touching at any port; and though the men were tired and sick, they relieved several places. At this time likewise a fleet of thirteen ships arrived from Portugal, one of which was lost on the island of Angoxa. This fleet, which carried 1800 soldiers, anchored off the bar of Goa on the 15th of August 1512. They immediately drove the enemy from a fort which they had constructed at Benistarim; after which Don Garcia and George de Melo passed on with their squadrons, accompanied by Juan Machado and others, who had been recently delivered from slavery in Cambaya. Albuquerque was much rejoiced at the great reinforcements brought out by his nephew Don Garcia and Melo, and by the relief of the captives, as they enabled him to proceed in the enterprises which he had in contemplation. His satisfaction was much increased by the arrival of Antonio de Saldanna with the garrison of Quiloa, which had been abandoned as a place of small importance. About the same time there arrived ambassadors from Persia and Ormuz, the latter of whom had orders from his master to proceed to Portugal.

Having arranged everything at Cochin, and appointed Melo to the command of Cananor, Albuquerque proceeded to Goa, where he was received with every demonstration of joy and respect. After visiting the fortifications, he endeavoured to concert measures for driving Rotzomo Khan from the works which he had constructed for besieging Goa. On the sixth day after his arrival, being on an eminence with several officers taking a view of the works of the enemy, 4000 Moors, 200 of whom were horse, were seen sporting on the plain, it being Friday, which is the sabbath of the Mahometans. On this occasion, a detachment of the Portuguese made a sudden attack on the Moors, and after a hot skirmish drove them for shelter to their works, having slain above an hundred of the enemy, with the loss of one officer and one private, and several wounded. Having resolved to take possession of a strong fort which the enemy had erected near Goa for the protection of their camp, Albuquerque caused it to be attacked both by sea and land at the same time; and thinking that the sea attack was not conducted with sufficient vigour, he went himself in a boat to give orders, and came so near that a cannon-shot struck the head of a Canara who steered his boat, dashing the blood and brains on his beard. Enraged at this incident, he offered a high reward to any one who should destroy that cannon; on which one of his gunners aimed a shot so exactly that it struck the muzzle of the cannon which flew in pieces, and killed the Moorish cannoneer. By this fortunate circumstance, the Portuguese were able to get farther up the river and to get close to the fort. At this time Zufolari, one of the generals of the Moors, appeared with 7000 men on the continental shore to relieve the fort; but being unable to effectuate his purpose, was forced to retire after sustaining some loss by a distant cannonade. Albuquerque now closely invested the fort with 4000 men, 3000 of whom were Portuguese. He divided these into two bodies, one under his own immediate command, and the other under the charge of his nephew Don Garcia. At first the Portuguese received some damage; but in the end Rotzomo Khan agreed to surrender the fort with all its cannon and ammunition, to deliver up all the Portuguese prisoners and deserters, and to evacuate the island of Goa and its dependencies. The Portuguese deserters were severely punished by order of Albuquerque, having their ears, noses, right hands, and the thumbs of their left cut off, in which mutilated condition they were sent home to Portugal. One of these, named Ferdinando Lopez, as a penance for his crimes, voluntarily remained with a negro at the island of St Helena, where he began some cultivation, and was afterwards serviceable to several ships that called in there, by furnishing them with refreshments.

Having thus completely relieved Goa, Albuquerque endeavoured to gain over Rotzomo Khan to the Portuguese service, but unsuccessfully; but his good fortune made a great impression on many of the native princes, several of whom sent pacific embassies to the viceroy. The king of Calicut, terrified at the growing power of the Portuguese, concluded a treaty of peace with Don Garcia, whom his uncle had sent to take the command at Cochin[130]. The kings of Narsinga, Visiapour, Bisnagar, and other districts of India, sent ambassadors to the viceroy; who endeavoured in his answers to impress them powerfully with the value of amity with the Portuguese, and dread of encountering their arms, and sent back envoys of his own to these princes, to acquire intelligence respecting their power and resources. There arrived likewise at Goa an ambassador from the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia, whom the Europeans denominate Prester John[131], who was destined to go over to Portugal, carrying a piece of the true cross, and letters for the king of Portugal from the queen-mother Helena, who governed Abyssinia during the minority of her son David. The purport of this embassy was to arrange a treaty of amity with the king of Portugal, and to procure military aid against the Moors who were in constant hostility with that kingdom. This ambassador reported that there were then three Portuguese at the Abyssinian court, one of whom, named Juan, called himself ambassador from the king of Portugal; and two others, named Juan Gomez and Juan Sanchez, who had been lately set on shore at Cape Guardafu, by order of Albuquerque, in order to explore the country.

[Footnote 130: The editor of Astleys Collection adds, with liberty to build a fort; but this condition is not to be found in the text of Faria, which is followed in that work literally on most occasions, though often much abridged.—E.]

[Footnote 131: In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary Prete Jani, Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had been sought for in vain among the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. The Portuguese now absurdly gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, or Emperor of the Abyssinians; where a degraded species of Christianity prevails among a barbarous race, continually engaged in sanguinary war and interminable revolution.—E.]

Every thing at Goa being placed in order, the viceroy now determined upon carrying the enterprise against Aden into execution, which had been formerly ordered by the king of Portugal. Without communicating his intentions to any one, he caused twenty ships to be fitted out, in which he embarked with 1700 Portuguese troops, and 800 native Canaras and Malabars. When just ready to sail, he acquainted the captains with the object of his expedition, that they might know where to rendezvous in case of separation. Setting sail from Goa on the 18th of February 1513, the armament arrived safe at Aden. This city, called Modocan by Ptolemy, is situated on the coast of Yemen or Arabia Felix, in lat. 12 deg. 45' N. near the mouth of the Red Sea, and looks beautiful and strong from the sea, being rich and populous owing to the resort of many nations for trade. But Immediately behind are the barren and rocky mountains of Arzira, which present numerous cliffs and precipices. The soil is arid, having very little water, which is procured from a few wells and cisterns, as this part of the country is scarcely watered from the heavens above once in two or three years. Hence it is devoid of all trees, and has neither gardens nor orchards.

Immediately on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, Miramirzan the governor sent a complimentary message to the viceroy with a present of provisions; but as there was no prospect of voluntary submission or surrender, Albuquerque resolved upon carrying the place by assault, but found the enterprise more difficult than he expected. Having landed his men early in the morning, the troops advanced to the walls with scaling ladders: but after a considerable number had got up to the top of the wall, the ladders broke under the weight of the multitudes who pressed to get up; so that Albuquerque was obliged to order down those who had already ascended, by means of a single ladder constructed out of the broken fragments of the rest. Thus, after four hours engagement, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack with some loss, occasioned more by the insufficiency of the ladders than by the prowess of the enemy. George Sylveyra and five men were killed on the spot, but several others died afterwards of their wounds, and some from bruises occasioned by falling from the walls and ladders. Submitting to his bad fortune, and by the persuasion of his officers, Albuquerque resolved to abandon this enterprise, that he might have sufficient time remaining to sail for the month of the Red Sea. But before leaving Aden, he took a redoubt or bulwark which defended the entrance into the harbour, where a great many Moors, or Arabs rather, were slain, and 37 pieces of cannon taken. Having plundered the ships in the harbour, they were all burnt; and on the fourth day after arriving at Aden, the fleet set sail for the mouth of the Red Sea, on their arrival at which great rejoicings were made by Albuquerque and the Portuguese, as being the first Europeans who had ever navigated that celebrated sea.

The form of the Red Sea is not unlike that of a crocodile, having its mouth at the narrow Straits of Mecca or Babelmandeb, the head being that sea which lies between Cape Guardafu and Fartaque, and the extremity of the tail at the town of Suez. Its general direction is from N.N.W. to S.S.E. being 530 leagues long, and 40 over where broadest[132]. The channel for navigation is about the middle, where it has sufficient depth of water for the largest ships, but both sides are very shallow, and much encumbered by sand banks and numerous small islands. No river of any note falls into it during its whole extent. It is called by the Moors or Arabs, Bahar Corzu or the Closed Sea, and by others the Sea of Mecca; but by Europeans the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea, owing to the red colour it derives from its bottom, as was proved by a subsequent viceroy, Don Juan de Castro, who caused some of the bottom to be dragged up in several places, when it was found to consist of a red coralline substance; while in other places the bottom was green, and white in some, but mostly red. The water itself, when taken up, is as clear as in any other part of the sea. The Red Sea does not abound in fish, but it produces small pearls in many places. The mouth of the Red Sea, called the Straits of Mecca or of Bab-al-mandeb, is in lat. 12 deg. 40' N. and is as it were locked up by seven small islands, the largest of which, now Mehun, was called by Ptolemy Perantonomasiam. On going from the straits towards Suez along the eastern or Arabian shore, there are only a few small ports of no note for the first 44 leagues, till we come to the island of Kamaran, which is subject to the king of Aden. At 60 leagues from thence we come to Gezan a large town; thence 130 leagues to Yambo, all in the dominions of Mecca, having several good towns and harbours. Among these are the famous and well known ports of Ziden and Juddah, or Joda; Mecca being 15 leagues inland from the latter. From Yambo it is 60 leagues to Toro, where the children of Israel are said to have crossed the Red Sea, which at this place is 3 leagues across. Thence to Suez is 40 leagues, and there ends the Arabian shore. On sailing back to the straits along the western shore of Egypt and Ethiopia, from Suez which is 20 leagues from Grand Cairo the vast metropolis of Egypt, it is 45 leagues to Al-cosier; thence 135 to the city of Suakem, in which space there are many ports: From thence 70 leagues farther on is the island and port of Massua, and opposite to it Arkiko; and thence other 85 leagues bring us back to the Straits of Bab-el-mandeb. Behind a ridge of mountains which runs close along the whole coast of Ethiopia, lie the dominions of Prester John, which has always preserved Christianity after its own manner, and has of late been much supported therein by the Portuguese arms.

[Footnote 132: The extreme length of the Red Sea is 400 geographical leagues, 20 to the degree, or about 1380 statute miles, and its greatest breadth 65 of the same leagues, about 225 miles.—E.]

Entering into the Red Sea, Albuquerque sailed along the coast to the island of Kamaran, which he found abandoned by its inhabitants from dread of his approach. He took two vessels by the way, and found four others at this place, one of which belonged to the Soldan of Egypt. From this island he visited several others; and one day there appeared in the sky to the whole persons in the fleet a very bright red cross, seemingly about six feet broad, and of a proportional length. All the Portuguese knelt down and worshipped the heavenly sign, Albuquerque making a devout prayer; after which the happy omen was joyfully hailed by the sound of music and cannon, till at length it was covered over by a bright cloud and disappeared. As the trade wind failed for carrying him to Judduh, Albuquerque returned to Kamaran where he wintered, and where his people suffered extreme misery from famine and sickness. In July 1513, as soon as the weather would permit, he sailed again for India, meaning to appear again before Aden, and touched at the island of Mehun, in the middle of the straits, to which he gave the name of Vera Cruz, in memory of the miraculous vision with which they had been favoured, and erected a very high cross upon an eminence. From thence he sent two ships to examine the city and port of Zeyla, on an island in a bay of the coast of Adel, where they burnt two ships belonging to the Moors, and joined the fleet again before Aden. He found the fortifications of this place repaired and strengthened; and after exchanging a cannonade which did little damage on either side, and burning some ships in the harbour, he sailed for India.