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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI - Early English Voyages Of Discovery To America
by Robert Kerr
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The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in this extensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performed his part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had been besieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according to his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gaining some advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes follow the dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. When this affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimous opinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but the viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he would make no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the most flourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a fleet about the end of February under the command of Catiproca, who made his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a large land force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though the harbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number of Portuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered the harbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with the arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number of his small vessels named calemutes to join the Malabar fleet, he prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which were commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, but were so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off with considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle from an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon Catiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for after remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and got away as fortunately as he had got in.

While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangalore to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which she alleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of regaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his men secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. While his men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, who commanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemy on the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down those who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down those who had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on board their ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the Malabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river Tiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, the admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chest of money belonging to Pereyra recovered.

Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did not fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as each of the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake some considerable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hitherto deterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their seas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of his ships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawn from the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam were both about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, the zamorin took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them armed with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of Chale about two leagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George de Castro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and straitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all apparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unable to penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by an effort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a few men.

Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies and reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with great difficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged were reduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear arms out of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed impracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was commanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship was filled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley preceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship to defend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible difficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had been intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, this formidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvert the Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored among the native princes.

SECTION VII.

Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576.

At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great alteration in the government of the Portuguese possessions in the east, which he deemed too extensive to be under the management of one person. He divided them therefore into three separate governments, which were designated respectively, India, Monotmotapa, and Malacca. The first, or India, extended from Gape Guardafu, or the north-east extremity of Africa on the Indian ocean, to the island of Ceylon inclusive. The second, or Monomotapa, from Cape Corrientes to Cape Guardafu; and the third, or Malacca, from Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first, or India, Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomotapa, and Antonio Moniz Barreto to Malacca, both stiled governors. It will be necessary therefore to treat of these governments separately, though by this we must necessarily in some measure neglect the consideration of regular chronology in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with the viceroyalty of Noronha.

Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of 4000 with whom he sailed from Lisbon. Don Luis de Ataine, who surrendered to him the sword of command, was a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and so free from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others brought from India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of water from the four famous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris, and Euphrates, which were long preserved in his castle of Peniche. After serving both in Europe and Africa, he went out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he was knighted on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and was present in the battle in which that emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landgrave and the Duke of Saxony. He behaved so bravely in that battle, that the emperor offered to knight him; but having already received that honour on Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which the emperor declared in public that he envied that honour beyond the victory he had just gained. On his return to Lisbon from administering the government of India with such high reputation, he was received with much honour by King Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pacheco had been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards, when appointed a second time to the viceroyalty.

The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the relief of Chale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with 1500 men; but he came too late, as the fort had been already surrendered to the zamorin upon conditions. This surrender had been made by the commander Don George de Castro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers, overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought to have preferred an honourable death to a short and infamous addition to his life. Neither was this his only fault, for the provisions had lasted longer if he had not committed them to the care of his wife, who dissipated them among her slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diego de Menezes could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale to Cochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Albuquerque, and cleared the seas of pirates.

When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so much lessened by the division into three governments, his great aim was to acquire riches, as he was poor, and had several children. With this view he endeavoured to prevail on Antonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointed governor of Malacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had been ordered for him on going to assume that government, alleging that India was not then in a condition to give what was promised; but Moniz refused to go unless supplied with the force agreed on, as the posture of Malacca was then too dangerous to admit of being governed by a person who considered his reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part gratefully received by princes and ministers: and the Portuguese ministry, on the sole information of Moniz, committed the weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the sequel: Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereign is a child.

About this time Akbar Shah,[381] emperor of the Moguls had acquired the sovereignty of Cambaya or Guzerat. Sultan Mahmud the heir of the late king had been left under the tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti Khan, and Madrem-al-Mulk, each of whom envious of the others endeavoured to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, considering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to the protection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, who immediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to the great Mogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or Soubah in reward of his treachery. Akbar accordingly marched to Amedabad, where the traitor delivered up to him the young king, and the Mogul was seated on the musnud or throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfied with this great acquisition, Akbar resolved to recover the town and districts of Basseen and Daman, which had formerly belonged to Cambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese; and as this intention became known to Luis de Almeyda who commanded at Daman, he sent notice to the viceroy, who immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow there in person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of December 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and ninety smaller vessels. On his arrival with this large armament in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped at the distance of two leagues from that place, was so much dismayed by the power and military reputation of the Portuguese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his gallery with great state, and after listening to his proposals sent Antonio Cabral along with him to Akbar, on which a peace was concluded to the satisfaction of both parties. The viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogul settled the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off the head of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his villany.

[Footnote 381: Named by DeFaria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa; probably a corruption of Gelal 'oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah.—E.]

The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet of near 100 sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train of artillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of Iller, which was saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour; but failing in this and some minor enterprizes he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular siege, having been disappointed in his expectations of carrying it by a coup de main. At this time Malacca was in a miserable condition, excessively poor, having very few men and these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserving, these calamities; for Malacca was then the Portuguese Nineveh in India, I know not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate means and, hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestly intreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do every thing in his power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; and though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which he set them the example.

He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November 1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river Fermoso. Giving the command of his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle along with them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making great havock in her crew of 200 men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of the enemy. Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four gallies and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed[382].

[Footnote 382: Though not mentioned by De Faria, the king of Acheen appears to Jave raised the siege of Malacca after this naval victory.—E.]

Sometime in the year 1578, four ships arrived at Goa from Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who immediately on landing went to the archbishop Don Gaspar, to whom he delivered a packet from the king. The royal orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer in the archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de Noronha was deposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom Antonio Moniz Barreto was immediately to succeed with the title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was appointed to the government of Malacca, in default of whom Don Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly succeeded as the other was dead.

Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again in danger, as the king of Acheen was before it a second time, assisted by the queen of Japara. On this intelligence, Moniz desired Leonis Pereyra to set out for his government, and Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with the same force which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha; yet Moniz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that subject to the king, and that India was now free from danger, refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no excuse for his conduct, would even have been satisfied with a much smaller force than that formerly required by Moniz, but even that was refused him, and he went away to Portugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About the end of this year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the trial and execution of Don George de Castro for surrendering Chale to the zamorin. He was accordingly beheaded publicly: Yet in the year following a commission was sent out from Portugal for employing him in another command.

Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general Quiaidaman to besiege Malacca with 15,000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then at Malacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being dead. Tristan Vaz sent immediate notice to Goa of his danger; on which Moniz issued orders to all the neighbouring places to send succours, and began to fit out a fleet for its relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed and besieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 men to drive the enemy from a post. After killing 70 of the enemy, they levelled the work and brought off seven pieces of cannon. Pereyra afterwards burnt 50 of their galleons, and destroyed some great engines which they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers in a sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected for straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at Jor took a large quantity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in great consternation, and withdrew under night; but were pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword or sickness in this siege, which lasted three months.

Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 40 gallies, and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. Tristan Vaz gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a convoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in. Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men and ammunition Tristan Vaz was under the necessity of remaining very quiet; but the enemy fearing he was preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror when they might easily have carried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the distressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and next to God, the city owed its safety to the courage of Tristan Vaz, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent above 20,000 ducats in its defence.

At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar coast with two gallies and twenty-four other vessels. The town of Guipar near Bracalore being in rebellion, he landed there and set the town on fire after killing 1500 of the inhabitants. He likewise cut down the woods[383] in revenge for the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed an island belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined the city of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign, where the heir of the kingdom was slain with 200 of his followers. At Capocate 300 of the natives were slain with the loss of two only of the Portuguese. The town of Nilacharim near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In the intervals between these exploits on the land, several vessels belonging to the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with slaves and provisions.

[Footnote 383: Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alluded to.—E.]

At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the injustice and tyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of Ternate was forced to surrender to the king, who protested in presence of the Portuguese that he took possession of it in trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver it up to any one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder of his father was punished[384].

[Footnote 384: A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernment and tyranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at this and other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version.—E.]

In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded in the government of India by Don Diego de Menezes; but it may be proper to suspend for a time our account of the affairs of India, to give some account of the transactions in Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto and his successor Vasco Fernandez Homeiri.

SECTION VIII.

Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government[385].

On the return of Francisco Barreto from the government of India in 1558, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed admiral of the gallies, in which employment he gained great honour in the memorable action of Pennon; and on his return to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined upon making the division of the Portuguese governments in the east already mentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Monomotapa[386], with the additional title of Conqueror of the Mines. The great inducement for this enterprise was from the large quantities of gold said to be found in that country, and particularly at Manica in the kingdom of Mocaranga. Francisco Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, with three ships and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if the vessels could have contained them, as the reports of gold banished all idea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed forwards for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen and veterans who had served in Africa.

[Footnote 385: In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569.—E.]

[Footnote 386: In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in the text is known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understood to be the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called Senna by the Portuguese, from the name of a fort possessed by them in the interior.—E.]

On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the king of Pate, who had revolted against the Portuguese authority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to undertake nothing of importance without the advice and concurrence of Francisco do Monclaros, a Jesuit, which was the cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error to subject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most presumptuous folly in the priest to undertake a commission so foreign to his profession. There were two roads to the mines, one of which was through the dominions of Monomotapa, and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto was disposed to have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon the former, and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the council of war; so that the first step in this expedition led to its ruin. But before entering upon the narrative of events, it may be proper to give some account of the climate, quality, and extent of the country.

From Cape Delgado in lat. 10 deg. 1O' S. to Mozambique in 14 deg. 50', the coast is somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in which space are the islands of Pujaros, Amice, Mocoloe, Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with the rivers Paudagi, Menluanc, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with the bays of Xanga and Fuego, and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique in lat. 14 deg. 5O' S. to the port or bay of Asuca in 21 deg. 8O', the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the Pracel de Sofala or great bank of Pracel, on the coast of Madagascar, the dangerous Scylla and Charibdis of those seas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, and others, with many islands, and the ports of Quilimane and Luabo; the rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and Sofala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mambone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua or St Sebastian in lat. 21 deg. 40' S. and Cape Corientes in 24 deg. S. is the great bay of Sauca, into which falls the river Inhamhane, where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent recurrence of the soft letters L and M in these names, it may be inferred that the language of that country is by no means harsh. From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, the empire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which falls the Chiri or Chireira, running through the country of Bororo[387], in which country are many other large rivers, on the banks of which dwell many kings, some of whom are independent, and others are subject to Monomotapa. The most powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by four mouths between Mozambique and Sofala. The first or most northerly of these mouths is that of Quilimane, ninety leagues from Mozambique; the second or Cuama is five leagues farther south; the third Luabo five leagues lower; and the fourth named Luabol five leagues more to the south. Between these mouths are three large and fertile islands; the middle one, named Chingoma, is sixty leagues in circumference. This great river is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of Sena, inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to Tete, another Portuguese colony [388]. The richest mines are those of Massapa, called Anfur[389], the Ophir whence the queen of Sheba had the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines it is said, that one lump of gold has been found worth 12,000 ducats, and another worth 40,000. The gold is not only found among the earth and stones, but even grows up within the bark of several trees as high as where the branches spread out to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are not much inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are many others not so considerable. There are three fairs or markets which the Portuguese frequent for this trade of gold from the castle of Tete on the river Zambeze. The first of these is Luanze, four days journey inland from that place [390]. The second is Bacuto [391] farther off; and the third Massapa still farther [392]. At these fairs the gold is procured in exchange for coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articles of small value among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by the commander of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission of the emperor of Monomotapa, but under the express condition of not going into the country, under pain of death. He acts as judge of the differences that arise there. There are churches belonging to the Dominicans at Massapa, Bacuto, and Luanze. The origin, number, and chronology of the kings of Mohomotapa are not known, though it is believed there were kings here in the time of the queen of Sheba, and that they were subject to her, as she got her gold from thence. In the mountain of Anfur or Fura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately buildings, supposed to be those of palaces and castles. In process of time this great empire was divided into three kingdoms, called Quiteve, Sabanda, and Chicanga[393], which last is the most powerful, as possessing the mines of Manica, Butua, and others. It is believed that the negroes of Butua, in the kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola, as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred leagues distance from each other [394]. The country of Monomotapa produces rice and maize, and has plenty of cattle and poultry, the inhabitants addicting themselves to pasturage and tillage, and even cultivating gardens. It is divided into 25 kingdoms or provinces named Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo, Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, Romba, Rassini, Chirao, Mocaranga and Remo-de-Beza.

[Footnote 387: According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empire of Mocaranga, the sovereign of which is called Monomotapa, from the empire of the Bororos; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south of the Zambeze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country of Mocaranga.—E.]

[Footnote 388: Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 miles higher up: so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probably for small vessels only.—E.]

[Footnote 389: Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement on the river Mocaras, a branch of the Chireira, in the interior of Mocaranga. Anfur or Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold mines.—E.]

[Footnote 390: Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of the branches of the Chireira.—E.]

[Footnote 391: Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze.—E.]

[Footnote 392: Massapa is about 45 miles S.S.W. from Buento or Bacuto, or 170 miles in that direction from Tete.—E]

[Footnote 393: Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, now named Sofala from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river of that name, the southern province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is now called Manica, the south-west province of Mocaranga, the king or chief of which province is named Chicanga.—E.]

[Footnote 394: The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutua of modern maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from the northern part of Mocaranga. The distance between Abutua and the eastern confines of Benguela, one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about 800 or 900 miles.—E.]

The emperor [395] has a large wooden palace, the three chief apartments of which are, one for himself, another for his wife, and the third for his menial servants. It has three doors opening into a large court, one appropriated for the queen and her attendants, one for the king and the servants attached to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks who are all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none so young are supposed to have any commerce with women, or otherwise they are severely punished. After serving in the palace, these young men are preferred to high employments.

[Footnote 395: The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latter is often used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be at Zimbao near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Sena and Tete.—E.]

The servants within the palace, and those without, are commanded by two captains or high officers, resembling the Alcalde de los Douzeles, or governor of the noble youths, formerly at the court of Spain. The principal officers of the crown are, the Ningomoaxa or governor of the kingdom, Mocomoaxa or captain-general, Ambuya or high steward, whose office it is to procure a successor, when the Mazarira or principal wife of the king dies, who must always be chosen from among the sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer is the Inbantovo or chief musician, who has many musicians under his charge; the Nurucao, or captain, of the vanguard; Bucurumo, which signifies the king's right hand; Magande, or the chief conjurer; Netambe, or chief apothecary, who has charge of the ointments and utensils for sorcery; and lastly, the Nehono or chief porter. All these offices are discharged by great lords. They use no delicacy in cookery, having all their meats roasted or boiled; and they eat of such articles as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats and mice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and rabbits.

The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned queens, and are all his sisters or near relations; the rest being the daughters of noblemen. The chief wife is called Mazarira, or the mother of the Portuguese, who frequently make presents to her, as she solicits their affairs with the king, and he sends no messengers to them but accompanied by some of her servants. The second queen is called Inahanda, who solicits for the Moors. The others Nabuiza, Nemangore, Nizingoapangi, Navembo, Nemongoro, Nessani, and Necarunda. Every one of these lives apart in as great state as the king, having certain revenues and districts appointed for their expenses. When any of these die, another is appointed to her place and name, and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as well as the king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other times they come to him; all of them having many female attendants, whom the king makes use of when he thinks proper.

The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the Moearangi, and of which the emperor is a native. They are by no means warlike, and their only weapons are bows, arrows, and javelins. In regard to religion, they acknowledge one only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called Muzuco, but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kings go to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of Musimos, as the saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no letters, their only knowledge of past events is preserved by tradition. The lame and blind are called the king's poor, because they are charitably maintained by him; and when any of these travel, the towns through which they pass are obliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from place to place, an excellent example for Christians. The months are divided into three weeks of ten days each, and have several festivals. The first day of each month is the festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifth day of every week are kept as festivals. On these days all the natives dress in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to all who present themselves, on which occasion he holds a truncheon about three quarters of a yard long in each hand, using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him prostrate themselves on the ground, and his audience lasts from morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the Ningomoaxa, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place. No one must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on the eighth day of the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky. On the day of the new moon, the king runs about the palace with two javelins in his hand, as if fighting, all the great men being present at this pastime. When this is ended, a pot full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which the king scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strives to gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were the most savoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on the new moon in May, which they call Chuavo. On this day all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort to court, where they run about with javelins in their hand, as in a mock fight. This sport lasts the whole day, at the end of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eight days afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly. He then reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for whom he has least affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his ancestors, or the Muzimos. When this is done, the drums cease, and every one goes home. The Mumbos[396] eat human flesh, which is publicly sold in the shambles. This may suffice for the customs of the natives in the empire of Monomotapa, as it would be endless to recount the whole.

[Footnote 396: This savage race are said to inhabit on the north western frontiers of Mocaranga.—E.]

After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his expedition for the mines of Monomotapa, with men, horses, camels, and other necessaries for war, and with proper tools for working the mines which he expected to conquer. He sailed up the river Cuama, called Rio de los buenos Sennales, or river of Good Signs; by the first discoverers, and came to Sena or the fort of St Marzalis, according to the desire of father Monclaros; whence he proceeded to the town of Inaparapala, near which is another town belonging to the Moors, who, being always professed enemies to the Christians, began to thwart the designs of the Portuguese as they had formerly done in India. They even attempted to poison the Portuguese army, and some of the men and horses actually died in consequence; but the cause being discovered by one of the Moors, they were all put to the sword, their chiefs being blown from the mouths of cannon, the informer only being pardoned. After this Barreto sent an embassy to the king, desiring permission to march against the chief of the Mongas, who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue his march to the mines of Butua and Mancica. The first of these requests was a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other, as the province of the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary to march thither by force of arms. The king gave his consent to both requests, and even offered to send 100,000 of his own men along with the Portuguese; but Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have the whole honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to gain favour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23 horse and 560 foot armed with muskets; and after a march of ten days, mostly along the rapid river Zambeze, in which the troops suffered excessively from hunger and thirst, the enemy were descried covering the hills and vallies with armed men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so great that the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto marched on giving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez Homem, while he led the rear in person, the baggage and a few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage the cannon were removed to the front and flanks.

The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent; and as the Portuguese marched to the charge, an old woman came forward to meet them scattering some powder towards them, having persuaded the enemy that she alone would gain the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood the meaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notorious witch, which was so well pointed that she was blown to atoms, at which the Kafrs were astonished, as they believed her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without any order, either from ignorance or because they relied on their immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and darts against the Portuguese; but finding that the musqueteers slew them by hundreds at every discharge, they took to flight, and great numbers of them were slain in the pursuit. Barreto continued his march for the city of the Mongas, and was opposed by another multitude similar to the former which was put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs being slain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The city was abandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by Barreto without opposition, at which he entrenched his small army. Next morning a multitude of Kafrs as large as either of the former appeared to assail the Portuguese; but being again routed with prodigious slaughter, a messenger arrived to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would wait upon the king, when all matters might be adjusted. He accordingly marched next day, and having encamped in a convenient place, a new embassy came from the king to solicit peace. While the Kafr ambassadors were conferring with Barreto, one of the camels belonging to the Portuguese happened to break loose and came up to where Barreto was, who stopped it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kafr ambassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished to see it come up to the governor, at whom they asked many questions concerning the strange animal. Taking advantage of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those animals fed only on human flesh, devouring all that were slain in battle; and that this camel had come to him from the rest to desire that he would not make peace as they would then have no food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated him to desire the camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would immediately supply him with great numbers of cattle. He granted their request and marched on, still in much distress for provisions.

At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mozambique which rendered his presence there necessary, on which he assigned the command of the army to Vasco Fermandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Moluccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished into Africa, on which he requested Barreto to take him to Mozambique, which he did accordingly, and even gave him the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years of age, Brandam wished to secure himself in the command of the fort by sending false informations to the king against Barreto his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercepted and sent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique immediately shewed them to Brandam, who fell on his knees and asked pardon in the most humble manner. Barreto forgave him, but deprived him of the command over the fort at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of Lorenzo Godino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Monomotapa.

On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the army, Monclaros accosted him in a violent manner commanding him to desist from that wild enterprise of conquering the mines, in which he had imposed on the king, declaring that he should be held responsible for all who had died or might die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It is certain that Barreto was not the promoter of this intended conquest, and that Manclaros was actually to blame for the miscarriage; yet Barreto took the insolence of this proud priest so much to heart that he died in two days without any other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answer for on account of the death of the governor, than he for the unfortunate result of the expedition, which was all owing to the arrogant ignorance of the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong direction. Thus fell, by the angry words of a priest, a great man who had escaped from many bullets among the Indians, from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, and from the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented his untimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable reception to his body when brought to Lisbon.

After the death of Barreto, a royal order was found among his papers by which Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed his successor. By the persuasions of Monclaros, who was now disgusted with the expedition of Monomotapa, Homem returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning the projected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious persons, and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged him to resume the execution of the orders which had been given by the king to Barreto, and he determined upon resuming the enterprise for the conquest of Monomotapa; but as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he found himself at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, as Barreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore at Sofala, he marched directly inland towards the mines of Manica in the kingdom of Chicanga, bordering by the inland with the kingdom of Quiteve which is next in power to Monomotapa[397]. To conciliate the king of Quiteve, Homem sent messengers with presents to request the liberty of passing through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions, that king received his propositions very coldly. Homem advanced however, having nearly a similar force with that which accompanied Barreto on the former expedition into the kingdom of Monomotapa, and several bodies of Kafrs that attempted to stop his progress were easily routed with great slaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against the invaders by force of arms, the king of Quiteve had recourse to policy, and caused all the people and provisions to be removed from the towns, so that the Portuguese suffered extreme distress till they arrived at Zimbao[398], the residence of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge in inaccessible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to the kingdom of Chicanga, where he was received by the king rather through fear than love, was supplied with provisions, and allowed a free passage to the mines. At these the Portuguese vainly expected that they would be able to gather gold in great abundance; but seeing that the natives procured only very small quantities in a long time and with much difficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour, they soon abandoned the place which they had so long and anxiously sought for, and returned towards the coast, parting from the king of Chicanga in much friendship. Thus, though disappointed in their main design of acquiring rich gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the place evinced how great an error had been formerly committed by subjecting Barreto to the direction of Monclaros, who had led him by a tedious and dangerous way merely to gratify his own extravagant humour.

[Footnote 397: In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant of the foreign possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala on both sides of the river of that name, extend about 520 miles from east to west, in lat. 20 deg. S. from the Mozambique channel, by about 100 miles in breadth. The commercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portuguese is at the mouth of the river; and about 220 miles from the sea is a town called Zimbao of Quiteve. Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inland district to the west of the kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia; all three dependent upon Monomotapa.—E.]

[Footnote 398: This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguished from a town of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat. 20 deg. S. on the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16 deg. 20' S. near the river Zambezi or Cuama.—E]

Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king of that country now permitted him to march for the mines of _Maninnas_[399], on condition that the Portuguese should pay him twenty crowns yearly. Homem accordingly marched for the kingdom of _Chicova[400], which borders upon the inland frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard that there were rich mines of silver in that country. Having penetrated to Chicova, he inquired among the natives for the way to the mines; and as they saw that it was in vain for them to resist, while they feared the discovery of the mines would prove their ruin, they scattered some ore at a place far distant from the mines, and shewing this to the Portuguese told them that this was the place of which they were in search. By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as the Portuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they were unwilling the natives should see what treasure they procured. Homem accordingly caused all the environs to be carefully dug up, and after a vast deal of fruitless labour was obliged to desist, as provisions grew scarce. Thus finding no advantage after all his fatigues and dangers, Homem marched away towards the coast with part of his troops, intending to return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio Cardoso de Almeyda with 200 men to continue the researches for some time for the treasures that were said to abound in that country. Cardoso suffered himself to be again deceived by the Kafrs who had before imposed upon Homem, as they now offered to conduct him to where he might find a vein of silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the mines, and killed him and all his men after defending themselves with incredible bravery.

[Footnote 399: No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich gold mines are mentioned in Mocaranga near mount Fura, which is nearly in the route indicated in the text, between Sofala or Quiteve and Chicoya.—E.]

[Footnote 400: Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga or Monomotapa, in lat. 19 deg. N. at the north-west boundary of that empire on the Zambeze; and is said to abound in mines of silver.—E.]

Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa shortly after its commencement, under two successive governors, who lost their object almost as soon as it was seen. The first killed by a few rash words, and the second expelled by a prudent stratagem. Yet peace and trade continued between the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. These actions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when Luis de Ataide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz Barreto[401], were governors of India; but we have never been able to ascertain when the former died and the latter abandoned the projected conquest of the mines.

[Footnote 401: The commencement of the government of Barreto has been already stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barreto governed India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments of Francisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not be less than four or more than seven years.—E.]

SECTION IX.

Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to 1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain, on the Death of the Cardinal King Henry.

In 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of Portuguese India; but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique, Don Diego de Menezes assumed the government in virtue of a royal patent of succession. Nothing extraordinary happened during his government of nearly two years, when he was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count of Atougaia as viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide had been appointed general in chief of the Portuguese forces by king Sebastian, who had resolved to bury the glory of his kingdom in the burning sands of Africa; and finding his own youthful impetuosity unable to conform with the prudent councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of India as a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at Goa about the end of August 1577, where he immediately fitted out a mighty fleet which struck terror into all the neighbouring princes. After continuing the war for some time against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with that prince.

Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melancholy catastrophe which had befallen king Sebastian in Africa, and that the Cardinal Don Henry had succeeded to the throne; but he soon afterwards died, and the kingdom of Portugal came under the direction of a council of regency consisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon afterwards at Goa in the beginning of the year 1580, after governing India this second time for two years and seven months. He seemed to have had a presentiment of his death; for being applied to for leave to bury his cousin Antonio Borello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refused it, saying that he had long designed that situation for himself. He was a man of most undaunted courage, of which the following instance may be adduced. At the attack of Onore, he sailed in a brigantine sitting in a chair, having a famous musician beside him playing on the harp. When the balls from the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musician he stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as the tune was excellent. One of the gentlemen near him, seeing his unconcernedness, requested him to expose himself less to the danger, as if he were slain all would be lost; "No such thing," answered he, "for if I am killed there are men enough who are fit to succeed me."

On his death, which appears to have happened in March 1580, he was succeeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de Menezes, pursuant to a patent of succession sent out by the regency in the year before. On this occasion the new governor was installed with as much demonstration of joy as if there had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects of Portugal for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs of Portugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of Visiapour were in no better condition, in consequence of the death of Adel Khan without heirs, in the 23d year of his reign and 50th of his age. Being adicted to unnatural practices, a youth of eighteen years of age who had too much honour to submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he was endeavouring to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. Ibrahim Khan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom Adel Khan had put to death, succeeded to the sovereignty; but was soon afterwards seized by a powerful Omrah, named Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of the city of Visiapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted under three leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi Khan, and Delarna Khan, the last of whom secured the other two and usurped the whole power.

About this time new instructions came from the regency of Portugal, announcing that Philip II. of Spain had been admitted as king of Portugal, and enjoining the governor and all the Portuguese in India to take the oath of allegiance to the new sovereign.

At this period Mirazenam Pacha, a native of Otranto, and born of Christian parents, was governor of all that part of Arabia which is called Yemen by the natives, and resided in Sanaa or Zenan, a city in the inland part of Yeman or Arabia Felix, 60 leagues north of Mokha[402]. Sanaa stands upon a hill encompassed with a good wall, and is thought to have been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have been the residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful province in which it stands was called by the ancients Siria Muinifera, because it produces frankincense, myrrh, and storax. Being desirous to plunder Maskat near Cape Ras-al-gat, Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies on that errand under Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most of the Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their goods to be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge in Mataro, a town only a league distant, whence they went to Bruxel, a fort about four leagues inland, belonging to Catani the sheikh or chief of a horde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab officer who commanded there received the Portuguese with much kindness and hospitality, and protected them till the departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On learning the ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then commanded at Ormuz, sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron consisting of a galleon, a galley, and six other vessels, with 400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeyda neglected the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the Naytaques, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and rich city of Pesani[403]. But the inhabitants got notice of their danger and fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plundered the city, to which he set fire, together with near fifty sail of vessels which were in the bay. He did the same thing to Guadel or Gader, a city not inferior to Pesani, and to Teis or Tesse belonging to the barbarous tribe of the Abindos who dwell on the river Calamen in Gedrosia[404], and who join with the Naytagites in their piracies.

[Footnote 402: Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English miles N.E. from Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north from Makulla, the nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean.—E.]

[Footnote 403: Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of the provinces of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on the opposite coast of the entrance towards the Persian Gulf.—E.]

[Footnote 404: Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia on the Indian Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus, now called Mekran or Makran.—E.]

SECTION X.

Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597 [405].

Don Francisco Mascarenhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the first viceroy sent out to India after the revolution by which Philip II of Spain acquired the sovereignty of Portugal. The honour and advantages conferred upon him on receiving this important office were greater than had ever been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. He well deserved all rewards of honour and profit, having served with great reputation in India, particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompetent garrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power of the Nizam, who besieged it with 150,000 men. Yet his advancement on this occasion proceeded more from the policy of the king of Spain than the merit of Mascarenhas, to endeavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in India by his bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy found that all the Portuguese had already submitted to the government of the king of Spain, so that he had only to attend to the usual affairs of his viceroyalty.

[Footnote 405: We have here omitted from de Faria several long and confused dissertations on subjects that will be treated of more satisfactorily in the sequel of this work, from better sources of information. These are, 1. Of the religion of Hindostan. 2. Of the empire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan. 4. Of China. 5. Of the traditions respecting the preaching of Christianity in India by St Thomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transactions in India from de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting events, confining our attention only to such as are of some relative importance.—E.]

Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being long kept prisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his kingdom, made his escape by the assistance of some women and came in disguise to a Banian at Cambaya, by whom he was conveyed to Jambo, a person who had secured himself in a portion of the kingdom of Guzerat in the late revolution. Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimate sovereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and great men, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in which there were above 30,000 horse, and in a short time Amodifar recovered possession of almost all Guzerat, either by force or consent. In hopes of profiting by these confusions, and in particular expecting to acquire possession of Surat, the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence he sent some intelligent agents to Baroach, which was then besieged by Amodifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having taken refuge in that place. These agents had instructions to treat secretly both with Amodifar and the wife of Cotub, without letting either of them know the correspondence with the other, that the Portuguese interest might be secured with the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul army invaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole country, so that the negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing, and be returned to Goa. While absent from that city, the subjects of the new king of Visiapour, provoked by the insolences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wished to set up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been long kept prisoner at Goa; but on this coming to the knowledge of Larva Khan, he contrived, by means of an infamous Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam, to inveigle Cufo Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown was made prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes.

After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the viceroyalty for three years, Don Duarte de Menezes came out in 1581 as his successor. His first measure was to restore peace at Cochin, where a revolt was threatened by the natives in consequence of the Portuguese having usurped the management of the custom-house to the prejudice of the Rajah; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the people appeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing. The naik of Sanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of Visiapour, having converted his place of residence into a nest of pirates, to the great injury of the Portuguese trade on the coast of Canara, an agreement was entered into with the king of Visiapour for his punishment; the governor of Ponda named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with 40,000 men, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by sea. This was accordingly executed, and the naik being driven to take refuge is the woods, implored mercy, and was restored to his ruined district.

Some years before the present period a prodigious inundation of Kafrs or Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa invaded the country of Monomotapa, in multitudes that were utterly innumerable. They came from that part of the interior in which the great lake of Maravi is situated, out of which springs the great rivers whose source was formerly unknown. Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whom were of the tribes called Macabires and Ambei, bordering upon Abyssinia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if emigrating bodily in search of new habitations, from their own being unable to contain them. They were a rude and savage people, whose chosen food was human flesh, only using that of beasts in defect of the other; and such was the direful effect of their passage through any part of the country, that they marked their way by the utter ruin of the habitations, leaving nothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When these failed them, they supplied their craving hunger by feeding on their own people, beginning with the sick and aged. Even their women, though ugly and deformed, were as hardy and warlike as their husbands, carrying their children and household goods on their backs, and going armed with bows and arrows, which they used with as much courage and dexterity as the men. These barbarians used defensive armour, and even employed the precaution of fortifying their camp wherever they happened to halt. While passing the castle of Tete upon the Zambeze in the interior of Mocaranga, Jerome de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sent out against them a party of musketeers, and in two encounters killed above 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in the utmost dismay, having never, before experienced the effects of fire arms. Passing onwards from thence, the barbarous multitude came to the neighbourhood of Mozambique, destroying every thing in their course like an inundation of fire; and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefs named Mambea, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he built a fort and some towns on the main, about two leagues from Mozambique. As the fort of Cuama, where Nuno Vello Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by the neighbourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel against them with 400 men, four only of whom were Portuguese, who falling unexpectedly on the barbarians slew many of them and burnt the fort; but retiring in disorder, the enemy fell upon Pimentel and his men, all of whom they slew except three Portuguese and a small number of negroes. All the slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except their heads, hands, and feet.

The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and fruit trees, especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has all kinds of wild and tame beasts like those in Europe, together with prodigious numbers of elephants. The principal food of the people is maize. The woods mostly consist of ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of our apple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable, the whole stem and branches being thickly covered with thorns. The bark is as susceptible of fire as tinder, and when one of these trees is cut down it never springs up again. There is another sort of a yellowish colour, which is reckoned valuable. The best manna is produced in this country. Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with the crocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within their reach, but they never injure women. One of these of a prodigious size was caught having gold rings in its ears, which was supposed to have been done as some species of witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear the river from these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion, we read in an Arabian author named Matude, giving an account of prodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile was found under the ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which certain characters or symbolical letters were impressed, and when this image was broken in pieces the crocodiles of the Nile began again to devour men.

During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh troubles broke out in the kingdom of Visiapour, in consequence of which the Moguls invaded the country, and after laying it waste to a great extent possessed themselves of many of its towns cities and districts. The occasions of these troubles was this: The king being ill of a contagious distemper, his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan, kept him concealed in the palace, so that no person was allowed to see him. The prince and the people had recourse to arms, in order to force these tyrants to admit them into the kings presence; on which they persuaded the infirm king that the prince wished to depose him, so that the king went to war against the prince, and defeated him with great slaughter, upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and used the opportunity to plunder the country and appropriate it to themselves.

Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes, Raju who had usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon, determined upon making a conquest of the Portuguese fortress of Columbo, with a view of expelling them from that island. For this purpose he collected an immense army, in which were 50,000 soldiers, 60,000 pioneers, and nearly as many artificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40,000 oxen, 150 pieces of cannon, and 50,000 intrenching tools, axes, shovels, spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable quantity of spare arms and ammunition; among which were two wooden castles built upon enormous carriages, each of which had nine wheels. Added to all which he had nearly 500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon this expedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting its success; and on this occasion he secretly placed men behind the idols, who answered to his supplications for a favourable termination to his great design, If you, would take Columbo you must shed innocent blood! The people were astonished at this familiar and direct intercourse between their idols and their prince; and he, pretending obedience to the divine commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to be taken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were sacrificed, and the idols sprinkled with their blood.

After all his preparations were completed, he marched with his prodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the ground which he deemed most advantageous, as the garrison was not sufficiently strong to contend with him in the field. Joam de Britto, who then commanded in Columbo, had sent intimation of his danger to the other Portuguese possessions, and had arranged every thing for defence as well as he could. To defend the place against the vast army by which he was now assailed, he had only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom were useless, as being old men or children; besides whom he had 700 armed natives and slaves. This incompetent force he posted to the best advantage around the walls, which were far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men to attend upon himself to give relief wherever it was most needed. After the commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in draining a lake which secured one side of Columbo from being assailed, and as the Portuguese had several boats on the lake, there were frequent skirmishes in which the enemy suffered considerable loss. The side of the fort which had been covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing off its water, which had been its chief defence on that side. In consequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders of the neighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at different quarters. The first relief, consisting of 40 men, was sent by Juan de Melo the commander of Manaar, under the command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo, who likewise brought a supply of ammunition; and Ferdinand was posted with his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards the drained lake.

On the 4th of August before day-light [406], Raju advanced in silence to give the first assault, but was discovered by the lighted matches of his musqueteers. The enemy applied their scaling ladders at the same time to the three bastions of St Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while 2000 pioneers fell to work below to undermine the works. Many of the assailants were thrown down from their ladders on the heads of the workmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy who were drawn up in the field before the town were destroyed by the cannons from the walls. Everywhere both within and without, the fort resounded with the cries of women and children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noise of the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants, which, forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven back smarting with many wounds, and did vast injury in the ranks of the besiegers. Such was the multitude of the enemy that they did not seem lessened by slaughter, fresh men still pressing on to supply the places of the killed and wounded. Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders and conveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the enemy at length gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying at the foot of the walls. During this assault, some Chingalese who had retired into the fort to escape the tyranny of Raju, fought with as much bravery as the Portuguese. Twice afterwards, Raju made repeated attempts to carry the place by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter. After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to renew the assaults.

[Footnote 406: The date of the year is omitted by DeTaria, who, always rather negligent of dates, now; hardly ever gives any more light on this subject than the years in which the respective viceroys and governors assumed and laid down their authorities. The siege therefore must have happened between 1584 and 1588, during the government of Duarte de Menezes.—E.]

After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez Pessoa came from Negapatnam with a ship of his own, and Antonio de Aguilar brought another ship, by means of which the besieged were much encouraged. Don Joam de Austria the Modeliar of Candea[407], and the Arache Don Alfonzo, did at this time eminent service against the enemy; and a soldier of vast strength, named Jose Fernandez, having broken his spear, threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by those in his rear. On learning the danger of Colombo, the city of Cochin fitted out six ships for its relief, with a supply of men and ammunition, which were placed under the command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before their arrival, Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which the danger was so pressing that even the religious were forced to act as officers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the enemy were again repulsed with great slaughter. Immediately after this the relief arrived under Atouguia from Cochin, and nearly at the same time arrived from St Thomases and other places several ships brought by private individuals of their own accord; and in September six ships and a galley arrived with reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo. On the arrival of such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving up all hopes of carrying the place by assault, endeavoured to undermine the walls; but this attempt was effectually counteracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out a way of destroying the miners while engaged in the work.

[Footnote 407: It will be afterwards seen in the particular history and travels in Ceylon, that this person was the native sovereign of the central region or kingdom of Ceylon, called Candy or Candea from the name of the capital, who had acquired the same in the text in baptism.—E.]

Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo, Raju now endeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and prevailed on some of his wizards to pretend discontent, and desert to the town, that they might poison the water in the garrison and bewitch the defenders. Being suspected, these men were put to the torture; on which they confessed their intentions, and were put to death. "While one of the wizards was on the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which deprived the executioners of their senses, and left them struggling under convulsions for twenty-four hours." Treachery failing, Raju had again recourse to open force, and ordered his fleet to attack that of the Portuguese commanded by Thomas de Sousa; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk and two taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those who survived were hanged at the yard-arms. In this naval battle 300 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of two men only on the side of the Portuguese. Raju was so enraged at the bad success of the naval attack, that he ordered two of his principal sea-officers to be beheaded. Soon after this a ship arrived with ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemy made another assault by night on the works, in which, as in all the others, they were beat off with great slaughter. After this, Juan de Gamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men; and De Brito finding himself now confident in the strength of his garrison, sent out Pedro Alfonzo with a squadron to destroy the towns on the coast belonging to the enemy. In this expedition, the towns of Belicot, Berberii, and Beligao were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese in their haste to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the women barbarously cut off their hands and ears. After making prodigious havock in many other places, Alfonzo returned to Columbo with mach spoil and many prisoners.

At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo, and threatened to do more for Raju than all his force had been able to effect. The disease, which began in the neighbouring towns and spread to Columbo, baffled every attempt of the physicians for its cure. On opening some who died of it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was supposed owing to uncommon heat and drought, which had prevailed that year beyond any other in remembrance of the people. By the application of cold and dry remedies the disease decreased. By the beginning of January[408] Raju made two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last of which the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago were in great danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both with great slaughter. In the meanwhile the fleet was again sent out under the command of Thomas de Sousa, who ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed the villages of Coscore, Madania, Guinderem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, and Tanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the Portuguese arms could never penetrate, as protected by the supposed sanctity of a pagoda in its neighbourhood. This pagoda was situated on a hill near the town, and appeared from sea like a city. It was above a league in circumference, ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were covered with copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above 1000 idols in the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple being surrounded with streets full of shops for the supply of the pilgrims and votaries who resorted thither from all quarters. Taking possession of this temple, Sousa cast down and destroyed all the idols, demolished all the curious workmanship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing that could be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most sacred recesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in the opinion of the idolaters.

[Footnote 408: Probably of the year 1588; as the death of the viceroy, who died in that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria.—E.]

Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young woman who happened to be a bride. When the ships were about to weigh anchor, a young man came hastily to the place where the young woman was, and embraced her with much affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned that this man was her destined husband, who had been absent when the town was attacked, and came now to offer himself for a slave rather than live free in separation from the woman of his affections. When this was told to Sousa, he determined not to part such true lovers, and ordered them to be both set at liberty; but they were so much affected by this act of generosity, that they requested to remain in his service. They lived afterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully served the Portuguese on many occasions.

Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last expedition, when Raju decamped, and began to march away, but the Portuguese fell upon the rear of his army, and cut off many of his men. In the course of this siege, some say that Raju lost 10,000 men, while others restrict the loss to half of that number. Besides the destruction of many towns, villages, and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon, prisoners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy were of considerable value. By these losses, and his inability to gain possession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju lost much reputation among the neighbouring princes, who waited the success of his preparations to declare for either side. The loss on the side of the Portuguese during this siege, consisted of 140 men slain, 50 only of whom were Portuguese; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned.

On the day after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima came to Columbo with a powerful reinforcement from the viceroy. Eight days were spent in levelling the works which Raju had thrown up, after which the damage done to the fort was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of 600 men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon after receiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful defence of Columbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of a violent sickness in the beginning of May 1588, to whom succeeded Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno, in virtue of a patent of succession, being every way well qualified for the office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in the affairs of India.

In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked for Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega was captain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in the stern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which she was freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardly put off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boat overloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into the sea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which ninety-eight persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, and some friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in the ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions to the last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits, after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and the whole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going before carrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that part of the coast of Natal called by the Portuguese the country of the Fumos, but by the natives the country of Macomates, being inhabited by Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27 deg. 20' S. beyond the river of Semin Dote, 50 leagues south of the bay of Lorenzo Marquez[409]. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of Virangune[410], and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering on the south with the country of Mocalapata, which again extends to the river St Lucia, in lat. 28 deg. 15' S. and to the kingdom of Vambe, which contains a great part of the Terra de Natal[411]. From thence to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by ancozes or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of Virangune to the north is that of Innaca, towards the N.E. to the point of the bay of St Laurence, in lat. 25 deg. 45' S. opposite to which are two islands, named Choambone and Setimuro, the latter of which is uninhabited, and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase ivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those named Beligane, Mannica, Spiritu Santo, Vumo, Anzate, and Angomane[412]. Anzate runs long the edge of vast inaccessible mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a gigantic race of people[413]. In the latitude of 25 deg. S. the river De los Reyes, or Del Ouro, likewise named the river Inhampura falls into the sea, to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of Innapola and Mannuco. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay, along which inhabit the Mocaranges, a nation much addicted to thieving[414]. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of Bazaruto or Bocica, and not far from it the kingdom of Innabuze which reaches to the river Innarigue[415]. After which is the country of Pande, bordering on Monnibe, which last extends to Zavara in the interior. Near these are the kingdoms of Gamba and Mocuraba, which last is near Cape Corientes[416].

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