Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anchored. Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I was desirous to assist in defending a place where we had so great a stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent Lacandas to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason of the shadow of the shore, they had lights made for them ashore for guiding them where to find us during their hellish incendiary plans. Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place, and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin ashore with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which were there for the defence of the town.

The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet, unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on shore in oar boats, in all courtesy.

We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty snatches, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.

The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure. Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me previous to our departure.

In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ashore to compliment him, and to keep him in discourse till I could go on shore, which I did soon after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom, to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed, and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went accordingly ashore with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks, who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming ashore to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.

At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth, Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being of massy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed, and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the shore to wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten cuttonee quilts and twenty topseels.

Soon after the nabob came to the shore, and we took boat together, going on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives, a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their balls on the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken leave, but I accompanied him ashore, and ordered him to be saluted at his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company, together with 100 books of white bastas, worth two mahmoodies each. Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted. While rowing up along shore for my better getting on board, as the tide ran very swiftly, Lacandas came running towards the boat, bearing a message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after him, with all the rest of his carriages.

The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man, came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things, such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him with eleven guns at his departure.

In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships, we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as there was room for them to pass on either side of us, beyond reach of our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat, that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater strength.

In our passage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds, which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our course S. by E. along shore. At day-light nest morning we began to descry, between us and the shore, the Portuguese galleons and two gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails, partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current. The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted, even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly under sail, according as wind and tide served.

In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us. We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He had been sent by his master with the principal ships of all India, and all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search of,—four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force; and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran after.

The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their chivalry. But, by the hand of God, and to their great amazement, they received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it pleased God to baffle this their first assault. Ever after, though they beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they never gain from us even the value of a louse in all that time, except our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my narrative.

[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and Dodsworth.—E.]

The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the shore, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.

Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we were far beyond Goa.

* * * * *

"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath left this glorious act, memoriae sacrum, the memorable epitaph of his worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in him seasoned by gravity and modesty."—Purch.

SECTION II.

Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former Voyage.[131]

"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history succeeding the former, as its author did in command."—Purch.

[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]

In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose, to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances, already sufficiently related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently explained.—E.

Sec.1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington.

On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next. On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But, about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.

The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.

[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way between Cape Comorin and Bantam.—E.]

The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Macasser, complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of Motron in the government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July, and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound for England.

The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the 8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them; and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.

[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the command.—Purch.]

On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught, climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back. We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them; for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to our disgrace.

In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose, as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an Orancay, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ashore, accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general, concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took passage with him from thence to Cambello, were brought all the way in the bilboes, for no cause.

[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was Dutch policy to cry rogue first.—Purch.]

I went ashore on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together the merchants, and sent for the orancay of Banda, whose letter he got translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a person to confer with the orancays, and particularly to know how we might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build a fort for that purpose.

The 23d five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts, along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men, and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.

Sec.2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope.

The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made, whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and, after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair, lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of Britain.

[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only insert what is fit for the public eye.—Purch.]

[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion, that he died of poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.—Purch.]

After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a firmaun from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr Edwards 850 mahmoudies, thirty pieces of topseels, ten of fine calicoes, and other things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up. To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of topseels, five to each, with his chop or licence for our departure, and promises of kind usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the firmaun. The 30th, Mr Edwards and we set out for Amadavar [Ahmedabad.]

The 2d of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard of horse with us to Demylode, and there we had a new escort of horse and foot to Charmondo;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found. With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain, barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled. The 8th we came to Brodera, [Brodrah] and made a present to the governor, who received it very kindly, and particularly requested to see our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where their superstition of not killing any thing occasioned us to have very bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to Persia; and hence Mr Edwards departed from us for Agra.

[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by typographical error.—E.]

[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.—E.]

All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved to proceed for Sarques [Sarkess,] to make trial with the country people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales: after which Mr Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the merchants greatly more tractable. Sarkess is a town of no great size, three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise. At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances; and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of the town, is the place where Khan-Khana first put the Guzerates to flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory; in which Khan-Khana resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.

The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having with us forty carts, loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the 27th to Mundeves,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of Sarder Khan. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and, at Brodrah, the men belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there were several companies of rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the country.

[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.—E.]

On the 2d of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 rajputs, where we could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain, while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to the open ground we made a stand; but the rajputs betook themselves again to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat, where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our safety.

Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire, by means of four fire-boats chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following declaration:—

Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February, 1615.

"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he was ordered on board a galleon called the St Antonio, in this expedition for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this month. The purpose of the viceroy, Don Jeronimo de Savedo, in this expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat. The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men, and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St Bennet of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St Lawrence, of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of the St Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of the St Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the galleons: The ships were, the St Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons, Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers, and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks, and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in the other galleons being half brass and half iron:" Against all which the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.

On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts, as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous. We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On the 20th I met with Crosse and his company, left there for discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages, through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together with powder, shot, and provisions.

[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's voyage.—Purch.]

In the latitude of 29 deg. N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M. his ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent off letters for London.

SECTION III.

Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Ajmeer in India, to Ispahan in Persia, in the Years 1615 and 1616.[141]

Having been detained at Agimere[142] from February, Mr Edwards received a letter on the 17th March, 1615, from the Great Mogul, of which he delivered a copy, together with his other letters, to Richard Steel, promising to procure the king's firmaun for our safety and furtherance, and to send it after us to Agra, where he directed us to wait for its reception. We went that night two coss to Mandill.[143]We had four servants, two horses, and a camel. The 18th we went twelve coss to Bander Sandree, [Bunder-Sanory,] a small aldea.[144] The 19th, ten coss to Mosobade, [Morabad.] The 20th to Pipelo, [Peped,] thirteen coss. The 21st to a town called Chadfoole, [Gohd?] seven coss. The 22d to Lalscotte, thirteen coss. The 23d to Mogolserai, twelve coss. The 24th to Hindone, fourteen coss. the 25th to Bramobad, twelve coss. The 26th to Futtipoor, twelve coss. This has been a fair city, which was built by Akbar, and contains a goodly palace belonging to the king. It is walled round in a handsome manner, and has many spacious gardens and sumptuous pleasure houses; but is now falling to ruin, and ranch ground within the walls is now sown with corn, the king having carried off much of the best stone to his new city of Agra. The 27th we went twelve coss to Agra. In the English house there, we found one Richard Barber, an apothecary, who came over with Sir Robert Shirley, and had been sent here by Mr Kerridge to take care of Nicholas Whithington.

[Footnote 141: Purch. Pilgr. I. 519.—In the title of this article in the Pilgrims, Agimere, or Azmere, as it is there called, is said to have been the residence of the Great Mogul at the commencement of this journey, and Spahan, or Ispahan, the royal seat of the kings of Persia.—E.]

[Footnote 142: This place, named Azmeer in the Pilgrims, is known in modern geography under the name of Ajmeer, or Agimere.—E.]

[Footnote 143: A coss, or course, as it is uniformly denominated in the Pilgrims, is stated on the margin by Purchas, to be equal to a mile and a half, and in some places two English miles. As more precisely determined in modern geography, the Hindoostanee coss is equal to 1 4/7th English miles, and the Rajput coss to 2 1/6th miles nearly. It would overload this article to attempt critically following all the stations in the present journal, in which the names of places are often so corrupt as to be unintelligible. Such corrections of the text as can be ventured upon are included within brackets.—E.]

[Footnote 144: This is a Spanish or Portuguese term, signifying country village.—E.]

Within two days journey of Agra, we passed by the country and city of Biana, where the finest indigo is made, the best being then worth thirty-six rupees the maund at Agra, but much cheaper in the country. Finding the promised firmaun came not, and the hot season of the year fast approaching, we departed on the 3d April in the prosecution of our journey, leaving directions with Richard Barber to send it after us. We came that night to a serai called Boutta, six coss. The 4th to the town of Matra, fourteen coss, where we lay in a fair serai,[145] and there we received the firmaun. The 5th we went twelve coss to a serai called Chatta, [Chautra.] The 6th to a serai built by Azam Khan, nine coss. The 7th to a serai built by Sheic Ferreede, called Puhlwall, eleven coss. The 8th to a serai built by the same person, ten coss. The 9th to Dillee, [Delhi,] nine coss. This being a great and ancient city, formerly the seat of the kings, where many of them are interred. At this time, many of the great men have their gardens and pleasure houses here, and are here buried, so that it is beautified with many fine buildings. The inhabitants, who are mostly Banians or Hindoos, are poor and beggarly, through the long absence of the court.

[Footnote 145: These are fair buildings for the accommodation of travellers, many of which were erected by great men.Purch.]

The 10th we went ten coss from Delhi to Bunira. The 11th to Cullvower, twelve coss. The 12th to Pampette, [Paniput,] twelve coss. This is a small handsome city, where they manufacture various sorts of girdles and sashes, and great quantities of cotton-cloth, and have abundance of handicrafts. The 13th to Carnanl, twelve coss. The 14th to Tanisera, [Tahnessir,] fourteen coss. The 15th to Shavade, [Shahabad,] ten coss. The 16th to Mogol-Sera, or Gaugur, fifteen coss. The 17th to Sinan,[146] fourteen coss, which is an ancient city, where they manufacture great store of cottons. The 18th to Duratia, fifteen coss. The 19th to Pullower, [Bullolepoor,] eleven coss. We this day passed in a boat over a great river called Sietmege[147] which is very broad, but full of shoals, and runs westward to join the Sinde, or Indus. The 20th we came to a small town called Nicodar, eleven coss. The 21st to Sultanpoor, an old town having a river which comes from the north, over which is a bridge of six arches. At this place great store of cotton goods are made. Four coss beyond this place we passed another small river. The 22d to Chiurmul,[148] eleven coss. We were this day boated across a river as broad as the Thames at Gravesend, called Vian, which runs westwards to join the Sinde. On its banks Allom Khan, ambassador from the Great Mogul to the king of Persia, had pitched his camp, which looked like a little city. The 23d we went to Khan Khanum Serai, seventeen coss, and the 24th we reached Lahore, seven coss.

[Footnote 146: This is probably Sirhind, which is directly in the route, but so disguised in the text as to defy emendation.—E.]

[Footnote 147: This is clearly the Sutuluge, or Setlege, called likewise the Beyah-Kussoor, and Chato dehr, being the easternmost of the Punjab or five rivers, which form the Indus. It was called Hesudrus by the ancients.—E.]

[Footnote 148: From the river mentioned in the text as passed, on this day's journey, this may have been what is now called Gundwall, a little beyond the river Beyab, which is here 100 yards broad.—E.]

All the country between Agra and Lahore is exceedingly well cultivated, being the best of India, and abounds in all things. It yields great store of powdered sugar, [raw sugar] the best being worth two 1/2 to two 3/4 rupees the great maund of forty pounds. The whole road is planted on both sides with trees, most of which bear a species of mulberry. In the night, this road is dangerously infested with thieves, but is quite secure in the day. Every five or six coss, there are serais, built by the king or some great man, which add greatly to the beauty of the road, are very convenient for the accommodation of travellers, and serve to perpetuate the memory of their founders. In these the traveller may have a chamber for his own use, a place in which to tie up his horse, and can be furnished with provender; but in many of them very little accommodation can be had, by reason of the banians, as when once any person has taken up his lodging, no other may dispossess him. At day-break the gates of these serais are opened, and then all the travellers prepare to depart; but no person is allowed to go away sooner, for fear of robbers. This made the journey very oppressive to us, as within two hours after the sun rose we were hardly able to endure the heat.

Lahore is a great and goodly city, being one of the fairest and ancientest in India. It stands on the river Indus or Sinde;[149] and from this place came the most valuable of the Portuguese trade when they were at peace with the Moguls, as it formed the centre of all their traffic in Hindoostan. They here embarked their goods, which were carried down the river to Tatta, and were thence transported by sea to Ormus and Persia; and such native merchants as chose to go that way between India and Persia, paid them freight. They had also a great trade up this river, in pepper and other spices, with which they furnished that part of India. At this time, the merchants of India assemble at Lahore, where they invest a great part of their money in commodities, and, joining in caravans, they pass over the mountains of Candahar into Persia; by which way it is computed there now pass yearly twelve or fourteen thousand camel loads, whereas formerly there did not go in this way above three thousand, all the rest going by way of Ormus. These merchants are put to great expences between Lahore and Ispaban, besides being exposed to great cold in winter and fervent heat in summer, and to bad and dangerous roads, usually spending six or seven months in the journey, and they estimate the charges of each camel's load at 120 or 130 rupees. In this way Persia is furnished with spiceries, which are brought all the way from Masulipatam by land. We remained in Lahore from the 24th of April to the 13th of May, refreshing both ourselves and our horses, and providing servants and necessaries for the journey. We also procured here recommendatory letters from an ambassador to the king of Persia.

[Footnote 149: Lahore is upon the Ravey, the second of the five rivers forming the Indus, counting from the east, and was the Hydroates of the ancients. The Indus proper, or Nilab, is considerably farther west.—E.]

We left Lahore on the 13th May, proposing to overtake a caravan which set out two months before, and went that day eleven c. to a small town named Chacksunder. The 14th to Non-serai, fifteen c. The 15th to Mutteray, eight c. The 16th to Quemal khan, nineteen c. The 17th to Herpae, sixteen c. The 18th to Alicasaca, twelve c. The 19th Trumba, twelve c. and this day we overtook a small caravan that left Lahore eight days before us. The 20th to Sedousehall, fourteen c. The 21st to Callixechebaut, fifteen c. The 22d to Multan,[150] twelve c. This is a great and ancient city, having the river Indus at the distance of three coss. All caravans must remain here ten or twelve days, before leave can be procured from the governor to proceed, on purpose that the city may benefit by their stay. It yields white plain cotton cloth and diaper. We remained five days, and were then glad to get leave to depart, by means of a present.

[Footnote 150: In the whole of this itinerary, from Lahore to Multan or Mooltan, down the Ravey river, not a single name in the text, except the two extremities, bears the smallest resemblance to any of those in modern geography.—E.]

We passed the river on the 28th, and went twenty c. to a small village named Pettoallee. The 29th we passed another great river by a boat, and came that same night to a small river called Lacca, where we found the caravan we wished to overtake.[151] We presented the caravan basha with a mirror and knife, when he directed us to pitch our tent near his own, that we might be more immediately under his protection. This caravan had been here ten days, and remained till the 2d of June, waiting for an escort of cavalry to convoy them to Chatcza,[152] a small fort in the mountains, having received information that a former caravan had been injured by the mountaineers. The 2d June we resumed our journey, and travelled twelve c. entering into the mountains, where we were much distressed for want of fresh water, what water we met with being brackish. The 3d and 4th we travelled all night, climbing high mountains, and following water-courses with various turnings and windings, insomuch that in travelling twelve coss our direct course did not exceed six c. The 5th we again followed the bed of a water-course or river, full of large pebbles, travelling eight c. The 6th we rested. The 7th we went four c. still along the water-course, the 8th eight c. the 9th twelve c. and the 10th three c. when we came to Chatcza, [Chatzan] a small fort with mud walls, inclosed with a ditch, where the Mogul keeps a garrison of eighty or 100 horse, to scour the road from thieves, yet these are as great thieves as any, where they find an opportunity. The captain of this castle exacted two abacees for each camel in the caravan, though nothing was legally due, as he and his troops have their pay from the king. In the whole of our way, from the river Lacca to Chatzan, we found no sustenance for man or beast, except in some places a little grass, so that we had to make provision at Lacca, hiring a bullock to carry barley for our horses. The Agwans or Afgans, as the people of the mountains are called, came down to us every day at our resting place, rather to look out what they might steal, than to buy as they pretended.

[Footnote 151: The great river passed on the 29th must have been the Sinde, Indus, or Nilab, and from the circumstance of falling in next day with the Lacca or Lucca, Pettoallee in the text may possibly be what is named Joghiwallah, on the east side of the Indus, almost opposite the mouth of the Lacca.—E.]

[Footnote 152: Chatzan, a town or fortress in Sewee, or the country of the Balloges; to the west of a ridge of rocky mountains, described as consisting of hard black stone, which skirt the western side of the vale of the Indus, and on the north join the mountains of Wulli in Candahar. Chatzan is in lat. 31 deg. 3' N. and long 69 deg. 42' W. from Greenwich—E.]

Having made provision for three days at Chatzan, we went thence on the 12th June, and travelled fourteen c. The 13th ten c. The 14th ten c. This day the mountaineers brought down to us sheep, goats, meal, butter, and barley, in abundance, sufficient both for us and our cattle, all of which they sold at reasonable prices; and from this time forwards, they did the same every day, sometimes also bringing felts and striped carpets for sale. The 15th we went six c. the 16th four c. the 17th ten c. the 18th nine c. the 19th nine c. when we came to a small town of the Afgans called Duckee, [Dooky], where the Mogul keeps a garrison in a small square mud fort, the walls of which are of a good height. This fort is a mile from the town. We stopt here three days, as the caravan could not agree with the captain of the fort, who demanded a duty on every camel, and at last an abacee and a half was paid for each camel. The 23d we went six c. the 24th we passed a place called Secotah, or the three castles, because of three villages standing near each other on the side of a hill, forming a triangle. We this day went eight c. The 25th we rested, on account of bad weather. The 26th we went ten c. The 27th fourteen c. This day we passed through the durues or gates of the mountains, being narrow straits, with very high rocks on both sides, whence with stones a few men might stop the passage of a multitude, and where many caravans have been accordingly cut off. We this night, where we lodged, suffered much insolence from the Afgans; and next day, as we passed a small village called Coasta, they exacted from us two 1/2 abacees for each camel. The 28th we went five c. the 29th, passing a village called Abdun, eight c. the 30th six c. The 1st. July in seven c. we came to a place called Pesinga [Pusheng or Kooshinge], where there is a small fort like that at Dooky in which is a garrison for securing the way. At this place the captain exacted half an abacee for each camel. The 3d we left the caravan and went forwards six c. The 4th we passed over a mighty mountain, and descended into the plains beyond, having travelled that day fourteen c. The 5th we went twenty c. and were much distressed to get grain for our cattle. The 6th, in like distress both for them and ourselves, we went twelve c. and on the 7th, after eight c. we got to the city of Candahar.

These mountains of Candahar are inhabited by a fierce people, called Agwans or Potans, [Afgans or Patans] who are very strong of body, somewhat fairer than the natives of Hindoostan, and are much addicted to robbery, insomuch, that they often cut off whole caravans. At present they have become more civil, partly from fear of the Mogul, and partly from experiencing the advantages of trade, by selling their grain, sheep, and goats, of which they have great store, and by purchasing coarse cotton goods and other necessaries. Still, however, if they find any one straggling or lagging behind, they are very apt to make them slaves, selling them into the mountains, and houghing them to prevent their running away, after which they are set to grind grain in handmills, or to other servile employments. The chief city, called likewise Candahar, is very ancient, and was in old times inhabited by Banians. At this place the governor of the whole country resides, who has a garrison of twelve or fifteen thousand horse, maintained there by the Great Mogul, in regard of the neighbourhood of the Persians towards the north. To the west, the city is environed by steep and craggy rocks, and to the south and east by a strong wall. In consequence of the frequent passage of caravans, it has been considerably increased of late, so that the suburbs are larger than the city. Within the last two years, in consequence of the Persian trade by way of Ormus being stopped, through war with the Portuguese, all the caravans between Persia and India must necessarily pass through this place; and here they hire camels to go into India, and at their return for Persia have to do the same. They cannot return without leave of the governor, who causes them to stop a month here, or at the least fifteen or twenty days; owing to which, it is inhabited by many lewd people, as all such places of resort commonly are.

Victuals for man and beast are to be had in great abundance at Candahar, yet are very dear owing to the great concourse of trade, occasioned by the meeting at this place of many merchants of India, Persia, and Turkey, who often conclude their exchanges of commodities here. At this place the caravans going for India usually unite together, for greater strength and security in passing through the mountains of Candahar; and those that come here from India generally break into smaller companies, because in many parts of the route through Persia, a greater number would not find provisions, as all Persia, from hence to Ispahan, is extremely barren, so that sometimes not a green thing is to be seen in two or three days travel; and even water is scarce, and that which is to be got is often brackish, or stinking and abominable. We remained at this city for fourteen days, partly to procure company for our farther journey, and partly for refreshment after the fatigues and heats of our late journey, especially on account of John Crowther, who was so weak that he at one time doubted being able to proceed any farther.

We joined ourselves to three Armenians and a dozen Persian merchants, along with whom we left the city of Candahar on the 23d July, and went ten c. to a village called Seriabe.[153] The 24th we came in twelve c. to Deabage, a small dea or village. The 25th in eight c. to Cashecunna, a small castle in which the Mogul has a garrison, being the utmost boundary of his dominions westwards, and confining with Persia. The 26th we travelled seventeen c. and lodged in the open fields by the side of a river. The 27th, after four c. we came to a castle called Greece, the first belonging to the king of Persia. Here we delivered to the governor the letter we had got from the Persian ambassador at Lahore, and presented him a mirror and three knives. He would take nothing for our camels, while the others had to pay five abacees for each camel. He promised to give us a safe conduct under an escort of horse to the next governor, but we saw none; neither were we sorry for the omission, for he was little better than a rebel, and all his people were thieves.

[Footnote 153: We here lose the almost infallible guide of Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan, and are reduced to much inferior helps in following the route through Persia.—E.]

The 28th we departed at night, going two parasangs, and lodged at a dea or village called Malgee. A farcing or parasang is equal to two Indian cosses and a half.[154] The 29th we went ten p. and lodged in the open fields, where we could get nothing but water. The 30th we went five p. to a small castle named Gazikhan. The 31st other five p. to an old ruined fort, where we could get nothing but water, and that was stinking. The 1st August we proceeded other five p. to an old fort called Dilaram, where we paid an abacee and a half for each camel. We staid here one day to rest our cattle, which was termed making mochoane; and on the 3d we went seven p. to an old castle called Bacon. The 4th four p. and lodged in the open fields, where we found nothing but water. The 5th four p. and the 6th five p. to Farra.[155]

[Footnote 154: In a side-note, Purchas says a parasang consists of sixty furlongs. This is a most egregious error, as the parasang or farsang is exactly equal to 2.78 English miles, or twenty-two two-5ths furlongs.—E.]

[Footnote 155: Farra, the capital of a district of the same name in the north of Segistan, is in lat 33 deg. 40' N. long. 62 deg. 40' E.—E.]

Farra is a small town, surrounded by a high wall of bricks dried in the sun, as are all the castles and most of the buildings in this country, and is of a square form, about a mile in circuit. It has a handsome bazar or market-place, vaulted over head to keep out the rain, and in which all kinds of necessaries and commodities are sold. It is situated in a fertile soil, having plenty of water, without which nothing can be raised in this country; and it is wonderful to see with what labour and ingenious industry they bring water to every spot of good ground, which is but seldom to be found here, often carrying it three or four miles in trenches under ground. At this town, all merchants going into Persia must remain for seven, eight, or ten days; and here the king's treasurer sees all their packs weighed, estimating the value of their commodities at so much the maund, as he thinks fit, and exacts a duty of three per cent. ad valorem on that estimate. On their way into Persia, merchants are used with much favour, lest they should make complaints to the king, who will have merchants kindly treated; but on their return into India, they are treated with extreme rigour, being searched to the very skin for money, as it is death to transport any gold or silver coin from Persia, except that of the reigning king. They likewise look narrowly for horses and slaves, neither of which are allowed to be taken out of the country.

We remained here two days waiting for certain Armenians, with whom we travelled the rest of the journey, leaving our former companions. The 9th of August we went only one parasang to a river. The 10th we travelled seven p. and lodged in the open fields. The 11th, four p. to a small village, where we had plenty of provisions. The 12th, four p. where we had to dig for water. The 13th, eight p. and the 14th five p. to a village named Draw, [Durra,] where we remained a day, as it is the custom of those who travel with camels to rest once in four or five days. The 16th, we advanced three p. The 17th, four p. The 18th, five p. to Zaide-basha, [Sarbishe,] where abundance of carpets are to be had. The 19th we came to a village named Mude, [Moti,] where also are carpets. The 20th, five p. to Birchen, [Berdjan,] where are manufactured great quantities of fine felts, and carpets of camels hair, which are sold at the rates of from two to five abacees the maund. At this place we rested a day. The 22d, we went to Dea-zaide, [Descaden,] where all the inhabitants pretend to be very religious, and sell their carpets, of which they have great abundance, at a cheap rate. The 23d, three p. The 24th, five p. to Choore, [Cors or Corra,] an old ruined town. The 25th, three p. The 26th, seven p. when we had brackish stinking water. The 27th we came to Dehuge, [Teuke,] where is a considerable stream of hot water, which becomes cool and pleasant after standing some time in any vessel. The 28th we went seven p. to Dea-curma.

The 29th we went five p. to Tobaz,[156] where we had to pay half an abacee for each camel. At this plce all caravans take four or five days rest, the better to enable them to pass the adjoining salt desert, which extends four long days journey, and in which many miscarry. We found here a small caravan of an hundred camels, which set off the next day after our arrival. Here, and in the former village, there is great store of dates; and 3000 maunds of the finest silk in Persia are made here yearly, and is carried to Yades, [Yezd,] a fair city, where likewise they make much raw silk, and where it is manufactured into taffaties, satins, and damasks. The king does not allow the exportation of raw silk, especially into Turkey; but the Portuguese used to carry it to Portugal. Yades, [Yezd,] is about twelve days journey from Ispahan, and is twelve p. out of the way from the Indian route to the capital.

[Footnote 156: Tabaskili, or Tobas Kileke, in Cohestan, is probably the place here meant, in which case the route appears to have passed from Farra by the south of the inland sea or lake of Darrah, but which is not noticed by our travellers. Our conjectural amendments of the names of places on the route are placed within brackets.—E.]

The 30th of August we advanced nine p. into the desert, and lay on the ground, having to send our beasts three miles out of the way for water, which was very salt. The 31st, after travelling ten p. we came to water which was not at all brackish. The 1st September we went five p. and had to send two miles for water. The 2d we went nine p. to a small castle, where we procured a small quantity of provisions. The 3d, five p. and lay in the fields, having to send far for water. The 4th, ten p. to Seagan. The 5th, four p. The 6th, ten p. to a castle called Irabad, [Hirabad,] where we paid half an abacee for each camel. The 7th, six p. The 8th, eight p. to Ardecan, where we rested till the 10th, when we went four p. to Sellef. The 11th, three p. to a small castle named Agea Gaurume. The 12th, nine p. to a spring in the fields. The 13th, three p. to Beavas. The 14th, four p. to Goolabad, whence Richard Steel rode on to Ispahan, without waiting for the caravan. The 15th we came to Morea Shahabad, five p. The 16th, to Coopa, five p. The 17th, to Dea Sabs, five p. The 18th, four p. and lay in the fields. And on the 19th, after three p. we came to Ispahan.

Richard Steel reached this city on the 15th, at noon, and found Sir Robert Shirley already provided with his dispatches from the king of Persia as ambassador to the king of Spain. Sir Robert, attended by his lady, a bare-footed friar as his chaplain, together with fifty-five Portuguese prisoners, and his own followers, were preparing in all haste to go to Ormus, and to embark thence for Lisbon. The purpose is, that seeing the Portuguese not able to stand, the Spaniards may be brought in.[157] Six friars remain as hostages for his safe return to Ispahan, as otherwise the king has vowed to cut them all in pieces, which he is likely enough to do, having put his own son to death, and committed a thousand other severities.

[Footnote 157: The meaning of this passage is quite obscure in the Pilgrims, and the editor does not presume upon clearing the obscurity.—E.]

On his arrival at Ispahan, Richard Steel delivered his letters to Sir Robert,[158] who durst hardly read them, except now and then, as by stealth, fearing lest the Portuguese should know of them. He afterwards said it was now too late to engage in the business of our nation, and seemed much dissatisfied with the company, and with the merchants and mariners who brought him out. But at length he said he was a true-hearted Englishman, and promised to effect our desires. On the 19th, the friars being absent, he carried both of us to the master of the ceremonies, or Maimondare, and took us along with him to the Grand Vizier, Sarek Hogea, who immediately called his scribes or secretaries, and made draughts of what we desired: namely, three firmauns, one of which John Crowther has to carry to Surat, one for Richard Steel to carry to England, and the third to be sent to the governor of Jasques, all sealed with the great seal of the king. The same day that these firmauns were procured, being the last of September, Sir Robert Shirley set out for Shiras in great pomp, and very honourably attended.

[Footnote 158: Of the landing of Sir Robert Shirley, see Peyton's first voyage before; and of the rest of his journey see the second voyage of Peyton, in the sequel.—Purch.]

Copy of the Firmaun granted by the King of Persia.

"Firmaun or command given unto all our subjects, from the highest to the lowest, and directed to the Souf-basha, or constable of our country, kindly to receive and entertain the English Franks[159] or nation, when any of their ships may arrive at Jasques, or any other of the ports in our kingdom, to conduct them and their merchandize to what place or places they may desire, and to see them safely defended upon our coasts from any other Franks whomsoever. This I will and command you to do, as you shall answer in the contrary. Given at our royal city, this 12th of Ramassan, in the year of our Tareag, 1024. [October, 1615.]"

The chief commodities of Persia are raw silks, of which it yields, according to the king's books, 7700 batmans yearly. Rhubarb grows in Chorassan, where also worm-seed grows.

[Footnote 159: Frank is a name given in the East to all western Christians, ever since the expedition to the Holy Land, because the French were the chief nation on that occasion, and because the French council at Clermont was the cause of that event.—Purch.]

Carpets of all sorts, some of silk and gold, silk and silver, half silk, half cotton, &c. The silver monies of Persia are the abacee, mahamoody, shakee, and biftee, the rest being of copper, like the tangas and pisos of India. The abacee weighs two meticals, the mahmoody is half an abacee, and the shahee is half a mahamoody. In the dollar or rial of eight there are thirteen shahees.[160] In a shahee there are two biftees and a half, or ten cashbegs, one biftee being four cashbegs, or two tangs. The weights differ in different places; two mahans of Tauris being only one of Ispahan, and so of the batman. The measure of length, for silks and other stuffs, is the same with the pike of Aleppo, which we judge to be twenty-seven English inches.

[Footnote 160: Assuming the Spanish dollar at 4s. 6d. sterling, the shahee ought therefore to be worth about 4d. 1-6, the mahamoody,8d. 1-3, and the abecee, 1s. 4d. 2-3.—E.]

John Crowther returned into India, and Richard Steel went to England by way of Turkey, by the following route. Leaving Ispahan on the 2d December, 1615, he went five p. to a serail. The 3d, eight p. to another serail. The 4th, six p. to a village. The 5th, seven p. to Dreag. The 6th, seven p. to a serail. The 7th, eight p. to Golpigan, [Chulpaigan.] The 8th, seven p. to Curouan. The 9th, seven p. to Showgot. The 10th, six p. to Saro, [Sari.] The 11th, eight p. to Dissabad. The 12th, twelve p. to a fair town called Tossarkhan, where he rested some days, because the country was covered deep with snow. The 15th, six p. to Kindaner. The 16th, eight p. to Sano. The 17th to Shar nuovo, where I was stopped by the daiga; but on shewing him letters from the vizier, he bade me depart in the name of God and of Ali. The 18th we passed a bridge where all travellers have to give an account of themselves, and to pay a tax of two shakees for each camel. The 19th we came to Kassam-Khan, the last place under the Persian government, and made a present to the governor, that he might give me a guard to protect me from the Turkomans, which he not only did, but gave me a licence to procure provisions free at his villages without payment, which yet I did not avail myself of.

The 21st of December I began to pass over a range of high mountains which separate the two empires of Persia and Turkey, which are very dangerous; and, on the 22d, at the end of eight p. I arrived at a village. The 23d, after travelling seven p. I lay under a rock. The 24th I came to Mando, eight p. a town belonging to the Turks. The 25th, eight p. to Emomester. The 26th, eight p. to Boroh, passed over a river in a boat, and came that night to Bagdat. I was here strictly examined and searched for letters, which I hid under my saddle; but observing one trying there also, I gave him a sign, on which he desisted, and followed me to my lodging for his expected reward. I fared better than an old Spaniard, only a fortnight before, who was imprisoned in chains in the castle, and his letters read by a Maltese renegado. I found here a Portuguese, who had arrived from Ormus only two days before me. The pacha made us wait here twenty days for a sabandar of his.

The 16th of January, 1616, we passed the river Tigris, and lay on the skirt of the desert. The 17th we travelled five agatzas, being leagues or parasangs. The 18th we came to the Euphrates at Tulquy, where merchandize disembarked for Bagdat, after paying a duty of five per cent. passes to the Tigris, and thence to the Persian gulf. After a tedious journey, partly by the river Euphrates, and partly through the desert, and then by sea, we arrived at Marseilles, in France, on the 15th April, and on the 10th May at Dover.

SECTION IV.

Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615.[161]

This voyage seems to have been under the command of Captain Newport, who sailed as general in the Lion; but is called, in the Pilgrims, The Second Voyage of Captain Peyton to the East Indies, because the former voyage of Newport was written by Peyton, who, though he occasionally mentions the general, never once names him. In this voyage Peyton sailed in the Expedition; the fleet consisting of three other ships, the Dragon, Lion, and Pepper-corn. The journal appears to have been abbreviated by Purchas, as he tells us it was gathered out of his larger journal. This voyage is chiefly remarkable as introductory to the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, contained in the subsequent section, as Sir Thomas and his suite embarked in this fleet. Instead of giving the remarks of Sir Thomas Roe in his own journal, so far as they apply to the voyage between England and Surat, these have been added in the text of the present voyage, distinguishing those observations by T.R. the initials of his name, and placing them all in separate paragraphs.

[Footnote 161: Purch. Pilgr. I. 528.]

We learn by a subsequent article in the Pilgrims, I. 603, That Captain William Keeling was general, or chief commander of this fleet, and sailed in the Dragon, Robert Bonner master. The other two ships were the Pepper-corn, Captain Christopher Harris, and the Expedition, Captain William Peyton.—E.

Sec.1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat.

We sailed from Gravesend on the 24th January, 1615, and on the 2d February Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador from his majesty to the Great Mogul, repaired on board the Lion, with fifteen attendants. At the same time, Mr Humphry Boughton embarked in the Pepper-corn, being recommended by the king to the company for a passage to India. We carried out in the fleet eleven Japanese, who were brought to England in the Clove, divided proportionally among the ships; likewise fourteen Guzerates, brought home in the Dragon, together with nineteen condemned persons from Newgate, to be left for the discovery of unknown places, the company having obtained their pardons from the king for this purpose. On the 20th, some of the Dragon's men, among whom were the Newgate birds, attempted to run away with the pinnace, but were prevented: Yet next night one of these condemned men, and two of the crew of the Pepper-corn, carried away her pinnace. Two of my men conspired to carry away my boat that same night, but were discovered.

The 23d February we set sail from the Downs, and on the 6th March we lost sight of the Lizard. The 26th we saw land, supposed to be the western part of Fuerteventura, but it proved to be part of Barbary. One of the points of land at the mouth of the river Marhequena, we found to be laid down wrong, a whole degree more northerly than it ought to be; as likewise cape Bajadore is misplaced a whole degree, which we found by experience, escaping great danger caused by that error in our charts. The 26th of April we got into the trade wind; and on the 10th May, being by estimation 620 leagues west of the Cape of Good Hope, we saw many pintadoes, mangareludas, and other fowls.

The 5th June we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, having only buried three or four men since leaving England, out of our whole fleet, and had now about thirty sick, for whom we erected five tents ashore. Corey[162] came down and welcomed us after his manner, by whose means the savages were not so fearful or thievish as at other times. They brought us cattle in great abundance, which we bought for shreds of copper. Corey shewed his house and his wife and children to some of our people, his dwelling being at a town or craal of about an hundred houses, five English miles from the landing place. Most of these savages can say Sir Thomas Smith's English ships, which they often repeat with much pride. Their wives and children came often down to see us, whom we gratified with bugles, or such trifles; and two or three of them expressed a desire to go with us to England, seeing that Corey had sped so well, and returned so rich, with his copper suit, which he preserves at his house with much care. Corey also proposed to return with us, accompanied by one of his sons, when our ships are homeward-bound. On the east side of the Table mountain there is another village of ten small houses, built round like bee-hives, and covered with mats woven of bent grass.

[Footnote 162: Corey, or Coree, was a savage, or Hottentot chief; who had been in England.—Purch.]

"The land at the Cape of Good Hope, near Saldanha bay, [Table bay] is fertile, but divided by high and inaccessible rocky mountains, covered with snow, the river Dulce falling into the bay on the east side. The natives are the most barbarous people in the world, eating carrion, wearing the guts of sheep about their necks, and rubbing their heads, the hair on which is curled like the negroes, with the dung of beasts and other dirt. They have no clothing, except skins wrapped about their shoulders, wearing the fleshy side next them in summer, and the hairy side in winter. Their houses are only made of mats, rounded at the top like an oven, and open on one side, which they turn as the wind changes, having no door to keep out the weather. They have left off their former custom of stealing, but are quite ignorant of God, and seem to have no religion. The air and water here are both excellent, and the country is very healthy. The country abounds in cattle, sheep, antilopes, baboons, pheasants, partridges, larks, wild-geese, ducks, and many other kinds of fowls. On the Penguin isle [Dassen or Robber's island,] there is a bird called penguin, which walks upright, having no feathers on its wings, which hang down like sleeves faced with white. These birds cannot fly, but walk about in flocks, being a kind of mixture, or intermediate link, between beast, bird, and fish, yet mostly bird. The commodities here are cattle and ningin roots; and I believe there is a rock yielding quicksilver.[163]The Table mountain is 11,853 feet high.[164] The bay is full of whales and seals, and is in lat. 33 deg. 45' S."—T.R.

[Footnote 163: Ningin, or Ginseng, is mentioned afterwards. The quicksilver rock has not been found.—E.]

[Footnote 164: This height is probably an exaggeration, or was measured up its slope or talus, not ascertained perpendicularly.—E.]

On the 16th of June, after a consultation, we set ashore ten of our condemned persons to remain at the Cape. These were John Crosse, Henry Cocket, Clerke, Brand, Booth, Hunyard, Brigs, Pets, Metcalf, and Skilligall. These men agreed that Crosse should be their chief, and we gave them weapons for their defence against men and wild beasts, together with provisions and clothes. The natives at this place are especially desirous of brass, and care not much for copper, chiefly wishing to have pieces of a foot square. They care little for iron hoops. We caught seven or eight hundred fishes in the river, at one haul of our seyne. The country people brought us for sale a root called Ningin,[165] of which we bought a handful for a small piece of copper an inch and half long. Our men got some of this, but not so good, this not being the season when it is ripe; for, when in full perfection, it is as tender and sweet as anise-seeds.

[Footnote 165: A medicinal root, much prized at Japan, somewhat like a skerrit.—Purch. Probably that named Ginseng, in high repute in China and Japan for its fancied restorative and provocative powers, like the mandrake of holy writ, but deservedly despised in the Materia Medica of Europe. Its whole virtues lay in some supposed resemblance to the human figure, founded on the childish doctrine of signatures; whence, at one time, every thing yellow was considered specific against jaundice, with many other and similar absurd notions.—E.]

We sailed from Saldanha on the 20th June, and on the the 21st we had sight of land in 34 deg. 28' S. being the land to the west of cape de Arecife, laid down 28' more northwardly than it ought in the charts of Daniel. On the 6th July we ought to have seen the coast of Madagascar, by most of our computations, and according to Daniel's charts, upon Mercator's projection, which proved false by seventy leagues in distance of longitude between the coast of Ethiopia at cape Bona Speranza and the isle of St Lawrence, as is evident from the charts projected in plano by Tottens. The 22d all the four ships anchored at Mohelia, where we had water from wells dug a little above high-water mark, eight or nine feet deep, close by the roots of trees. Doman is the chief town of this island, where the sultan resides, to whom we gave a double-locked piece and a sword. For very little money we were plentifully supplied with provisions, as poultry, goats, bullocks, lemons, oranges, limes, tamarinds, cocoa-nuts, pines, sugar-canes, and other fruits. Among the inhabitants of this island there are Arabs, Turks, and Moors, many of whom speak tolerable Portuguese. From them I had a curious account of the current at this place, which they said ran alternately fifteen days westerly, fifteen days easterly, and fifteen days not at all; and which I partly observed to be true: For, at our first coming, the current set westerly, and on the 28th it set easterly, and so continued during our stay, which was six days, but we went away before trial could be perfectly made of this report.

I learned here that the king of Juanni [Joanna or Hinzuan] was sovereign of this island, but entrusted its government to the sultan, who resides here. The 29th, a vessel arrived at Doman from Gangamora, in the island of Madagascar, and I was desired by the general to examine what were its commodities, which I found to consist of rice, and a kind of cloth manufactured of the barks of trees, which makes very cool garments. I enquired from the pilot, who spoke good Portuguese, respecting Captain Rowles and the other Englishmen who were betrayed on that island. He knew nothing of all this, but said that two or three years before, an English boy was at Gangamora along with the Portuguese, whom he now thought dead, but knew not how he came there. This town of Doman contains about an hundred houses, strongly built of stone and lime, and its inhabitants are orderly and civil. They carry on trade with the coasts of Melinda, Magadoxa, Mombaza, Arabia, and Madagascar, carrying slaves taken in their wars, which they sell for nine or ten dollars each, and which are sold afterwards in Portugal for 100 dollars a-head. At Mombaza and Magadoxa, they have considerable trade in elephants teeth and drugs; and it was therefore agreed to advise the honourable company of this, that they might consider of sending a pinnace yearly to make trial of this trade. In Mohelia, we bought two or three bullocks for a bar of iron of between twenty and twenty-five pounds weight. We bought in all 200 head of cattle, and forty goats, besides poultry, fruits, &c.

"Malalia [Mohelia] is one of the Commora islands, the other three being Angazesia, [Comoro] Juanny, [Joanna or Hinzuan] and Mayotta, stretching almost east and west from each other. Angazesia [Comoro] bears N. by W. from Mohelia, and is the highest land I ever saw. It is inhabited by Moors trading with the main and the other three eastern islands, bartering their cattle and fruits for calicoes and other cloths for garments. It is governed by ten petty kings, and has abundance of cattle, goats, oranges, and lemons. The people are reckoned false and treacherous. Hinzuan lies east from Mohelia and Mayotta. All these three islands are well stored with refreshments, but chiefly Mohelia, and next to it Hinzuan. Here lived an old woman who was sultaness of all these islands, and under her there were three deputies in Mohelia, who were all her sons. The sultan in whose quarter we anchored is so absolute, that none of his people dared to sell a single cocoa-nut without his leave. Four boats were sent to his town to desire this liberty, which was granted. Captain Newport went ashore with forty men, and found the governor sitting on a mat, under the side of a junk which was then building, and attended by fifty men. He was dressed in a mantle of blue and red calico, wrapped about him to his knees, his legs and feet bare, and his head covered by a close cap of checquer work. Being presented with a gun and sword, he returned four cows, and proclaimed liberty for the people to trade with us. He gave the English cocoa-nuts to eat, while he chewed betel and areka-nut, tempered with lime of burnt oister shells. It has a hot biting taste, voids rheum, cools the head, and is all their physic. It makes those giddy who are not accustomed to its use, producing red spittles, and in time colours the teeth black, which they esteem handsome, and they use this continually. From the governor they were conducted to the carpenter's house, who was a chief man in the town. His house was built of stone and lime, low and little, plaistered with white lime, roofed with rafters, which were covered with leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, the outsides wattled with canes.

"Their houses are kept clean and neat, with good household stuff, having gardens inclosed with canes, in which they grow tobacco and plantains. For dinner, a board was set upon tressels, on which was spread a fine new mat, and stone benches stood around, on which the guests sat. First, water was brought to each in a cocoa-shell, and poured into a wooden platter, and the rinds of cocoa-nuts were used instead of towels. There was then set before the company boiled rice, roasted plantains, quarters of hens, and pieces of goat's flesh broiled. After grace said, they fell to their meat, using bread made of cocoa-nut kernels, beaten up with honey, and fried. The drink was palamito wine, and the milk of the cocoa-nuts. Those who went to see the sultan, named Amir Adell, found all things much in the same manner, only that his behaviour was more light, and he made haste to get drunk with some wine carried to him by the English. The people of these islands are strict Mahomedans, and very jealous of letting their women or mosques be seen. For, on some of the English coming near a village, they shut them up, and threatened to kill them if they came nearer. Many of them speak and write Arabic, and some few of them Portuguese, as they trade with Mosambique in junks of forty tons burden, built, caulked, and rigged all out of the cocoa-nut tree. Here we bought oxen and cows, fat but small, Arabian sheep, hens, oranges, lemons, and limes in abundance, paying for them in calicoes, hollands, sword-blades, dollars, glasses, and other trifles."—T.R.

We sailed from Mohelia on the 2d August, and on the 17th got sight of cape Guardafui, where the natives seemed afraid of us. The 20th we anchored in the road of Galencia in Socotora, where the fierceness of the wind raised the sea into a continual surf all round about us, and by the spray, blown about us like continual rain, our masts, yards, and tackle were made white all over by the salt, like so much hoar-frost; The 23d we anchored at Tamara, the town where the king resides, and on the 24th at Delisha. They here demanded thirty dollars for the quintal of aloes, which made us buy the less. The Faiking told us that Captain Downton had bought 100 quintals, and it was still so liquid, either from newness, or because of the heat, that it was ready to run out of the skins. The quintal of this place, as tried by our beam, weighed 103 1/2 pounds English. Aloes is made from the leaves of a plant resembling our sempervivum, or house-leek, the roots and stalk being cut away, the rest strongly pressed, and the juice boiled up to a certain height, after which it is put into earthen pots, closely stopped for eight months, and is then put into skins for sale. The north part of Socotora is in 12 deg. 30', and the body in 120 deg. 25'.[166] It is fourteen leagues from this island to Abdul Curia, and as much more from thence to cape Guardafui. Such as mean to sail for Socotora, should touch at that cape, and sail from thence next morning a little before day-break, to lose no part of the day-light, the nights here being dark and obscure, with fogs and boisterous winds, during the months of August and September. On getting into Abdul Curia, they may anchor on the west side in seven or eight fathoms, under the low land; or, if they cannot get to anchor, should keep close hauled in the night to the southward, lest the wind and northerly current put them too much to leeward before day. Notwithstanding the monsoon, the winds do not blow steadily, being sometimes S. by W. and S.S.W. but seldom to the east of south.

[Footnote 166: These two numbers unquestionably relate to the longitude and latitude respectively, though strangely expressed. The true lat. is 13 deg. 20'N. and long. 53 deg. E. from Greenwich.—E.]

"Socotora is an island not far from the mouth of the Red Sea, being the Dioscuria or Disoscordia of the ancients, in lat. 13 deg. 20' N. It was governed when we were there by a sultan, named Amir Ben-said, son of the king of Fartaque, in Arabia Felix, which lies between the latitudes of 15 deg. and 18 deg. N. on the coast of Arabia. This king was in peace with the Turks, on condition of assisting them with 5000 men when required, and then these troops to be paid and maintained by the Turks, to whom he paid no other acknowledgement. Near to the sea about Dofar, there is another petty Arab sovereign, whom he of Fartaque dare not meddle with, because he is under the protection of the Grand Signior.

"The sultan of Socotora came down to meet us at the shore, accompanied by 300 men, and had a tent set up for his accommodation. He was on horseback, as were two of his principal attendants, and a third on a camel, the people running before and behind him shouting. He had two companies of guards, one composed of his own subjects, and the other consisting of twelve hired Guzerates, some armed with Turkish bows, some with pistols, and some with muskets, but all having good swords. He had also a few kettle-drums, and one trumpet. He received the general in a courteous manner, and was so absolute, that no person could sell any thing except himself. His people sat about him very respectfully; his clothes were of Surat cloths, made in the Arabian fashion, with a cassock of red and white wrought velvet, and a robe of which the ground was cloth of gold. He wore a handsome turban, but his legs and feet were bare.

"Every night these people all stand or kneel towards the setting sun, the zerife throwing water on their heads, being all Mahomedans. The king's town, named Tamara, is built of stone and lime, all whited over, the houses built with battlements and pinnacles, and all flat-roofed. At a distance it looks well, but within is very poor. Mr Boughton had leave to see the king's house, and found it such as might serve an ordinary gentleman in England. The lower rooms were used as warehouses and wardrobe, a few changes of robes hanging about the walls, and along with them were some twenty-five books of their law, religion, history, and saints lives. No person could be permitted to go up stairs to see his three wives, or the other women; but the ordinary sort might be seen in the town, their ears all full of silver rings. In the mosque the priest was seen at service. Mr Boughton had for his dinner three hens, with rice, his drink being water, and a black liquor called cahu, [coffee] drank as hot as could be endured.

"On a hill, a mile from Tamara, there is a square castle, but we could not get leave to see it. The inhabitants are of four sorts. The first are Arabs, who have come in by means of conquest, who dare not speak in presence of the sultan without leave, and kissing his hand. The second sort are slaves, who kiss his foot when they come into his presence, do all his work, and make his aloes. The third sort are the old inhabitants of the country, called Bedouins, though I think these are not the oldest of all, whom I suppose to have been those commonly called Jacobite Christians: For, on Mr Boughton going into a church of theirs, which the Arabs had forced them to abandon, he found some images and a crucifix, which he took away. The Mahomedans would not say much about these people, lest other Christians might relieve or support them. These Bedouins, having had wars with the Arabs, live apart from them in the mountains. The fourth kind of people, or original natives, are very savage, poor lean, naked, and wear their hair long. They eat nothing but roots, ride about on buffaloes, conversing only among themselves, being afraid of all others, having no houses, and live more like wild beasts than men, and these we conjecture to have been the original natives of the place.

"The island is very mountainous and barren, having some beeves, goats, and sheep, a few dates and oranges, a little rice, and nothing else for the food of man. All its commodities consist of aloes, the inspisated juice of a plant having a leaf like our house-leek. The only manufacture is a very poor kind of cloth, used only by slaves. The king had some dragon's blood, and some Lahore indigo, as also a few civet cats and civet. The dead are all buried in tombs, and the monuments of their saints are held in much veneration. The chief of these was one Sidy Hachun,[167] buried at Tamara, who was slain about an hundred years before we were there, and who, as they pretend, still appears to them, and warns them of approaching dangers. They hold him in wonderful veneration, and impute high winds to his influence."—T.R.

[Footnote 167: Sidy, or Seid, signifies a descendant or relative of Mahomet, and Hachem, a prophet.—E.]

The 31st of August we sailed from Socotora. The 10th September we had quails, herons, and other land-birds blown from the land, and unable to return. The 14th we had sight of Diu, and the 16th of Damaun, both inhabited by the Portuguese, and strongly fortified. On the 18th we passed the bar of Surat, and came to anchor in the road of Swally. Next day we sent a messenger on shore, and our boat returned the same night, bringing off Mr William Bidulph, who told us of all the affairs of the country, and that Zulphecar Khan[168] was now governor of Surat. At this place we bought sheep for half a dollar each, and got twenty hens for a dollar. On the 22d Mr Barker and other merchants were sent to Surat to provide furniture for a house to accommodate the lord ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe. They were searched most narrowly, even their pockets, and the most secret parts of their dress, according to the base manner of this country, in which a man has to pay custom for a single dollar in his purse, or a good knife in his pocket; and if one has any thing rare, it is sure to be taken away by the governor, under pretence of purchase.

[Footnote 168: In the Pilgrims this person is named Zuipher-Car-Chan, but we believe the orthography in the text is more correct.—E.]

The lord ambassador landed on the 25th, accompanied by our general, all the captains and merchants, and eighty men under arms, part pikes, and part muskets. Forty-eight guns were fired off from the ships, which were all dressed out with colours and streamers, flags and pendants. On landing, he was received in a splendid tent by the chief men of Surat, who welcomed him to India. There was much to do about their barbarous search, which they would have executed on all his attendants, which he strenuously resisted, and at length he and three or four of his principal followers were exempted, while the rest were only slightly handled for fashion-sake. A great deal passed on this occasion between the governor and the ambassador, about these rude and barbarous exactions, Sir Thomas justly contending for the honour and immunity of an ambassador from an independent king; while they insisted to make no difference between him and others of similar rank in those parts, and of our own likewise, who had formerly assumed the name of ambassadors. Their barbarous usage not only perplexed him there, and detained him long till an order came from court, but gave him much plague all the time he remained in the country, as will appear afterwards from his own journal. They could not easily be persuaded to allow of any difference between him and Mr Edwards, who had been considered by them in the same light with Sir Thomas.

Mr Barwick's man, who had been inveigled to run away by a deserter from Captain Best who had turned Mahomedan, was brought back from Surat on the 1st of October. Others afterwards ran away to Damaun, and wrote to their comrades to induce them to do the same. The 2d, two Hollanders came on board, who had travelled by land from Petapulli, on the Coromandel coast. On the 10th, the governor's brother came on board, making many fair speeches, and had a present given him. The governor impudently urged us to give him presents, though he had already received three, but found fault with them, and even named what he would have given him, being beggar and chooser both at once. We had this day news of Mr Aldworth's death; and on the 5th November we received intelligence of the lord ambassador having fallen sick at Burhanpoor, and that Mr Boughton was dead.