[Footnote 45: Obviously the Isle of Orleans.—E.]

The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went up the river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shore of the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with a small river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water at flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships, we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, because discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, of which Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of as fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees, maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there grows great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously without cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for the purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them to this port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. This chief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing for joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come along side of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such as knives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so much delighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were three leagues off.

After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island to examine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees and vegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it produced everywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is now called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees, except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, around which some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed with our ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up to Port St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona, accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoes full of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth and confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account come on board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some sinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to give directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for the greater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number of the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under a point or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join our company. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them, accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations, Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because the captain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. To this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence; but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom of their country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnacona continued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, and we concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain entered into the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set up three horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we went on board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our ships into the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there are three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour, as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega.[46] As soon as our ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us, accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women, and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons came on board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by the captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them. Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfied with our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow any one to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to go there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate the country in that direction as far as was practicable: That if Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should be well used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return. This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediately retired.

[Footnote 46: The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or Hochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada.—E.]

Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us, bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in great abundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savages fell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all his people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and all our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made a long oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by the hand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; upon which all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and friendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards presented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls, accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks or yells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his own brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; and that the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go to Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly return the children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no account desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. But Domagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain that the children had been presented as a token of friendship and security, and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On this high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred that the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some treacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from his former conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence he caused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presented to Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness, commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told him many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelve cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, at which all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen upon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell had broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us that our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without the harbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on which all the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, as our men had not fired any that day.

The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to Hochelega, and devised the following stratagem to induce us not to go. They dressed up three men like devils, in black and white dogs skins, having their faces blackened, and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men were put secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the wood waiting the tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils. On the approach of that canoe, all the savages came out of the wood, but did not come so near us as usual. Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, who asked if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board; but he declined to do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. At this time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance, and on passing close by the ships, one of these men stood up and made a long oration, without ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated past us towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people pursued them and laid hold of the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as if dead, when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all the savages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and loud conference above half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came towards us, holding their hands joined above their heads, and carrying their hats under their upper garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny, looking up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus! Jesus! Jesus! Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria! Jacques Cartier! On seeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked what was the matter, and what had happened. They answered that they had very ill news to tell, saying in French Nenni est il bon, or it is not good. On being again asked what all this meant; they said, that their god Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent these three men to say there was so much ice and snow in that country, that who ever ventured there would surely die. On this we laughed mocking them, saying that their god Cudruaigny was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desired them to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend them from all cold if they believed in him. They then asked the captain if he had spoken with Jesus; who answered no, but the priests had, who had assured him of fair weather. They then thanked the captain for this intelligence, and went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who all now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three great shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual. Yet our two savages declared that Donnacona would not allow any one to accompany us to Hochelega, unless some hostage was left for his safe return. The captain then said, if they would not go willingly they might stay, and he would go without them.

On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied by two of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fifty mariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelega with the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eye could see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, all replenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grew numerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quite natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were not dressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large, nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along the river, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us great quantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paid them in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the place named Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada,[47] where the river becomes very narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of which came the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining by signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher we went, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief presented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only he received, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who was too young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained this chief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with some trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chief and his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, and brought with them some small presents for our captain.

[Footnote 47: By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona seems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle of Orleans.—E.]

From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this great river, never losing an hour of time, finding the whole land on both sides as pleasant a country as could be desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak, elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vines loaded with grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, they brought back as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds, finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many other birds like those of France in vast abundance. On the 28th of September we came to a wide lake, or enlargement of the river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12 long, which we called the Lake of Angoulesme[48], all through which we went against the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival at the upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemed entirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little more or less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor here with our pinnace, and went with our two boats to seek out some passage; and in one place we found four or five branches which seemed to come from the river of Hochelega into the lake; but at the mouths of these branches, owing to the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars or shallows having only six feet water. After passing these shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathoms at flood tide, this being the season of the year when the water is lowest; for at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All these four or five branches of the river surround five or six very pleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; and about 15 leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on one of these islands, where we met five natives who were hunting wild beasts, and who came as familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst us. When our boats were near the shore, one of these men took our captain in his arms, and carried him to the land with as much ease as if he had been a child of five years old. We found that these people had taken a great number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as large as rabbits and very good to eat. They gave these to our captain, who gave them knives and glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if this were the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was, and that we had still three days sail to go thither.

[Footnote 48: Now called St Peters Lake, between which and Trois Rivieres, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current.—E.]

Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the captain ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the expedition, taking on board as much ammunition and provisions as they could carry. He departed with these on the 29th September, accompanied by Claudius de Pont Briand, Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet, with 28 mariners, intending to go up the river as far as possible. We sailed with prosperous weather till the 2d of October, when we arrived at Hochelega, which is 45 leagues above the head of the lake of Augoulesme, where we left the pinnace. At this place, and indeed all the way up, we met with many of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions, always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep them our friends, the captain always rewarded them on these occasions with knives, beads, and such trifles to their full satisfaction. On approaching Hochelega above 1000 natives, men, women and children came to meet us, giving us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had been of their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all the men dancing in one place, the women in another, and the children in a third; after which they brought us great abundance of fish and of their bread made of maize, both of which they threw into our boats in profusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captain went on shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clustering about us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their young children in their arms, eager to have them touched and noticed by the captain and others, and shewing every sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival. This scene lasted above half an hour, when the captain got all the women to draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads and baubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men. He then returned to the boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the people remaining on the shore as near as possible to the boats, dancing merrily and shouting out aguiaze, which in their language is an expression of joy and satisfaction.

Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see the town in which these people dwelt, taking with him five of the principal officers and twenty men, all well armed, leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the boats. The city of Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the road thither is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through as fine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in France, the whole ground below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we had gone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief lords of the city accompanied by a great many natives, who made us understand by signs that we must stop at a place where they had made a large fire, which we did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the chief made a long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, shewing a joyful countenance and every mark of good will. On this our captain presented him with two hatchets and two knives, and hung a cross from his neck, which he made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much pleased. After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a half farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger than small pease. In the midst of these cultivated fields the city of Hochelega is situated, near and almost joined to a great mountain, which is very fertile and cultivated all round, to which we gave the name of Mount Royal[49].

[Footnote 49: Montreal, whence the island and city of the same name.—E.]

The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round with three rows of ramparts made of timber, one within the other, "framed like a sharp spire but laid across above, the middlemost is made and built as a direct line but perpendicular, the ramparts are framed and fashioned with pieces of timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joined together[50]." This inclosure is about two roods high, and has but one gate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with piles, stakes, and bars. Over the gate, and in many other parts of the wall, there are scaffolds having ladders up to them, and on these scaffolds there are large heaps of stones, ready for defending the place against an enemy. The town consisted of about fifty large houses, each of them about fifty paces long and twelve broad, all built of wood and covered with broad strips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses are divided within into many rooms, and in the middle of each there is a court or hall, in which they make their fire. Thus they live in communities, each separate family having a chamber to which the husband, wife, and children retire to sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garrets or granaries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread is made, which they call caracouny, and which is made in this manner. They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those on which we beat hemp, and in these they beat their corn to powder with wooden beetles. The meal is kneaded into cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone, covering it up with other heated stones, which thus serve instead of ovens. Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage from their maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which they have in abundance. They have also a variety of fruits, such as musk-melons and very large cucumbers. They have likewise large vessels in all their houses, as big as butts or large hogsheads, in which they store up their fish for winter provision, having dried them in the sun during summer for that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for their provision during winter. All their victuals, however, are without the smallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds made of the bark of trees spread on the ground, and covered over with the skins of wild beasts; with which likewise their garments are made.

[Footnote 50: This description of the manner in which the ramparts of Hochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no means obvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify the village of a horde of savages with the name of city.—E.]

That which they hold in highest estimation among all their possessions, is a substance which they call esurgny or cornibotz, which is as white as snow, and which is procured in the following manner. When any one is adjudged to death for a crime, or when they have taken any of their enemies during war, having first slain the person, they make many deep gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the dead body, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in a certain place where the esurgny abounds. After remaining 10 or 12 hours, the body is drawn up, and the esurgny or cornibotz is found in the gashes. Of this they make beads, which they wear about their necks as we do chains of gold and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. These ornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power to staunch bleeding at the nose[51]. This nation devotes itself entirely to husbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no care for any other wealth or commodity, of which they have indeed no knowledge, as they never travel from their own country, as is done by the natives of Canada and Saguenay; yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of eight or ten other villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega.

[Footnote 51: It is impossible to give any explanation of this ridiculous account of the esurgny, any farther than that the Frenchmen were either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from not knowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called Esnoguy.—E.]

When we came near the town, a vast number of the inhabitants came out to meet us, and received us in the most cordial manner, while the guides led us to the middle of the town, in which there is a large open square, a good stones throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signs to remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered together in the square, many of whom carried young children in their arms; as many of them as could get forwards came up and rubbed our faces, arms, and bodies, giving every token of joy and gladness for having seen us, and requiring us by signs to touch their children. After this, the men caused the women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round about us, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew. The women came back, each of them carrying a square matt like a carpet, which they spread out on the ground and caused us to sit down on them. When this was done, Agouhanna, the king or lord of the town, was brought into the square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sat upon a large deer skin, and was set down on one of the matts near our captain, all the people signifying to us by signs that this was their king. Agouhanna was apparently about fifty years old, and no way better clothed than any of the rest, except that he had a kind of red wreath round his head instead of a crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was full of palsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered. After he had saluted our captain and all the company, welcoming us all to his town by signs and gestures, he shewed his shrunk legs and arms to the captain, desiring him to touch them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them with his hands. Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head, and gave it to our captain; after which several diseased men were brought before the captain, some blind and others cripple, lame or impotent of their limbs, that he might touch them, as they seemed to think that God had come down from heaven to heal them. Some of these men were so old that the hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks. Seeing the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captain recited the commencement of the gospel of St John, "In the beginning was the word," &c. touching all the diseased persons, and prayed to God that he would open the hearts of these deluded people, making them to know his holy word, and to receive baptism and the Christian faith. He then opened a service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with an audible voice; during which all the natives kept a profound silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused all the men to stand orderly on one side, the women on the other, and the young people on a third, giving hatchets to the chiefs, knives to the others, beads and other trifles to the women, and rings, counters, and broaches of tin to the children. He then caused our trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry. We then took leave of them to return to our boats, on which the women placed themselves in our way, offering us of their provisions which they had made ready for us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things; but, as all their victuals were dressed without salt, we did not like them, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not hungry.

When we left the town, many of the men and women followed us, and conducted us to the top of Mount Royal, which is about a league from the town, and whence we had a commanding view of the country for thirty leagues round. To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west, and a similar range to the south, between which the whole country was exceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for husbandry. In the midst of these pleasant plains, we could see the river a great way farther up than where we had left our boats; and at about fifteen leagues from us, as far as we could judge, it came through the fair round mountains to the south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest that ever was seen. The natives informed us that there were three such falls besides; but as we did not understand their language, we could not learn the distance between these. They likewise informed us by signs, that after passing above these three falls, a man might sail three months continually up the river, and that along the hills to the north, there is another great river coming from the west, which we believed to be that which runs through the country of Saguenay. One of the natives, without any sign or question made to him, took hold of the silver chain of our captains whistle, and the dagger haft of one of the mariners, which was of gilt brass, giving us to understand that such metals came from that river, where there were evil people named Agouionda, armed even to their finger ends, shewing us the way in which their armour was made, being wrought of cords and wood very ingeniously. They gave us also to understand that these Agouionda were continually at war among themselves, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for want of understanding their language. Our captain shewed them some copper, which they call caignetadize, and asked them by signs if any came from thence. They answered no, shaking their heads, but intimated that it came from Saguenay, which is in quite a different direction. We now proceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great numbers of the people, some of whom, when they noticed any of our men weary, took them up on their shoulders and carried them along. As soon as we got to the boats, we set sail to return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accident might have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to grieve these friendly natives, who followed us along the shore as far as they were able. We went so fast down the river, that we came to our pinnace on Monday the 4th October; and set off next day with the pinnace and boats to return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Canada, where our ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came to a river running from the north, having four small islands at its mouth, overgrown with fine large trees, which we named the Fouetz River. Entering this river, we found one of the islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused a large cross to be set up at the point of this river, and went up the river with the tide as far as possible; but finding it very shallow and of no importance, we soon returned and resumed our voyage down the Great River.

On Monday the 11th October, we came to the port of the Holy Cross, where we found that the masters and mariners who were left there had constructed a stockade before the ships, of large timber set upright and well fastened together, having likewise planted several cannon, and made all other needful preparations for defence against the natives, in case of any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return, he came to visit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Domagaia and many others, pretending to be very glad of our arrival, and making many compliments to our captain, who entertained them in a friendly manner, although they had not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona invited our captain to come and see Canada, which he promised to do next day, being the 13th of the month. He accordingly went, accompanied by all the gentlemen and fifty mariners well armed. Their place of abode, named Stadacona, was about a league from the ships; and when we were arrived within a stones throw of the place, many of the inhabitants came to meet us, drawing up in two ranks, the men on one side and the women on the other, all dancing and singing. After mutual salutation, the captain distributed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring to each of the women and children, with which they were much pleased. After this, Donnacona and Taignoagny conducted the captain to see the houses, which were very well provided with victuals for winter use. Among other things, they shewed us the scalps of five men spread on boards as we do parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a people called Toudamani, dwelling to the south, who are continually engaged in war against his nation. They told us that, about two years ago, as they were going to war in Hognedo, having 200 persons, men, women, and children, and were all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island over against the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assaulted during the night by the Toudamans, who set their fort on fire, and as they endeavoured to come out, their enemies slew the whole party, five only making their escape. They were greatly grieved at this loss, but signified by signs that they hoped to be amply revenged at some future opportunity.

This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe in one whom they call Cudruaigni, who they say often informs them of future events, and who throws dust into their eyes when angry with them[52]. They believe that they go to the stars after death, and thence descend gradually towards the earth, as the stars do to the horizon; after which they inhabit certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweet flowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them, of their erroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was only a devil or evil spirit, who deceived them; and affirmed that there is only one God of heaven, the creator of all, from whom we have all good things, and that it is necessary to be baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. They readily acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith, calling their Cudruaigni agouiada, or the evil one, and requested our captain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us hoping to receive baptism. But as we could not thoroughly understand their meaning, and there was no one with us who was able to teach them the doctrines of our holy religion, we desired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that we should return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysm along with us, without which they could not be baptised. All of this was thoroughly understood by our two savages, as they had seen many children baptised when in Brittany, and the people were satisfied with these reasons, expressing their great satisfaction at our promise.

[Footnote 52: This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps them in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased.—E.]

These savages live together in common, as has been already mentioned respecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are tolerably well provided with those things which their country produces. They are clothed in the skins of wild beasts, but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. In winter they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but go barefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony, only that every man has two or three wives, who never marry again if their husbands happen to die, wearing all their lives after a kind of mourning dress, and smearing their faces with charcoal dust and grease, as thick as the back of a knife, by which they are known to be widows. They have a detestable custom with regard to their young women, who are all placed together in one house as soon as they are marriageable, where they remain as harlots for all who please to visit them, till such time as they may find a match. I assert this from experience, having seen many houses occupied in this manner, just as those houses in France where young persons are boarded for their education; and the conduct of the inhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous in the extreme. The men are not much given to labour, digging the ground in a superficial manner with a wooden implement, by which they cultivate their corn resembling that which grows in Brazil, and which they call effici. They have also plenty of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, and pease and beans of various colours, all different from ours. They have likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a store every summer, having first dried it in the sun. This is only used by the men, who always carry some of this dried herb in a small skin bag hanging from their necks, in which they also carry a hollow piece of stone or wood like a pipe. When they use this herb, they bruise it to powder, which they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay a small piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so long at the other end that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils, as if from the chimney of a fire-place. They allege that this practice keeps them warm and is conducive to health, and they constantly carry some of this herb about with them for this purpose. We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to our mouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among these savages labour much more than the men, in tilling the ground, fishing, and other matters; and all of them, men, women, and children, are able to resist the extremity of cold better even than the wild beasts; for we have seen them in the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come stark naked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must appear incredible to those who have not witnessed such hardiness. During winter, when the whole country is covered with ice and snow, they take great numbers of wild beasts; such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, and many other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw, being only dried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their fish. So far as we were acquainted with these people, it were an easy matter to civilize them and to teach them any thing whatever: May God of his great mercy give a blessing to this, in his good time. Amen!

SECTION III.

Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to France in 1537.

The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of St Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against the high mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of this river is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid channel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side[53]. On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills of Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance of these rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and near these islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which is frequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues[54]. The original beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouth of the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, from whence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That river is high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to navigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, in which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. In this river there are many islands great and small, among which is one ten leagues long[55], full of large tall trees and many vines. This island maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its south side. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is an excellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league is very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodly piece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is of excellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, and is the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our first voyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are four other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which we wintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all which time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a great extent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is over-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, except around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees to admit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building their houses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast size, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the inhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds also in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both white and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part of the world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to their seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kind named Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are as large as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resembling grey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt water about the mouth of the Saguenay river.

[Footnote 53: Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from the Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern channel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason of Quebec.—E.]

[Footnote 54: The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues.—E.]

[Footnote 55: The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here alluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to use the small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have been very accurate in its application.—E.]

After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt and trafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, except that we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much to the displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that the river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a distance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient and best way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in the first place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes from Saguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month[56]. The natives likewise gave us to understand that the people in that country of Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to us Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and red copper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and Saguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a great inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as they had heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been there themselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left our pinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which flows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitants are continually at war against each other, and which country produces abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds of fruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked if there were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country to be towards Florida[57].

[Footnote 56: The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are unacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name flows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles below Quebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of St John. The other river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, is probably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any common direction or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviously fabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers.—E.]

[Footnote 57: The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague indications refer to the great Canadian lakes.—E.]

In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a pestilential disease by which above fifty of them had been cut off before we got the intelligence. On this account we strictly enjoined them not to come to our fort or ships, or to have any intercourse with us; notwithstanding which precaution this unknown sickness began to spread among us in the strangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of our men lost their strength so completely that they could not stand, their legs being excessively swelled and quite black, and their sinews shrunk up. Others also had their skins spotted all over with spots of a dark purple or blood colour; which beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees, thighs, shoulders, arms and neck: Their breath did stink most intolerably; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even to the roots of their teeth, most of which fell out[58]. So severely did this infection spread among us, that by the middle of February, out of 110 persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not ten in perfect health to assist the rest, so that we were in a most pitiable case, considering the place we were in, as the natives came every day to the outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight were already dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered them past all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our misery, our captain commanded all the company to prepare by devout prayer in remembrance of Christ our Saviour, and caused his holy image to be set upon a tree about a musquet-shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divine service was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one who could possibly do so attending in solemn procession, singing the seven psalms of David and other litanies, and praying most heartily to our Lord Christ Jesus to have compassion upon our wretched state. Service being accordingly performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow, if it should please God to permit his return into France, that he would go on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocquemado.

[Footnote 58: The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to mariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior attention to articles of diet and cleanness.—E.]

On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because the nature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his body to be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could be discovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of the people. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a quart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but the lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about the heart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence when opened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had been rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company; all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals or drink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury such as died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the natives might discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whom it pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearance with two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever any of the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones, commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce the natives to believe that all the company were employed in work about the ships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died miserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked upon us in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedy against our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, as shall be related hereafter.

From the middle of November till the middle of March, we were dwelling among ice above two fathoms in thickness, and the snow lay above four feet thick on our decks; and so great was the frost that all our liquors were frozen. Even the inside of our ships below hatches was covered with ice above the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five of our best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill, three or four only excepted, that we had not the smallest hopes of their recovery. At this time it pleased God to cast an eye of pity upon our forlorn state, and to send us knowledge of a remedy which restored us to health in a most wonderful manner. Our captain happened one day to walk out upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of Indians coming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia, who only ten or twelve days before had his knees swollen like the head of a child two years old, his sinews all shrunk, his teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten and stinking, and in short in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease. Seeing him now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being in hopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so that he might in the same manner cure our sick men. Domagaia informed him, that he had taken the juice of the leaves of a certain tree, which was a sovereign remedy against that disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree was to be found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he might cure one of his servants who had got the disease when up at Canada with Donnacona. He said this that it might not be known how many of us were sick. Domagaia sent immediately two women, who brought ten or twelve branches of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it; which was to boil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of this decoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon the legs of the sick. He said likewise that this tree was of great efficacy in curing many other diseases. This tree is called Ameda or Hanneda in their language, and is thought to be that which we call Sassafras. Our captain immediately caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men; but at first only one or two would venture to use it, who were followed by the rest, and in a short time they were all completely cured, not only of this dreadful sickness, but even of every other with which any of them were at that time afflicted. Some even who had been four or five years diseased with the Lues became quite cured. After this medicine was found to be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that the people were ready to kill each other as to who should be first served. Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a well grown oak was completely lopped bare in five or six days, and the medicine wrought so well that if all the physicians of Montpelier or Louvain had been to attend us, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so much for us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who used it recovering their health by the blessing of God.

While the disease lasted among us, Donnacona, Taignoagny, and many others of the natives went from home, pretending that they went to catch stags and deer, called by them Aiounesta and Asquenoudo. They said that they were only to be away a fortnight, but they staid away above two months, on which account we suspected they had gone to raise the country against us while we were so weak. But we had used so much diligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole power of the country could only have looked at us, without being able to have done us any harm. While they were away, many of the natives used to come daily to our ships with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things; but held them at a high price, and would often take them away again, rather as sell them moderately. It must be allowed however that the winter that year was uncommonly long, and there was even some scarcity of provisions among the natives.

On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied by several strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that the lord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bring abundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnacona came to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we know not; but as the proverb says, "He who takes heed of all men may hap to escape from some." Indeed we had great cause to look about us, being much diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still very weak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of our ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrival of that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came to tell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona as he used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intended treachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with John Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour to discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretended only to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried some presents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went to bed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to the house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigious number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most of whom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allow our men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping company with them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to the ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, and that if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteem it a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired; requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.

When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives were collected apparently with some evil intentions towards us, he proposed to make prisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia and some others of the principal men, that he might carry them into France, to shew them to our king along with other rarities from this western part of the world. Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the country of Saguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies, gold, and other precious things. He said also that there were white men in that country, whose dresses were of woollen cloth like that we wore. He likewise said that he had been in another country inhabited by a people called Picquemians[59], and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, who even from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distant regions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When Poulet and the other told their message to our captain from Taignoagny, he sent back the servant desiring Taignoagny to come and visit him, promising him good entertainment, and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sent back word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringing Donnacona and Agouna along with him; yet he staid away two days, during which time none of the natives came from Stadacona to our ships as they were wont, but seemed anxiously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slay them, which added much to our suspicions.

[Footnote 59: A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St John at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the French.—E.]

At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we were visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one of our ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossing the river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their former shyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the other side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they would come over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested to order the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carried over to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had been expressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; being only permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn French that they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carry Agouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced at this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to the ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, our captain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day, thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up a shield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters,

Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex.

About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a great number of men, women, and children came from the town of Stadacona, saying that their lord Donnacona was coming to visit our captain attended by Taignoagny and Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o'clock in the afternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to salute Donnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful countenance, yet his eyes were ever and anon bent towards the wood as if in fear. As Taignoagny endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going on board, our captain ordered a fire to be kindled in the open air; but at length Donnacona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board, when Domagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him and had endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going to the ships. Seeing likewise that Taignoagny was sending away the women and children, and that the men only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, our captain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his assistance, and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of the principal natives. On seeing their lord taken, the Canadians immediately ran away, some crossing the river towards Stadacona and others taking to the woods; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and placed the prisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing night great numbers of the natives came to the river side near our ships, crying and howling like so many wolves, and continually calling upon Agouhanna, being the name of office or dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with, but our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon the natives indicated by signs that they supposed we had killed their chief. About this time, the natives in the neighbourhood of the ships were in prodigious numbers, most of them skulking about the edge of the forest, except some who continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona to come and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donnacona to be brought up on high to speak to his people, and desired him to be merry, assuring him that when he had spoken to the king of France, and told him all that he had seen in Saguenay and other countries through which he had travelled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten or twelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced at this assurance, and communicated the intelligence to his people, who made three loud cheers in token of joy. After this Donnacona and his people conversed together for a long time; but for want of interpreters we could not know the subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donnacona to make his people come over to our side of the river, that they might talk together with more ease, and desired him to assure them of being in perfect safety; which Donnacona did accordingly, and a whole boatful of the principal people came, over close to the ships, where they renewed their conversation, giving great praise to our captain, to whom they presented twenty-four chains esurgney[60], as the most precious thing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation than gold or silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw that there were no means of avoiding the voyage to France, he commanded his people to bring him some victuals to serve him during the passage. At this time our captain gave Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with several knives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which he seemed highly pleased, and sent them to his wives and children. Our captain also made similar presents to the chiefs who had come to speak with Donnacona, who thanked him for the gifts and retired to their town.

[Footnote 60: A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this article, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been already given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even to conjecture what it is. Belts of wampum, a kind of rudely ornamented ribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North American Indians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of this work.—E.] Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the people came back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they sent a boat, called casnoni in their language, loaded with maize, venison, fish, and other articles of provision after their fashion, and lest any of their men might be detained, this boat was navigated by four women, who were well treated at our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captain sent a message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that their chief would be brought back by him to Canada at the end of ten or twelve months: They seemed much pleased at this intelligence, and promised when he brought back Donnacona that they would give him many valuable presents, in earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of esurgney. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536, we set sail from the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor at night in another harbour about twelve leagues down the river, a little below the Isle of Orleans. On Sunday the 7th we came to the Island of Filberts, or Coudres, where we remained till the 16th of the month, waiting till the great flood in the river had spent its force, as the current was too violent to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects of Donnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who were much astonished upon being told by Domagaia that Donnacona was to be carried to France, but were reassured by Donnacona who informed them he was to come back next year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packs of beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great knife made of red copper which is brought from Saguenay, and many other things. They also gave our captain a chain of esurgney, in return for which he presented them with ten or twelve hatchets, and they departed well pleased.

On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts, and came to another island about fifteen leagues farther down the river, which is about five leagues in length, where we remained the rest of that day and the following night, meaning to take advantage of the next day to pass by the river Saguenay, where the navigation is very dangerous. That evening we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers of hares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night the wind became quite contrary and blew so hard that we were forced back to the Isle of Filberts, where we remained till the 21st of the month, when fine weather and a fair wind brought us down the river. On this occasion we passed to Honguedo, which passage had not been seen before. Passing Cape Prat, which is at the entrance into the bay of Chaleur; and having a fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, and came next day to the middle of Brions Islands. These islands lie north-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues asunder, being in lat. 47-1/2 deg. N[61]. On Thursday the 26th of May, being the feast of the Ascension, we coasted over to a land and shallow of low sands, about eight leagues south-west from Brions Island, above which are large plains covered with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea into which we could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 27th of the month, in consequence of the wind becoming foul, we returned to Brions Island, where we remained till the beginning of June. To the south-east of this island we saw land which we supposed another island, which we coasted for two or three leagues, and had sight of three other high islands towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape of the said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes[62]. At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigiously swift current. That day we came to Cape Lorain which is in 47 1/2 degrees toward the south. This cape is low land, and has an appearance as of the mouth of a river, but there is no harbour of any worth. At a short distance we saw another head-land toward the south, which we named Cape St Paul.

[Footnote 61: These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be intelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo.—E.]

[Footnote 62: The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed as not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture.—E.]

Sunday following, being the 4th of June, we saw other lands at about twenty-two leagues east-south-east from Newfoundland, and as the wind was contrary we went into a harbour which we named the Bay of the Holy Ghost. We remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailed along the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dangerous rocks and shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-north-west, stretching about twenty-three leagues out to sea. While at St Peters Islands, we saw many French and British ships, and remained there from the 11th to 16th of June, after, which we sailed to Cape Race, where we went into a harbour named Rognoso, where we took in a supply of wood and water to serve us on the voyage home, and at this place we left one of our boats. We left that harbour on Monday the 19th of June, and had such excellent weather and fair winds, that we arrived in the Port of St Maloes upon the 6th of July 1536.

* * * * *

In Hakluyts Collection, III. 286-289, there is a short imperfect fragment of a third voyage by Jacques Cartier to Canada, Hochelega, and Saguenay in 1540; but as it breaks off abruptly and gives hardly any additional information respecting the country and its inhabitants or productions, beyond what is contained in the two voyages already inserted, it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the present collection.—E.

Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada.

1. Secada. 2. Tigneni. 3. Hasche. 4. Hannaion. 5. Ouiscon. 6. Indahir. 7. Aiaga. 8. Addigue. 9. Madellan. 10. Assem.

_Aggonzi_, the head. _Atha_, shoes. _Hegueniascon, the brow. _Amgoua,_ a shirt. _Higata_, the eyes. _Castrua_, a cap. _Abontascon_, the ears. _Osizi_, corn. _Esahe_, the mouth. _Carraconny_, bread. _Esgongay_, the teeth, _Sahe_ beans. _Osnache_, the tongue. _Ame_, water. _Agonpon_, the throat. _Quahouascon_, flesh. _Hebelim_, the beard. _Honnesta_, damsons. _Hegouascon_, the face. _Absconda_, figs. _Aganiscon_, the hair. _Ozoba_, grapes. _Aiayascon_, the arms. _Quahoya_, nuts. _Aissonne_, the flanks. _Esgueny_, an eel. _Aggruascon_, the stomach. _Undeguezi_, a snail. _Eschehenda_, the belly. _Hueleuxima_, a tortoise. _Hetnegradascon_, the thighs. _Sahomgahoa_, a hen. _Agotschinegodascon_, the knees. _Zisto_, a lamprey. _Agouguenehondo_, the legs. _Ondacon_, a salmon. _Onchidascon_, the feet. _Ainne-honne_, a whale. _Aignoascon_, the hands. _Sadeguenda_, a goose. _Agenuga_, the fingers. _Aionnesta_, a stag. _Agedascon_, the nails. _Asquenondo_, a sheep. _Aguehum_, a man. _Saurkanda_, a hare. _Agrauste_, a woman. _Agaya_, a dog. _Addegesta_, a boy. _Achide_, to-morrow. _Agniaquesta_, a girl. _Cudragny_, God. _Exiasta_, a child. _Quenhia_, heaven. _Conda_, woods. _Damga_, the earth. _Hoga_, leaves. _Ysmay_, the sun. _Cabata_, a gown. _Assomaha_, the moon. _Caioza_, a doublet. _Stagnehoham_, the stars. _Hemondoha_, stocking. _Copoha_, the wind. _Adogne_, a hatchet _Ahencu_, a bow. _Quaetan_, a dart. _Canada_, a town. _Agogasy_, the sea. _Coda_, the waves. _Cohena_, an island. _Agacha_, a hill. _Hounesca_, ice. _Camsa_, snow. _Athau_, cold. _Odazani_, hot. _Azista_, fire. _Quea_, smoke. _Canoca_, a house. _Addathy_, my father. _Adauahoe_, my mother. _Addagrim_, my brother. _Adhoasseue_, my sister.

Quaza hoa quea, Give me some drink. Quaza hoa quascaboa, Give me my breakfast. Quaza hoa quatfriam, Give me my supper.

Casigno agnydahoa, Let us go to bed. Casigno donnascat, Let us go a hunting. Casigno caudy, Let us go to play. Casigno casnouy, Let us go in the boat. Assigni quaddadia, Come speak with me.

Quagathoma, Look at me. Aignag, Good morrow. Aista, Hold your peace. Buazahca agoheda, Give me a knife.



A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II. CONTINUED.

BOOK III.

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA.



CHAPTER I.

DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM 1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLUSIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART[63].

We have formerly in the First BOOK of this Second PART of our general arrangement, given a historical account of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa, with their Discovery of and early Conquests in India, from the glorious era of DON HENRY prince of Portugal in 1412, down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off from that interesting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the NEW WORLD by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have detailed at considerable, yet we hope not inconvenient length, in the III. IV. and V. Volumes of our Collection, the great and important Discovery of America, and the establishment of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand division of the world, with some short notices of the earliest American Discoveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We now return to a continuation of the early Discoveries and Conquests in India, taking that word in its most extensive signification as comprehending the whole of southern Asia, from the Persian Gulf to Japan and Eastern China. In the present portion of our Collection, we propose chiefly to direct our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese; adding however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the early Voyages to India made by other European nations.

[Footnote 63: Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.]

It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from which the different articles to be contained in this Book or division of our work has been collected, as these will be all referred to in the several chapters and sections of which it is composed. Indeed as the introductions we prefix, on the present and other similar occasions, are necessarily written previous to the composition of the articles to which they refer, contrary to the usual practice, it would be improper to tie ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude the availment of any additional materials that may occur during our progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve a power of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to the Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia, among the early voyages to India, if hereafter deemed necessary; which is strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK I, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It may be proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing a continuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of Manuel de Faria y Sousa, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down Castaneda at the end of our Second BOOK. Faria[64], who is designated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was a celebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA PORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the Transactions of his countrymen in India, from their first going there in 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyages and Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the western coast of Africa, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of China and Japan: All their battles by sea and land, with their expeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersed with descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited, or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government, and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise and clear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of the Portuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as for his remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and have often an air of freedom that might not have been expected under an arbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he often discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerile credulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publication under the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of the peninsula, the Inquisition.

[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87.]

This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal, where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on some occasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on Mendez Pinto, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of the Portuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio, and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian, French, and English.

The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of no other or later edition, was made by Captain John Stevens, and published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. dedicated to Catherine of Portugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs the reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size than the Spanish original, yet without omitting any part of the history, or even abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches, which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, and omitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present at the principal actions, and extended reflections of the author which were only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account of the work by the translator, the Spanish is mentioned as the original. Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have both appeared contemporaneously in 1666.[65]

[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.]

In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said to have been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, published at London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is used so far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation of Stevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in that author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement. From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda, we have given his work nearly entire, only endeavouring to reduce the language of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionally using the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and to curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for modern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notes and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, all of which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their proper places. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additions to the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which are likewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will be found more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in former Collections of Voyages and Travels.

After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries in America, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of the Discovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and the commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained in the Second Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. Sections I. to IX. pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of nine years, from the setting out of Vasco de Gama in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage, by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India from Europe, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, eighty-five years before. On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de Castaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in India to the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin by the intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of the Zamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarez back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles as captain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has been formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p.500, note 5, that Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de Barreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find that he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The difference between these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial to the English reader.—E.

SECTION I.

Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on the East Coast of Africa[66].

Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the spices and other productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and at great expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have been the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. From that place the inhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal, pearls from Calicare[67], diamonds from Narsinga[68], cinnamon and rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from the coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz these commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter cities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, were landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.

[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.]

[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic.—E.]

[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape Comorin.—E.]

Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], who was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his proceedings.

[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the 24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks.—Astley, I. 58. b.]

Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.

As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eager desire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, and afterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts along the coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi, which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers, merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwards still greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, forty leagues from the island of Baharem[70] in the Persian gulf, who settled first Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from these, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis, signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessed themselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, and discovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spread themselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture to navigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the south-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Along this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and others; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whence many others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar. Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of the sea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorn trees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, and birds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed by the Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and orchards behind.

[Footnote 70: More properly Bahrayn, which signifies the two seas, being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea.—Astl. I. 59. e.]

SECTION II.

Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Eastern coast of Africa, and Malabar.

On the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying 1500 soldiers, being bound for India of which he was appointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships were to return with merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remain in India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible storm, by which it was separated. In one of the ships commanded by Diego Correa, the sails were split to pieces and three men washed overboard, two of whom perished; but the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that he would keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep an eye upon him, and on the storm abating next morning he was taken on board. Owing to the separation of the fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived at Quiloa with only eight vessels; and on saluting the port without receiving any answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberate upon his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a fort at this place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He landed therefore with 500 men, accompanied by his son Don Lorenzo, and attacked the town in two places. Amir Ibrahim fled over to the continent with his wives and riches, having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by which device he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape. The city was taken and plundered, without any loss on the side of the Portuguese, though a great number of the inhabitants were slain. Ibrahim though the forty-fourth successive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered the former king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of the former king and who had espoused the Portuguese interests to the throne, placing a crown of gold on his head with great pomp and solemnity. On this occasion Mohammed declared that if the former king Alfudail had been alive he would have refused the crown; and he actually appointed the son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children of his own. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to shame the inhumanity and barbarism of the Christians, who wade through seas of blood, contemn the most sacred bonds of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces, oppress the good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjury into duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accursed purposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres those to whom Providence had been pleased to confide them as most worthy of rule.

Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twenty days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel and brigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail for Mombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues in circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large bay before it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, two vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery of eight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from the Portuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy, blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they were obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned, the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informed that the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in defending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission; but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightened by the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst. Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men had been wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging to Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attacked the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at the other side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace he took possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately after gaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships had succeeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya, all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only five men; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, of which only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plundered the city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.

At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, and continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay called Angra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separated along with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing from thence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in India was the island of Anchediva[71], where according to orders from the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men, leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he was visited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom of Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from their sovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and several Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this however was the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa and Mombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had built a fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to make himself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretence of a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected and remained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he sailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. The inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission, till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to a neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On this Almeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his son Lorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were in the port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, and discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda was wounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blew the smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for a time; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked. In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his men falling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, when the enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor of the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed, waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and being a man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master to become vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed to a treaty of peace.