The most current coin at Surat is rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, of which the old with the plain cross passes for five mahmoodies each. The new dollars, having flower-de-luces at the ends of the cross, if not light, are worth four 3/4 mahmoodies. The mahmoody is a coarse silver coin, containing thirty pice, and twelve drams make a pice. The English shilling, if full weight, will yield thirty 1/2 pice. Larines are worth much the same with mahmoodies.[169] There are sundry kinds of rupees, some of which are worth half a dollar, and others less, by which one may be easily deceived. The trade at Surat is conducted by brokers, who are very subtle, and deceive both buyer and seller, if not carefully looked after. In weights, each city of India differs from another. The commodities are infinite, indigos being the chief, those of Lahore the best, and those from Sarkess inferior. Great quantities of cloths made of cotton, as white and coloured calicoes, containing fourteen yards the book or piece, from 100 to 200 mahmoodies each. Pintadoes, chintzes, chadors, sashes, girdles, cannakens, trekannies, serrabafs, aleias, patollas, sellas, quilts, carpets, green ginger, suckets or confections, lignum aloes, opium, sal amoniac, and abundance of other drugs. Vendible commodities are knives, mirrors, pictures, and such like toys; English cloth, China wares, silk, and porcelain, and all kinds of spices. The Guzerates load their great ships, of nine, twelve, or fifteen hundred tons, at Gogo, and steal out unknown to the Portuguese.

[Footnote 169: From this explanation, the mahmoody and larine may be assumed as worth one shilling; the pice as equal to a farthing and a half, and the dram at about 1-10th of a farthing.—E.]

The chief places for trade on the river Sinde, or Indus, are Tatta, Diul-sinde, Mooltan, and Lahore. The Expedition, on her former voyage, had landed the Persian ambassador, Sir Robert Shirley, at Diul-sinde; and of him I have thought it right to give the following particulars, as an appendix to my former voyage, having learnt them from some of his followers at Agra. Being weary of Diul-sinde, through the evil conduct of the governor, and the attempts of the Portuguese to molest him, who even used their endeavours to cut him off, for which purpose twelve of them had gone there from Ormus, he asked leave to proceed to Tatta; but, being refused permission, he went without leave, and having by the way to pass a river where none durst ferry him over, because prohibited by the governor on pain of death, he constructed a raft of timber and boards, on which he and Nazerbeg embarked. They were no sooner shoved off than twenty or thirty horse came from the governor in great haste to detain them. And as Nazerbeg was unable to guide the raft against the tide, some men swam to the raft and brought them back, on which occasion they narrowly escaped being drowned. Some of his followers being indignant at this rude dealing, one Mr John Ward shot off his pistol in their faces, and was instantly slain by another shot, and all the rest were carried back prisoners to Diul-sinde, being pillaged by the soldiers on their way. After some time in prison, they were permitted to proceed to Tatta, where they were kindly entertained by the governor of that place, who was a Persian. Before leaving Diul-sinde, Sir Thomas Powell and Mr Francis Bub died. Sir Robert Shirley remained at Tatta till a fit opportunity offered of proceeding to Agra, where he went at last, finding the way long and tedious, and much infested by thieves. He went there however in safety, going in company with a great man who had a strong escort, and for whom he had to wait two months.

In this time Lady Powell was delivered of a son, but both she and her child died soon after, together with Mr Michael Powell, brother to Sir Thomas, losing their lives in this tedious waiting in boats for the great man. On his arrival at Agra, Sir Robert was favourably entertained by the Great Mogul, who sent for the Banian governor of Diul-sinde to answer at court to the complaint, and promised Sir Robert to have his own revenge if he would stay; but he hasted away to Persia, after receiving many presents from the Mogul, who gave him an escort, and all necessaries for his journey, in which he had not a single English attendant, as John Heriot died at Agra, and Mr Richard Barber, his apothecary, returned to Surat. Of all his company, three only remained with him, his lady and her female attendant, two Persians, the old Arminian, and the Circassian. His Dutch jeweller came to Surat along with Mr Edwards.

Sec.2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra, Miscarriage of the English Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India.

We took a Portuguese prize on the 29th of February, 1616. The 3d March, while at anchor in the road of Calicut, the deputy of the Zamorin came aboard, attended by many boats, signifying the joy of his master at our arrival, and his earnest desire to confer with our nation, and entreated therefore that we would tarry a few days, that he might send to the Zamorin, who was then at Cranganore besieging a castle belonging to the Portuguese. We had here abundance of provisions brought to us on board, and at reasonable rates. That same evening, there came a messenger from the Zamorin, entreating us to anchor for two or three days off Cranganore, which we accordingly did on the 5th, anchoring two leagues off shore. About noon the Zamorin sent to request the general would come ashore, to visit him, but this was not deemed right without a pledge, and Mr George Barkley went ashore to wait upon him; but the Zamorin refused to reveal his intentions to any one except our general, and seemed much displeased at his not coming ashore.

The general accordingly landed on the 8th, and had an audience of the Zamorin, who wished the English to establish a factory in his dominions, for which purpose he offered a good house rent-free, freedom from custom or other exactions, for all goods brought there or carried thence, and made many protestations of affection for our nation. This was for the present declined, because most of our goods had been left at Surat, and because we were now bound for Bantam. To this the Zamorin answered, that it was no matter whether any goods were left for the present, as he only desired we might leave two or three Englishmen there, who should want for nothing, as he only wanted to be assured of our return next year with a supply of men and goods. He assured us we might be sure of loading one ship yearly with pepper, and might make sale of our commodities to a considerable extent. Upon this it was agreed to leave a factory at this place, with such goods as we could spare, which went accordingly on shore on the 9th; George Woolman being appointed chief of this new factory at Cranganore, Peter Needham and Roger Hares under-factors, together with Richard Stamford, and a boy named Edward Peake, who was appointed to learn the language. The name of the king is Pendre Quone[170] Zamorin, to whom was given, as a present, a minion or small cannon, and a barrel of powder; on which he promised, if he won the fort of Cranganore, to give it up to the English.

[Footnote 170: Named Underecon Cheete in a subsequent article.—E.]

The 10th we received the Zamorin's letter of agreement for our privileges, with many fair protestations of love. We sailed the same day, passing before Cochin, which we could see distinctly. Next day we had a view of the town and castle of Coulan, where was a ship riding at anchor under the guns of the castle, which we boarded and brought forth without any hurt from the guns, all the crew having fled ashore. This was a Portuguese ship of four or five hundred tons, lately arrived from Bengal and Pegu, laden with rice, grain, Bengal cloths, butter, sugar, gum lack, hard wax, drugs, and other things. The 12th we espied another ship, to which we gave chase, and came up with about midnight, when she surrendered at the first shot.[171] I sent for her chief men on board my ship, the others being three or four miles a-stern, and set some of my people on board the prize, with strict charges to hurt no person. There were in this ship eighteen or twenty Portuguese, and about eighty others, men, women, and children. Her chief loading was rice, butter, sugar, lack, drugs, and Bengal cloths. We offered these people our first prize, with victuals to carry them ashore, which they refused, as fearing to be ill-used by the Malabars, having lately escaped with difficulty from a fleet of theirs of fourteen sail. Next day we landed them where they desired, and allowed them to go away unsearched for money or jewels. We had now three English ships[172] and three prizes.

[Footnote 171: These prizes were taken from the Portuguese in part satisfaction for their unjust vexations and hostilities at Surat and other places.—Purch.]

[Footnote 172: No notice is taken of the fourth ship, the Lion, probably left at Surat; indeed, the whole of this relation is exceedingly vague and unsatisfactory, the name even of the general never being once mentioned.—E.]

The 14th we arrived at Brinion, in lat. 8 deg. 30', where we took out of the first prize what we thought useful, and then set her adrift. At Brinion there is a small town in a round bay, which may be known by a long white beach to the north, and to the south is all high land, having a red cliff two leagues to the south, close to the sea. From thence to cape Comorin is sixteen leagues, the course being S.E. by S. along a bold free coast. The inhabitants of Brinion[173] are no way subject to the Portuguese. The 1st of April the island of Ceylon bore E. by S. seven leagues off. On the 10th the Peak of Adam bore north. I this day took my leave of the general, the Dragon and Pepper-corn being bound for Acheen, while I, in the Expedition, went for Priaman, Tecoo, and Bantam.

[Footnote 173: In 8 deg. 22' N. at the distance indicated from cape Comorin, is a place called Billingham, which may possibly be the Brinion of the text.—E.]

It is good to remain in Brinion till the end of March, when the easterly monsoon ends, and not to pass cape Comorin sooner, on account of calms, and because the southerly current sets towards the Maldives. All who come from the west for Priaman and Tecoo, ought to continue so as to have sufficient day-light for passing between Nimptan[174] and the other adjacent islands, the best channel being to the north of that island. On the 30th of April I met the Advice going for Tecoo; but, at my request, she returned for Bantam, whence she was sent to Japan. I arrived at Bantam on the 1st of May, where I found the Hosiander newly arrived from Japan, and the Attendance from Jambo, most of their men being sick or dead. I here learnt the death of Captain Downton, and of the arrival of Captain Samuel Castleton with the Clove and Defence, which, with the Thomas and Concord, were gone to the Moluccas, the Thomas being appointed to proceed from thence to Japan.

[Footnote 174: Pulo Mintaon, off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, nearly under the line, is probably here meant.—E.]

The 19th of May I sailed from Bantam, and the 10th June I put into Tecoo. The 3d July I hove my ship down on the careen to sheath her. It is of great use to double sheath such ships as go to Surat, as though the outer sheathing may be eaten like a honey-comb by the worms, the inner is not at all injured. It were also of great use to have the rudder sheathed with thin copper,[175] to prevent the worms from eating off its edges, which is very detrimental in steering, and cannot be easily remedied, being so deep in the water. The natives of Sumatra inhabiting Priaman are barbarous, deceitful, and continually craving presents or bribes; and sometimes I have been in imminent hazard of being murdered, a hundred of them drawing their crisses upon us at once, because we refused to let them have our goods on trust, or at prices of their own making. The 20th, Thomas Bonnar, master of the Expedition, died, and was succeeded by John Row, who was the third master in this voyage.

[Footnote 175: We had formerly occasion to notice a ship sheathed with iron at Japan, and this is the first indication or proposal for using copper in that way. Iron sheathing has never been adopted into British practice, while copper sheathing is now universal. Captain Peyton does not appear to have been aware that copper sheathing is incompatible with iron fastenings, which indeed was only learnt long after, by woeful experience, and the loss of many ships and men. In consequence of a strong predisposing chemical afinity, exerted by the contiguity of the copper and iron in the sea water, the muriatic acid corrodes the iron bolts and other fastenings, all of which are now made of copper in ships that are to be copper sheathed.—E.]

The 26th, the Dragon and Pepper-corn arrived from Acheen, where they had purchased pepper, carried there from Tecoo in large junks and praws, which navigate between these places, but never out of sight of land. The king of Acheen commands the people of Tecoo to bring their pepper to his port, and allows none to purchase it there, but those who barter their Surat goods at such rates as he pleases to impose. Often likewise, he sends to Priaman and Tecoo the Surat commodities procured by him in that manner, obliging the merchants there to buy at rates by him imposed, and no person is allowed to buy or sell till his goods are sold. This makes our trade with them the better.[176] Jambo is on the east side of Sumatra, and yields a similar large-grained pepper with what is procured at Priaman, but is not under the dominion of the king of Acheen, as are Baruse, Passaman, Tecoo, Priaman, Cottatinga, and other places on the western side of that island. Baruse is to the north of Passaman, and yields considerable quantities of benzoin; Cottatinga yields gold, and the other places pepper. Our general brought the king of Acheen's letter to these places, where the chief men received it with great submission, each of them kissing it and laying it on his head, promising to obey its injunctions, yet all failed in performance. It were proper, in these letters from the king, to procure all the particulars of the trade to be inserted. I set sail from Tecoo for Bantam on the 4th September.

[Footnote 176: It is so expressed in the Pilgrims; yet it would seem that such arbitrary proceeding in the sovereign, assuming the character of merchant, would be destructive of all trade.—E.]

The best gold, and the largest quantity, is to be had at the high hill of Passaman, where likewise is the best, cheapest, and most abundant produce of pepper. But the air is there so pestiferous, that there is no going thither for our nation without great mortality among the men. Fortunately this is not necessary in procuring pepper, as the Surat commodities at Tecoo are sufficiently attractive. I have even observed many of the natives to labour under infectious diseases, the limbs of some being ready to drop off with rottenness, while others had huge wens or swellings under their throats, as large as a two-penny loaf; which they impute to the bad water.[177] Though a barbarous people, they are yet acquainted with the means of curing their diseases. The people of Tecoo are base, thievish, subtle, seeking gain by every kind of fraud, or even by force when they dare; using false weights, false reckonings, and even attempting to poison our meats and drinks while dressing, and crissing our men when opportunity serves: But it is to be hoped they may be inforced to keep better order, by the influence and authority of the king of Acheen. At Acheen our Portuguese prizes were disposed of, and shared according to the custom of the sea, a sixth part being divided among the captors, and the rest carried to the account of our employers. There were only five left in the factory. Many of our men were sick, owing to their immoderate indulgence in drinking arrack.

[Footnote 177: The goitre was long ignorantly imputed in Europe to drinking snow water; but is now well known only to affect the inhabitants of peculiar districts, as Derbyshire in England, and the Valais in Switzerland, and this district in Sumatra, where certain mineral impregnations render the water unwholesome.—E.]

When at Bantam, in October 1616, there were four English ships, and five Hollanders at Jacatra, which raised the price of pepper; and that the more, because the Dutch boasted of having brought this year in ready money 1,600,000 dollars, which is probably a great exaggeration to brave our nation. Their last fleet of six ships took two or three ships of the Portuguese, of which they made great boasts. They endeavour to depress our nation by every manner of abuse throughout the Indies, acting towards us in a most unfriendly and unchristian manner. Even in Bantam, where they acknowledge our equal right, they threaten to pull our people out of our factory by the ears, sometimes picking quarrels with them in the streets, and even imprisoning them; and when they themselves have caused an uproar, complaining to the king of Bantam of our unquietness, and bribing him to take their parts. He receives their money, and tells us of their dealings, taking advantage of this disagreement to fleece both sides. Even at Pulo-way, an island freely surrendered to the king of England, they abused our people, leading them through the streets with halters round their necks, carrying an hour-glass before them, and proclaiming that they were to be hanged when the sand was run out. And though they did not actually proceed to that extremity, they kept them three or four days in irons, and afterwards sent them aboard the Concord and Thomasine, under a forced composition never to return. Likewise, at the return of the Hosiander from Japan, which brought thirty tons of wood for them, free of freight and charges, they reported she would have returned empty, but for their timber; which also they might have said of my ship, which brought for them, from Surat to Bantam, thirty-one churles of indigo and a chest of pistoles, freight-free.

Captain Castleton went to the Moluccas with four ships, the Clove, Defence, Thomas, and Concord, that he might be better able to defend himself against the Hollanders; yet, being threatened by eleven of their ships, they returned without doing much business, having only a few cloves in the Clove. The captain died there of the flux; and the bad success of that expedition, together with other faults, was laid to his charge. The Trades-increase was twice set on fire by the Javans, and the fire quenched by our people; but on a third attempt, she was fired in so many places at once, that it was impossible to save her. The Darling was laid up at Patane, in June 1615, by order of Mr Larkine and the factory, as incapable of repair. Herrold, her master, was reported of having a design to carry her off to the Portuguese; and, being prevented, he went himself. The Thomasine was cast away, in September 1615, upon a shoal in the night, seventeen leagues W. from Macasser, while returning from the Moluccas. On this occasion her goods were lost, which were not of much value, but they saved the money, being 2000 dollars, and all their provisions, remaining fourteen days on a desolate island, where they fitted up their boat, which brought themselves and their money to Bantam. All their goods and other things were left behind, and seized by the king of Macasser, who refused to make restitution. At Jacatra the Hector sunk in three fathoms water while careening, her keel being exceedingly worm-eaten. The Concord is there also laid up, so rotten and leaky that they had to take out her provisions, and let her sink close to the shore. The Hosiander, on the 15th October 1616, was appointed to sail for the Coromandel coast.

The factories which are at present established for our company in the East Indies, so far as I could hear, are these: Bantam, Jacatra, Ahmedabad, Agra, Agimere, Burhanpoor, Calicut, Masulipatam, Patepulli, Patane, Siam, Banjermassen, Succodania, Macasser, Acheen, Jambo, Tecoo, Banda, and Firando in Japan. At Bantam, Mr George Barclay was chief, with John Jordan, George Ball, Ralph Copendale, and several other factors and assistants. The principal purpose of the factory at Acheen, is to solicit for our better proceedings at Priaman and Tecoo. The place is unwholesome, more especially for such as indulge in the use of hot fiery drinks, as arack and aracape, which bring many to untimely graves; and throw discredit on the voyage. It is not to be imagined at home, how unruly are the common men abroad, never being satisfied unless when their brains are reeling with liquor. Even the king of Acheen is said to have a strange habit of getting drunk when the English resort to him, as if thereby to do them honour, and it seems dishonourable to them not to conform with him, in sitting in the water, drinking hard, and many other strange customs. He is very tyrannical and cruel to his subjects, daily cutting off the hands, arms, and legs of many, on very small and frivolous causes; or causing them to be thrown to the elephants, he himself commanding a sagacious elephant to toss the culprits so high and so often, as either to bruise or kill them, according to his caprice at the time. No one that arrives at his port may land without his chop or licence. On one occasion, a Dutch general came on shore without his licence, by desire of the principal factor, who presumed on his favour with the king. When the general came to the palace-gate, where another chop is necessary, the king found this irregularity to have proceeded from the presumption of the resident, whom he sent for and laid before the elephant, who tossed him three times, but so gently as not to bruise him much, giving him thus a warning how he should neglect the king's commands another time. The Dutch general stood by the while, fearing to come in for his share of this strange discipline; but the king forgave him, as ignorant of the law. The poor factor, being called into the king's presence, humbly acknowledged his punishment to have been merited, yet fled with the rest of the factory at the departure of the ships; on which the king placed us in their house.

We sailed from Bantam, homeward bound, on the 1st November 1616. The 5th January 1617, I was unable to weigh our anchor, owing to the violence of the wind, to follow the Dragon to Penguin island. Ships that go round the Cape of Good Hope from India, at this season of the year, ought not to anchor short of Saldanha road, [Table Bay,] but ought to bear to leeward for Penguin island, and anchor there with two anchors at once, till the wind serve. In December, January, and February, the S.S.E. wind blows there with great violence from new to full moon. Yet I hold it dangerous to neglect this place, trusting to refreshments at St Helena, a certainty for an uncertainty; as the obscurity of the sun and moon, owing to thick mists at this season, may disappoint the most experienced navigators, and occasion the loss of ship, cargo, and men. While at the Cape, Corey came down with three sheep, and promised more, but went away in great haste to his wife and family, who dwelt now farther from the bay than formerly. It appears that the Hollanders had frightened the natives, by landing and going up the country with above an hundred men at once. Owing to this, our chief refreshment here was fresh fish.

The 9th April 1617, we passed through great quantities of sea-weeds, called seragasso, which float in long ridges or rows along with the wind, and at considerable distances from each other. This plant has a leaf like samphire, but not so thick, and carries a very small yellow berry. It reaches from 22 deg. 20' to 32 deg. both of N. latitude. We anchored in the Downs on the 29th of May 1617.

3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and traded with, by the Portuguese between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, in 1616.

The river of Quame, or Cuamo, on the eastern coast of Africa, where they are said to trade yearly for gold, elephants teeth, ambergris, and slaves. Mozambique, an island on the same coast, where they trade for gold, ambergris, and slaves, in barter for iron, lead, tin, and Cambay commodities, Magadoxo, which has abundance of elephants teeth, some ambergris, and various kinds of drugs. From these ports they trade yearly to Cambay, the Red Sea, and other places, observing the monsoons, which blow W. in April, May, June, July, August, and part of September, and the E. monsoon prevails an the other months. A few days between the cessation of one monsoon and the commencement of the other, the winds are variable, attended by calms, but become regular in a few days. To the east of Sumatra, however, the two monsoons continue only five months each way, the two intermediate months having variable winds.

Ormus in the gulf of Persia, whence the Portuguese trade to Persia, Diul-sinde, Arabia, &c. They fetch much pearl from Bassora;[178] and they load a ship or two with Persian commodities for Diul-sinde, where they arrive between the end of August and middle of September, taking likewise with them great store of dollars. Ormus is their best place in the Indies except Goa. At Muskat they have a fort and some small trade, keeping the natives in such awe by land and sea, that they dare not trade without their licence, and this practice they follow in all parts of India where they are strong. Diul-sinde on the Indus in the dominions of the Great Mogul. Diu, where they have a strong castle. Damaun, where they have a castle, and are said to have an hundred villages under their authority. Basseen, or Serra de Bazein, a little south from Damaun, and bordering on the Deccan; between which and Chaul they have three ports, Gazein, Banda, and Maia. Chaul is a great city with a castle. At Dabul they have a factory, but no fort.

[Footnote 178: This is a mistake for the isle of Bahrein.—E.]

Goa is their metropolitan city in India, which stands in a small island, being the seat of their viceroy, and the anchoring place of their caracks. Onore has a small fort. Barcellore, a town and castle, yields pepper, ginger, and many kinds of drugs. Mangalore, a town and castle. Cananore, a city and castle, yielding similar commodities with Barcellore. From Calicut they have been expelled by the Zamorin, who endeavours to do the same at Crangator, [Cranganore,] where they have a fort. Cochin is a strong city and castle, pleasantly situated on the sea in a wholesome air, with a fine river for the reception of ships. Coulan, a town with a small castle; near which is a village named St Lawrence, chiefly inhabited by friars and jesuits. Quiloan, a small city with a castle. Tuckatra, a town and castle, the inhabitants being mostly Christians.

Manaar is on the island of Ceylon, between Cape Comorin and Point-de-Gale, where they have a town inhabited by Portuguese. In this island also they have Columbo, and many other small places, having conquered most of the island, which yields cinnamon and various drugs. Negopatnam is a city of great trade, on the coast of Coromandel, where they have only a factory. St Thomas, or Meliapoor, is a walled town inhabited by the Portuguese. In Bengal, up the river Ganges, they have a town, besides some factories and many small habitations. They have a factory in Pegu, another in Aracan, and one in the river of Martaban. Also at Junkceylon they have a great factory, whence they fetch considerable quantities of tin to the Malabar coast.

Malacca is a strong city and castle belonging to the Portuguese, and the centre of a great trade in those parts of India. From this place the king of Acheen has long sought to root them out, and has burnt and plundered some of their ships this year, 1619. At Macao, an island on the coast of China, they have a city with a castle, where they are said to carry on much trade with the Chinese. They have a factory in Japan, but neither town nor fort; and trade thence with the coast of China. The Dutch are said to make much spoil of the vessels employed on this trade, Portuguese, Chinese, and others, accounting all fish that fall into their net.

SECTION V.

Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from the Journal of Roger Hawes.[179]

[Footnote 179: Parch. Pilgr. I. 608.—Hawes sailed in the fleet under Keeling, in 1615, which carried out Sir Thomas Roe, already related in Sect. IV. of this chapter; and the present short article almost exclusively relates to the new factory at Cranganore on the Malabar coast, in which Hawes was left as one of the factors. This is a very imperfect and inconclusive article, yet gives some idea of the manners and customs of the Malabars.—E.]

On the 4th of March 1615, we chased a Portuguese frigate, which ran into a creek and escaped. While on our way towards Cape Comorin, a Tony came aboard of us, with messengers from the Zamorin to our general, Captain William Keeling. Next day, the governor sent a present, and entreated the general to proceed to Cranganore, which we did next day, taking with us the messengers sent from the Zamorin, who requested the general to come on shore to speak with him. But, while he was doing so, some frigates came and anchored near the shore, by which he was constrained to go on board the Expedition, Captain Walter Peyton. On this occasion some shots were exchanged, but little harm was done. The general went ashore on the 8th, accompanied by Mr Barclay, the cape merchant, and several others. They were well used, and agreed to settle a factory in the dominions of the Zamorin, the following being the articles agreed upon:—

"UNDERECON CHEETE, Great Zamorin, &c. to JAMES, King of Britain, &c. Whereas your servant and subject, William Keeling, arrived in my kingdom at the port of Cranganore, in March 1615, with three ships, and at my earnest solicitation came ashore to see me; there was concluded by me for my part, and by him for the English nation, as followeth.

"As I have ever been at enmity with the Portuguese, and propose always so to continue, I do hereby faithfully promise to be and to continue in friendship with the English, both for myself and my successors: And, if I succeed in taking the fort of Cranganore, I engage to give it to the English, to possess as their own, together with the island belonging to it, which is in length along the sea-coast nine miles, and three in breadth; and I propose to build therein a house for my own people, to the number of one hundred persons.

"I shall hereafter endeavour, with the aid of the English, to conquer the town and fort of Cochin, which formerly belonged, to my crown and kingdom, and shall then deliver it to the English as their own. Provided that the charges of its capture be equally borne by both parties, one half by me, and the other half by the English nation; and in that case, the benefit of the plunder thereof, of whatsoever kind, shall belong half to me, and half to the English. And thereafter, I shall claim no right, title, or interest in the said town, precincts, or appurtenances whatsoever."

"I also covenant for myself, my heirs and successors, that the whole trade of the English, in whatsoever commodities, brought in or carried out, shall be entirely free from all custom, imposition, tax, toll, or any other duty, of any quality or description."

"To these covenants, which the shortness of time did not permit to extend in more ample form, I, the Zamorin, have sworn to perform, by the great God whom I serve, and not only for myself but for my successors; and in witness thereof have laid my hand upon this writing.[180] And the said William Keeling promises to acquaint the king his master with the premises, and to endeavour to procure his majesty's consent thereto."

[Footnote 180: This probably alludes to a custom mentioned in one of our earlier volumes, of imprinting the form of the hand, smeared with ink, on the paper, instead of signature or seal.—E.]

This being agreed upon, a stock was made out for a factory, such as the shortness of time would permit, and three factors were appointed. These were, George Woolman, chief, Peter Needham, second, who was one of the general's servants, and I, Roger Hawes, third; together with a youth, named Edward Peake, as our attendant, who was to learn the language. John Stamford, a gunner, was likewise left to assist the Zamorin in his wars. On the 10th the ships departed, leaving us and our goods in a shrambe at the water side, together with a present for the Zamorin. We continued there till the 13th, at which time the last of our goods were carried to the Zamorin's castle; whose integrity we much suspected, after having thus got possession of our goods. On the 20th, he insisted to see Mr Woolman's trunk, supposing we had plenty of money. Needham had told him we had 500 rials; but finding little more than fifty, he demanded the loan of that sum, which we could not refuse. He offered us a pawn not worth half; which we refused to accept, hoping he would now allow us to proceed to Calicut, but he put us off with delays. He likewise urged us to give his brother a present.

On the 28th, the Zamorin came into the apartment where we were, and gave Mr Woolman two gold rings, and one to each of the rest; and next day he invited us to come to his tumbling sports. That same night, Stamford went out with his sword in his hand, telling the boy that he would return presently. The next news we had of him was, that he was in the hands of the Cochin nayres. He had lost His way while drunk, and meeting with some of them, they asked where he wished to go; he said to the Zamorin, to whom they undertook to conduct him, and he knew not that he was a prisoner, till he got to Cochin. This incident put us in great fear, but the Zamorin gave us good words, saying he was better pleased to find him a knave now, than after he had put trust in him.

We had leave in April to depart with our goods to Calicut, where we arrived on the 22d of that month, and were well received; but had to remain in the custom-house, till we could get a more convenient house, which was made ready for us on the 6th of May, with promise of a better after the rains. We were very desirous, according to our orders from the general, to have sent a messenger with his and our letters to Surat, to acquaint our countrymen that we were here; but the governor would not consent till we had sold all our goods. On the 18th of June, one was sent. On the 26th, part of our goods were sold to the merchants of Calicut, by the governor's procurement, with fair promises of part payment shortly. But it is not the custom of the best or the worst in this country to keep their words, being certain only in dissembling. Mr Woolman was desirous of going to Nassapore to make sales, but the governor put him off with divers shifts from time to time. The 3d July, our messenger for Surat returned, reporting that he had been set upon when well forwards on his way, and had his money and letters taken from him, after being well beaten. Among his letters was one from Captain Keeling to the next general, the loss of which gave us much concern; yet we strongly suspected that our messenger had been robbed by his own consent, and had lost nothing but his honesty. A broker of Nassapore told Mr Needham, that our dispatches had been sold to the Portuguese, and when the governor heard of this, he hung down his head, as guilty. We here sold some goods to merchants of Nassapore.

Mr Woolman died on the 17th of August. We could not procure payment of our promised money, and were told by our broker, that some one of our debtors would procure a respite from the governor, by means of a bribe, on which the rest would refuse till they all paid. On the 24th, the Zamorin's sister sent us word, that she would both cause our debtors to pay us, and to lend us any money we needed; but we found her as false as the rest The queen mother also made us fair promises, and several others made offers to get letters conveyed for us to Surat; but all their words were equally false. Thus wronged, Mr Needham farther wronged himself by his indiscretion, threatening, in presence of a nayre who attended us, and who revealed his threats, that he would go to the king of Cochin, making shew of violent revenge to put the governor in fear. He behaved outrageously likewise to a scrivano,[181] who is the same as a justice with us, taking him by the throat, and making as if he would have cut him down with his sword, for detaining some of our money which he had received. Our broker also told Mr Needham, that it was not becoming to go up and down the streets with a sword and buckler; and indeed his whole conduct and behaviour more resembled those we call roaring-boys,[182] than what became the character of a merchant. For my admonitions, he requited me with ill language, disgracing himself and injuring the affairs of the company.

[Footnote 181: This term is obviously Portuguese, and cannot be the proper appellation for a judge on the Malabar coast.—E.]

[Footnote 182: This character is now only to be met with in some of our old plays such as Captain Bobadil in Every Man in his Humour.—E.]

A Dutch ship, which had been trading in the Red Sea, arrived here on the 23d of September, with the intention of settling a factory, and they were referred by the governor to the Zamorin, promising to carry a letter for us, but went without it; so that our delays continued. Mr Needham went himself to the Zamorin on the 4th November, and returned on the 25th, having got a present of a gold chain, a jewel, and a gold armlet, with orders also from the king to further our purposes; but the performance was as slow as before. The 20th December, a Malabar captain brought in a prize he had taken from the Portuguese, and would have traded with us; but we could not get in any of our money, due long before. We also heard that day of four English ships being at Surat. The governor and people continued their wonted perfidiousness; the former being more careful in taking, and the latter in giving bribes, than in paying our debts. We used a strange contrivance of policy to get in some of these; for, when we went to their houses, demanding payment, and could get none, we threatened not to leave their house till they paid us. We had heard it reported, that, according to their customs, they could neither eat nor wash while we were in their houses; and by this device we sometimes got fifty fanos from one, and an hundred from another. They would on no account permit us to sleep in their houses, except one person, with whom we remained three days and nights, with three or four nayres. They were paid for watching him, but we got nothing. The nayre, who had been appointed by the king to gather in our debts, came to demand a gratuity from us, though he had not recovered any of our money. He would go to the debtor's houses, taking three or four fanos, and then depart without any of our money.

On the 9th of January, 1616, Mr Needham went to demand payment of a debt, and being refused permission to pass by a nayre who struck him, as he says, he gave the nayre a dangerous wound in the head with his sword, of which it is thought he cannot recover, and others of the natives were hurt in the fray. Word was presently brought to us to shut up our doors, lest the nayres should assemble to do us some mischief, as feuds or kindred-quarrels and murders are common among them, having no other law or means of vengeance. Our nayre with his kindred, to the number of thirty or more, with pikes, swords, and bucklers, guarded Mr Needham home, on which occasion we had to give a gratuity. Our house had to be guarded for three or four days and nights, none of us daring to go out into the streets for money or other business for a week, though before we used to go about in safety. After that, our broker advised us never to go out, unless attended by a nayre, as they had sworn to put one of us to death, in revenge for him who was slain.

The 20th, the Portuguese armado of thirty-four sail, passed by from the south, of which fourteen were ships, and the rest frigates or grabs. They put into the harbour, in which three Malabar frigates lay at anchor, and a hot fight ensued, in which the Portuguese were forced to retreat with disgrace, having only cut the hawser of one of the frigates, which drove on shore and was stove in pieces. This belonged to the governor, who was well served, for he remained like a coward in the country, keeping four or five great guns that were in the town locked up, except one, and for it they had only powder and shot for two discharges. Before the fight ended, some 4000 nayres were come in from the country, and several were slain on both sides. Nine or ten Portuguese were driven ashore, and two or three of the chiefs of these were immediately hung up by the heels, and being taken down after two days, were thrown to be devoured by wild beasts.

On the 28th of January, we were told by a Pattemar, that the governor was only our friend outwardly, wishing rather to have the Portuguese in our room, as we did no good in the country, bringing only goods to sell, whereas the Portuguese did good by making purchases. The 8th of February we had letters from Surat; and on the 4th of March, the Zamorin wrote to us, that if our ships came, he wished them to come to Paniany, and that we need not be anxious for our money, as he would pay us, even if he were forced to sell his rings.

SECTION VI.

Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah Jehanguiro, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan.[183]

INTRODUCTION.

There are two editions of this journal in our older Collections of Voyages and Travels, but both exceeding defective and imperfect. The first of these is in the Pilgrims of Purchas, which is said to have been "Collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul." It is evidently to be considered as an abridgement made by Purchas, which, indeed, he fully acknowledges in a postscript, in the following terms:—"Some readers may perhaps wish they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself would have wished it; but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I learn of it, the worthy knight himself being now employed in like honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk." Besides that it is a mere abridgement, often most confusedly, and almost unintelligibly tacked together, this article in The Pilgrims breaks off abruptly in a most interesting part of the narrative, which we have now no means to supply. The full title of this article in The Pilgrims is as follows:—"Observations collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty the King of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul. Consisting of Occurrences worthy of Memory, in the way, and at the Court of the Mogul; together with an Account of his Customs, Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Circumstances relating to India."

[Footnote 183: Purch. Pilgr. I. 535. Churchill's Collect. I. 617.]

The other edition of this journal is in the collection published by the Churchills, of which we quote from the third edition of 1744, reprinted by Lintot and Osburn, booksellers in London. Of this edition the editor of that collection gives the following account:—"Sir Thomas Roe has before appeared in print, in part at least, in the collection of Purchas, since translated into French, and published in the first volume of the collection by Thevenot. He now comes again abroad with considerable additions, not foisted in, but taken from his own original manuscript, of which it would appear that Purchas only had an imperfect copy. These additions, it is true, are not great in bulk, but they are valuable for the subject; and several matters, which in the other collection are brought in abruptly, are here continued in a more methodical manner."

After an attentive comparison of these two former editions, it obviously appears that the edition by Purchas, in 1625, is in general more circumstantial and more satisfactory than that of Churchill, in 1744, notwithstanding its superior pretensions, as above stated. Yet, on several occasions, the edition in Churchill gives a more intelligible account of particulars, and has enabled us, on these occasions, to restore what Purchas, by careless abbreviation, had left an obscure and almost unintelligible jumble of words. The present edition, therefore, is formed upon a careful collation of these two former, supplying from each what was defective in the other. On the present occasion, the nautical and other observations made by Sir Thomas Roe during the voyage from England to Surat, are omitted, having been already inserted into the account of that voyage by Captain Peyton.

It were much to be desired that this first account of the political intercourse between Britain and Hindoostan could have been given at full length, more especially as that extensive, rich, populous, and fertile country is now almost entirely reduced under the dominion of the British crown; and as Sir Thomas Roe, even in the garbled state in which we are forced to present his observations, clearly shews the inherent vices of the Mogul government, through which it so rapidly fell into anarchy, and was torn in pieces by its own cumbrous and ill-managed strength. Perhaps the archives of the East India Company are still able to supply this deficiency in the history of its original establishment; and it were surely worthy of the more than princely grandeur of that great commercial company, to patronise the publication of a collection of the voyages, travels, negotiations, and events which have conduced to raise it to a degree of splendour unexampled in the history of the world. The importance of this first embassy from Great Britain to the Great Mogul, and the vast consequences, both commercial and political, which have since arisen from that early intercourse, have induced us to give the following additional information respecting the mission of Sir Thomas Roe, from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 174, et sequ., which will in some measure supply the defects in this journal, as published by Purchas and Churchill.—E.

* * * * *

"The information which the Court [of Committees or Directors of the East India Company] had received, in the preceding season, [1613-14] induced them to apply to the king to grant his royal authority that an ambassador should proceed in his name to the Great Mogul. King James, in compliance with the wishes of the Company, on the 14th January, 1614-15, granted his commission to the celebrated Sir Thomas Roe, "to be ambassador to the Great Mogul, or king of India," the company agreeing to defray the expence, in consideration, that, under their exclusive privileges, they were to acquire such benefits as might result from this mission.

"Sir Thomas Roe sailed from England in March 1615, on board the Lion, Captain Newport, and arrived at Surat, whence he proceeded to the Mogul's court at Agimere, which he reached in December, 1615; and on the 10th January, 1616, was presented to the Mogul as ambassador from the king of England, when he delivered the king's letter and presents. Of these, an English coach was the chief article, and with it the Mogul was pleased to express his satisfaction, and to give the ambassador a gracious reception. From the company's agents having already been too profuse in their presents to the ministers and favourites, Sir Thomas found that the articles which he carried out as presents were not so highly estimated as he expected; he therefore informed the court that nothing less than valuable jewels would be deemed worthy of acceptance; and at the same time he advised that 'four or five cases of red wine' should be sent as presents to the king and prince, as, in his own words, 'never were men more enamoured of that drinke as these two, and which they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.'

"In describing his own situation, he stated that the natives could not comprehend what was meant in Europe by the rank or quality of an ambassador, and that in future it would be preferable to employ an agent only, who could bear these affronts without dishonour, which an ambassador, from, his rank, could not encounter. He complains also, that, from want of an interpreter, he had experienced much difficulty in explaining to the Mogul, and to his ministers, the object of his mission; in particular, the grievances which the English had suffered from the governor of Ahmedabad, because the native brokers, whom he was obliged to employ, were afraid to interpret literally, lest they should either incur the king's displeasure, or be disgraced by his ministers. In his application for redress from the governor of Ahmedabad, he discovered that this officer was supported by sultan Churrum, the Mogul's eldest-son,[184] and Asaph Khan, the favourite. By perseverance and firmness, however, the ambassador at length obtained the relief he solicited.

[Footnote 184: Sultan Chesuro appears to have been the eldest son of Jehanguire, but held in confinement for having endeavoured to supplant his father in the succession, and Churrum seems only to have been the third son.—E.]

"On the 24th January, 1616, Sir Thomas had a second audience of the Mogul, at which he complained of the injuries the English had sustained from the arbitrary conduct of the governor of Surat, and so effectual were his remonstrances, that this officer was dismissed. The ambassador then proposed to renew the articles of the phirmaund, or treaty between the Mogul and the English nation, and solicited to have the treaty ratified by the signatures[185] of the Mogul and Sultan Churrum, which being procured, the treaty was concluded.[186]

[Footnote 185: This expression is rather ambiguous, as the ratifications of such papers in India were by the seals of the princes, and not what we understand by the term used in the text—E.]

[Footnote 186: It has not been thought necessary to insert the substance of this treaty as contained in the Annals, as it is given in the Journal.—E.] "The dispatches of Sir Thomas, of this year, concluded with recommending to the company, as a commercial speculation, to send out annually a large assortment of all kinds of toys, which would find a ready sale at the great festival of Noroose, [the new year] in the month of March.

"In 1616 we discover a jealousy in the factory at Surat, of Sir Thomas Roe, notwithstanding his efforts and success in obtaining phirmaunds from the Mogul favourable to the factories at Surat and Ahmedabad, and in general for the encouragement of English trade in the Mogul dominions; for the factors represented to the court that a merchant or agent would be better qualified for a commercial negociator than a king's ambassador; and, in support of this opinion, referred to the practice of the king of Spain, who on no occasion would send an ambassador, but always a commercial agent; and stated that Sir Thomas Roe, besides, considered himself to be vested with the exercise of a controlling power over the commercial speculations of the Surat factory, and held himself to be better qualified to judge of the English interests by combining the political relations which he wished to introduce between the Mogul and the king of England, than by forwarding any projects for trade which the factory might devise as applicable to the Mogul dominions.

"In this year he reported that he had returned thanks to Sultan Churrum for the protection which he had afforded to the English in relieving them from the extortions of Zulfeccar Khan, the late governor of Surat, and had remonstrated against the partiality which had been shown to the Portuguese; representing to the Mogul that the king of Portugal had assumed the title of king of India, and that the Portuguese trade could never be so beneficial as that of England, as the English annually exported from India calicoes and indigo to the amount of 50,000 rials. To strengthen this remonstrance, Sir Thomas offered to pay to the sultan 12,000 rupees yearly, on condition that the English should be exempted from the payment of customs at the port of Surat; and then gave it as his opinion, that the plan of the agency at Surat, of keeping permanent factories at Surat, and other parts of the Mogul dominions, ought to be abandoned, as it would be preferable to make the purchases of goods inland, by the natives, [particularly the indigo from Agra, and the Bengal goods] who could obtain them at reasonable rates. But if the court were of opinion that English factors ought to be stationed at Agra, he recommended sending the goods in carts rather than on camels. He concludes this part of his report by advising that agents should reside at Cambay and Baroach, because the best cloths in India could be procured at these towns.

"Though Sir Thomas Roe appears to have procured a phirmaund through the means of Noor-Mahal, the favourite sultana or empress, for the general good treatment of the English at Surat, and had desired that an assortment of English goods, perfumes, &c. should be forwarded to him as presents to her and to her brother, Asaph Khan, he yet describes, in 1618, the governor of Surat as reluctant to shew that favour to the English which the phirmaund had enjoined. It therefore became a question with him, as the governor of Surat would not allow the English to strengthen or fortify their factory for the protection of their goods and servants, whether it might not be expedient to remove to some other station, where the means of self-defence might be more practicable. At one time he thought of Goga, and subsequently of Scindy; but, after a review of the whole, decided that it would be more expedient to remain at Surat, though, from the character of the natives, and the instability of the Mogul government, all grants of privileges must be considered as temporary, and any agreement or capitulation which might be procured, ought not to be depended on as permanent. He concludes, that, though a general phirmaund for trade in the Mogul dominions had been obtained, and of course a foundation laid for the English intercourse with the rich provinces of Bengal, yet the attempt to enter on that trade would be unwise, from being in the exclusive possession of the Portuguese.

"Sir Thomas Roe returned from the embassy to Surat in the spring of 1618-19, when it appears that the opposition in opinion between him and the factors at that place had subsided, as the efforts of both were united to establish a distinct system for the trade of the English at Surat. It has been already stated that Sir Thomas Roe had procured a phirmaund to the English from the Mogul, for the establishment of a general trade in his extensive dominions, but that the relaxed situation of the government, which always, under the administration of the Moguls, preceded an expected succession to the throne, had rendered the governor of Surat, at this juncture, less obsequious to the orders of his sovereign than the absolute nature of the constitution would otherwise have prescribed. Under these circumstances, and to improve upon the general treaty already mentioned, Sir Thomas Roe made proposals to Sultan Churrum to enter into an alliance for resisting the pretensions of the Portuguese. After long discussions with that prince, this treaty was concluded, and the following are its leading articles.

"That the governor of Surat should lend ships to the English, to be employed in the defence of that port. The English, however, to be only allowed to land ten armed men at one time; but the resident merchants to be allowed to wear arms. That the English should be allowed to build a house in the city, but distant from the castle.[187] That the governor of Surat should receive the ambassador and his suite with marks of honour. That the English should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and be governed by their own laws. That in any dispute between the English and the natives; reference was to be made to the governor and his officers, who should decide speedily and justly; but disputes among themselves were to be decided by their own factory. That liberty of trade was to be allowed the English, in its fullest extent, on payment of the usual duties on landing the goods, from which pearls, jewels, &c. were to be exempted. That freedom of speech was to be allowed to the English linguists and brokers, in all matters regarding the trade of their employers. And, lastly, That all presents intended for the court were to be opened and examined at the customhouse of Surat, and then sealed and given back to the English, and to pass duty-free; but, in case these presents were not made, then these articles were to become liable to pay duty.

[Footnote 187: Though not so expressed in the Annals, this appears to have been a fortified house; as, on an occasion, when Surat was taken and plundered by an armed force belonging to Sevagee, the first sovereign of the Mahrattas, the English were able to defend their factory from injury.—E.]

"During his residence in India, Sir Thomas Roe had likewise used his best endeavours to promote the trade of the English with the ports of Persia, in which considerable opposition was experienced from the Portuguese, who tried every expedient to engross the Persian trade to themselves, and to exclude the English from any participation. In this opposition Sir Robert Shirley had been implicated, who had gone to Europe in 1615, on a mission from the king of Persia, to form a contract with the king of Spain, then sovereign of Portugal, not only to sell to his subjects the whole of the Persian silk, but to grant them licence to fortify the sea-ports of Persia for the protection of their shipping and factories. Mr Connock, the English agent in Persia, under these circumstances, recommended the necessity of applying to king James, and submitting to his consideration the danger of allowing the Portuguese to enjoy the exclusive possession of that trade, which would render them the most powerful European nation in the East Indies. In the mean time, he represented to the king of Persia the necessity of seizing the island of Ormus from the Portuguese, under the protection of which the Persian dominions could be supplied by the English with all kinds of Indian commodities.

"In this critical situation of the company's agents at Ispahan, an ambassador arrived from the king of Spain, in June 1617, authorised to adjust and settle the contract which Sir Robert Shirley had projected. The English agent, in consequence, urged the factory at Surat to dispatch the whole of the company's ships to Jasques for the defence of that port, as the Portuguese fleet had rendezvoused at Muscat, and had determined to blockade the passage into the Persian gulf against the English trade. These events induced Sir Thomas Roe to grant a commission, and to give instructions to the company's agent at Ispahan, authorising him to treat with the king of Persia, in the name of the king of England.

"In 1618, Captain Shillings, of the company's ship Ann, went to Mokha, and obtained a phirmaund from the governor, by which the English were allowed free trade, and protection to their persons and property, on condition of paying three per cent. on merchandize, and three per cent. on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and particularly against the Portuguese.

"This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay] in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with the Dutch admiral Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take that subject into consideration. It was therefore, with a becoming sense of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of the two nations in Europe."

Sec.1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country.

I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this occasion I was accompanied by the general, and principal merchants, Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred shot, and the ships, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me with their ordnance as I passed. There was much controversy about searching my servants, but at length they passed free to the city, where we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.

The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four coss to Sumaria.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a village. The 2d, to Biarat, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle, this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the Mogul, and belonging to Abraham Khan. The 3d I entered the kingdom of Pardaff shah,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to nobody; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside a city of note, called Mugher. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The 5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a city called Nundabar, in the kingdom of Brampore, [Burhanpoor] which is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000 bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw smaller parcels.

[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have their proper names placed within brackets.—E.]

[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.—E.]

The 7th we went eighteen miles to Ningull. The 8th, fifteen to Sinchelly, [Sindkera.] The 9th, other fifteen to Tolmere, [Talnere.] And the 10th, eighteen to Chapre, [Choprah] where we pitched our tents without the town, and the king's officers guarded us all night with thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of out being attacked by robbers from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th, which brought us to Brampore, [Burhanpoor] which I guessed to be 223 miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the towns and villages only built of mud. At Bartharpore,[191] a village two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor, the cutwall met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours carried before him, and conducted me to a serai appointed for my lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone front; but, when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town, as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till morning, as this was the best lodging in the city, which I afterwards found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting the houses inhabited by Sultan Parvis, the Mogul's second son, that of Khan Khanan, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army, in which are 40,000 horse, and governs every thing, the prince only having the name and pomp allowed him.

[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214 miles.—E.]

[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles short of Burhanpoor.—E.]

On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was not willing to displease, and to see the fashions of the court, and because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the cutwall, and in the outer court of the palace I found about an hundred horsemen under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head, and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous state. Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over head by a rich canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.

On entering, as I had no place assigned me, I went right forwards, and stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I told him that I was ambassador from the king of England to his father; and, while passing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was allowed to the ambassadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the canopy. I then requested his favour for an English factory to be established at Burhanpoor, which readily granted, and gave immediate orders to the Buksh to draw up a firmaun, license, for their coming and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the cutwall to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part. After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that, after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of a fever.

The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor three coss to Raypora; the 28th, fifteen c. to Burgome, [Burgaw]; the 30th, seven c. December the 1st, ten c. to Bicangome; the 2d, seven c. the 3d, five c. the 4th, eleven c. to Ekbarpoor, which stands on a good river, [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near Buroach. The 5th, I passed the river Nerbuddah. The 6th, I travelled eight c. and lay in a wood, not far from the king's famous castle of Mandoa, [Mundu] which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being fourteen c. in circuit, this castle being of wonderous extent and great beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten c. the 8th, eight c. the 9th, ten c. the 10th, twelve c. the 11th, sixteen c. the 12th, fourteen c. the 13th, six c. the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six c. the 16th, six c. the 17th, twelve c. the 18th, five c. when we arrived at Cytor, where I was met by Mr Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had travelled to India on foot.

Cytor, [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill, about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at the S.W. end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village at the foot of the hill.

This city stands in the country of the Rama,[192] a prince newly subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and acknowledge subjection; and Cytor was reduced by Akbar Shah, the father of Shah Jehan-Guire, the present king of the Moguls. This Hindoo raja is lineally descended from Porus, the valiant Indian sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly, much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the world were co-equals in antiquity.

[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims for the Ranna.—E.]

The 19th I proceeded twelve c. on my journey; the 20th ten c. the 21st ten c. the 22d nine c. the 23d ten c. and arrived at Ajimere. The first six days journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the Durbar, which is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain strangers, to receive petitions and presents, to issue commands, and to see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception, it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of the customs of the court.

[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses; but the extent of one day's journey is omitted, which may explain the difference.—E.]

[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan Proper is rated at two miles.—E.]

No men, except eunuchs, are permitted to come within the private lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a window, called the jarneo,[195] which looks into the plain or open space before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours, amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts, the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed space. He then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the guzalcan, in the midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very affably on all subjects with those around him. No business is transacted with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places, where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is registered by attendant secretaries, and any one, who has the curiosity, may see the register for two shillings; insomuch that the common people know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of the king, and every day the king's acts and resolutions are circulated as news, and are freely canvassed and censured by every rascal. This course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must always be known. Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in judgement at the jarneo,[196] where he attends to the complaints of his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution performed on offenders by his elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses?

[Footnote 195: in subsequent passages, this is called the Jarruco.—E.]

Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two noble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery; ambassadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality, are within the innermost rail directly under him, that space being raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men, representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all may see the king. The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my master. I then delivered a translation of the king's letter, and then my commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and, with a seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians, advising me to keep the house till I recovered strength, and that I should freely send to him in the meantime for any thing I needed, with assurance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the Christians, than ever were shewn to any ambassador from the Turks or Persians or any other nation.

[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the esplanade in front of the palace, called jarneo in Purchas, is called jarruco in Churchill.—E.]

On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan Churrum,[197] the third son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22d at nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so that I was in some fear for my reception; but, on hearing of my arrival, instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his principal officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to any one. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a present, but not in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but excused the omission, by saying, That my sovereign could not know of his being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat, from his governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me, except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.

[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone; but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow's History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he assumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and imprisoned, by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who assumed the name of Alumguire.—E.]

The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly, and assigned me a place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business. He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know what I wanted of him. I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the assurance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me, as his ambassador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations, and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English, who were settled at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their passage to the port, contrary to all justice, and in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as contained in his majesty's firmaun. To this he answered, that he was sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to restore the money he had exacted from Mr Kerridge, and to use the English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so dismissed me.