On the 27th, Malim Cairy came to Acheen, by whom I received letters from our merchants at Surat, as also a copy of the firmaun, sent them from Agra, bearing date the 25th January, in the seventh year of the then reigning Great Mogul, by which everything was confirmed that had been agreed upon between the governor of Ahmedabad and me. The 17th of June, a Dutch merchant came to Acheen from Masulipatam, who had been eight months on his way, from whom we learnt the death of Mr Anthony Hippon at Patane, and of Mr Brown, master of the Globe, who died at Masulipatam, where our people had met with evil usage. The 24th I received of the king his present for the king of England, consisting of a criss or dagger, a hasega, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and eight camphire dishes.[90]

[Footnote 90: In the translation of the letter accompanying these presents, to be noticed hereafter, they are thus described:—"A criss wrought with gold, the hilt being of beaten gold, with a ring of stones; an Assagaya of Swasse, half gold half copper; eight porcelain dishes small and great, of camfire one piece of souring stuff; three pieces of callico lawns."—The passage in Italics is inexplicable, either in the words of the letter, or in the description in the text.—E.]

The 3d of July, the fleet of armed vessels belonging to Acheen arrived, being only twenty days from the coast of Johor, at which place they had captured the factory of the Hollanders, making prize of all their goods, and had brought away some twenty or twenty-four Dutchmen as prisoners. The 7th, I received the king's letter for Priaman, together with a chop or licence for my departure; and on the 12th, taking my leave of Acheen, I embarked. In the morning of the 13th I set sail. It is to be noted, that, from the 12th April to the middle of June, we had much rain here at Acheen, seldom two fair days following, and accompanied, by much wind in sudden gusts. From the 15th June to the 12th July, we had violent gales of wind, always at S.W. or W.S.W. or W.

Sec.4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence Home to England.

Leaving Acheen, as said before, on the 13th July, 1613, we came in sight of Priaman on the 3d of August, it being then nine or ten leagues off, N.E. by E. and clearly known by two great high hills, making a great swamp or saddle between them. We saw also the high land of Tecoo, which is not more than half the height of that of Priaman, and rises somewhat flat. At the same time likewise we saw the high land of Passaman, some seven or eight leagues north of Tecoo, mid-way between Tecoo and Priaman, which mountain is very high, and resembles Aetna in Sicily.[91] In the afternoon of the 7th we came to Tecoo, and anchored to the eastward of the three islands in seven fathoms, the southmost isle bearing W.S.W. the middle isle W.N.W. and the northern isle N. 1/2 E. our anchorage being a mile from them.

[Footnote 91: Perhaps this observed similarity with Aetna is meant to indicate that this hill also is a volcano.—E.]

I sent ashore my merchants on the 19th, and landed myself in the afternoon. Next day, by advice of our council, the Hosiander was sent to Priaman, with the letter of the king of Acheen. She sailed from Tecoo on the 12th, and came back on the 18th, when she was dispatched to Bantam. The 25th there came a junk from Bantam, the owners of which were Chinese. They confirmed to me the reported death of Sir Henry Middleton, with the loss of most of the men belonging to the Trades-increase, in consequence of her main-mast breaking, while heaving her down for careening her bottom. She was now returned from Pulo-Pannian to Bantam, and they said that three hundred Chinese had died while employed at work upon her.

The 28th a boat I had sent to Passaman returned, having been well entertained at that place, and brought with them the Scrivano to deal with me, with whom accordingly I concluded a bargain. The 29th, the governor of Tecoo sent for me to come ashore, when I went to wait upon him. He was in council, with all the chiefs of the district, and, after a long discussion, we agreed on the following price of pepper. In the first place, we were to pay eighteen dollars the bahar; then there was 8d. the bahar for lastage or weighing, 30d. for canikens, and 35 d. for seilars: Besides all which they bargained for presents to sixteen chiefs or great men. On the 30th, Henry Long came from Passaman, and informed me that Mr Oliver had fallen sick, and that several others of our men had died there; upon which I sent my pinnace to bring back Mr Oliver and all others who survived, and to discontinue our factory at that place.

The 21st October, the Hosiander returned from Bantam, bringing me letters from the English merchants at that place; saying that they had 17,000 bags of pepper ready, all of which I might have, or any part of it I thought proper, if I chose to come for it, at thirteen dollars the timbane. On this, and several other considerations, I held a mercantile council, in which it was agreed that the Hosiander should be left at Tecoo for the sale of our Surat goods, all of which were accordingly put on board her for that purpose, and I departed in the Dragon for Bantam from the road of Tecoo on the 30th October. I remained in this road of Tecoo eleven weeks, in which time I bought 115 or 120 tons of pepper, and buried twenty-five of our men. All of these either died, or contracted their mortal illnesses at Passaman, not at Tecoo; and surely, if we had not attempted to trade at Passaman, all, or at least most of these, might have now been living. Wherefore, I earnestly advise all of our nation to avoid sending any of their ships or men to Passaman, for the air there is so contagious, and the water so unwholesome, that it is impossible for our people to live at that place.

I set sail from Tecoo on the 30th October, and arrived in the road of Bantam on the 11th November, where I anchored in a quarter less four fathoms, [3-3/4 fathoms.] Next day I convened our English merchants on board my ship, and agreed on the price of pepper at thirteen dollars the bahar, which is 600 pounds of our weight. Having concluded my business at this place, I set sail for Saldanha bay; where I bought for a small quantity of copper, worth perhaps between three and four pounds, 494 sheep, 4 beeves, and 9 calves. We sailed again from that place on the 4th March, 1614; and on the day of our departure, the natives brought us more live-stock than we knew how to dispose of; but we brought away alive, eighty sheep, two beeves, and one calf.

The 24th of March we saw St Helena, eight or nine leagues to the W.N.W. its latitude, by my estimation, being 16 deg. S. and its long, from the Cape of Good Hope, 22 deg. W. At three p.m. we anchored in the road of that island, right over-against the Chappel. While at St Helena, finding the road from the Chappel [church valley], to where the lemon-trees grow, a most wicked way, insomuch that it was a complete day's work to go and come, I sent my boats to the westward, in hopes of finding a nearer and easier way to bring down hogs and goats. In this search, my people found a fair valley; some three or four miles to the S.W. which leads directly to the lemon-trees, and is the largest and finest valley in the island, after that at the Chappel, and is either the next, or the next save one, from the valley of the Chappel. At this valley, which is some three or four miles from that of the Chappel, and is from it the fourth valley or swamp one way, and from the point to the westward the second, so that it cannot be missed, it is much better and easier for getting provisions or water, and the water is better and clearer. The road or anchorage is all of one even ground and depth, so that it is much better riding here than at any other part of the island; and from this place, a person may go up to the lemon-trees and back again in three hours. We here got some thirty hogs and pigs, and twelve or fourteen hundred lemons; but if we had laid ourselves out for the purpose, I dare say we might have got 200 hogs, besides many goats.

Continuing our voyage home, we got sight of the Lizard point on the 4th June, 1614, our estimated longitude from the Cape of Good Hope being then 27 deg. 20', besides two degrees carried by the currents; so that the difference of longitude, between the Cape and the Lizard, is 29 deg. 20', or very nearly. Though we had then only left the Cape of Good Hope three months before, and were only two months and nine days from St Helena, more than half our company was now laid up by the scurvy, of which two had died. Yet we had plenty of victuals, as beef, bread, wine, rice, oil, vinegar, and sugar, as much as every one chose. All our men have taken their sickness since we fell in with Flores and Corvo; since which we have had very cold weather, especially in two great storms, one from the N. and N.N.E. and the other at N.W. so that it seemeth the sudden coming out of long heat into the cold is a great cause of scurvy. All the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the Azores, I had not one man sick.

The 15th of June, 1614, we came into the river Thames, by the blessing of God, it being that day six months on which we departed from Bantam in Java.

SECTION XVIII.

Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant.[92]

[Footnote 92: Purch. Pilgr. I. 466. On this occasion, only such notices as illustrate the preceding voyage are extracted.—E.]

Sec.1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage.

The bay of Saldhana, and all about the Cape of Good Hope, is healthful, and so fruitful that it might well be accounted a terrestrial paradise. It agrees well with our English constitutions; for, though we had ninety or an hundred sick when we got there, they were all as well in twenty days as when we left England, except one. It was then June, and we had snow on the hills, though the weather below was warmish. The country is mixed, consisting of mountains, plains, meadows, streams, and woods which seem as if artificially planted on purpose, they are so orderly; and it has abundance of free-stone for building. It has also plenty of fish and wild-fowl, as geese, ducks, and partridges, with antelopes, deer, and other animals. The people were very loving, though at first afraid of us, because the Dutch, who resort hither to make train-oil, had used them unkindly, having stolen and killed their cattle; but afterwards, and especially on our return, they were more frank and kind. They are of middle size, well limbed, nimble and active; and are fond of dancing, which they do in just measure, but entirely naked. Their dress consists of a cloak of sheep or seals-skin to their middle, the hair side inwards, with a cap of the same, and a small skin like that of a rat hanging before their privities. Some had a sole, or kind of sandal, tied to their feet. Their necks were adorned with greasy tripes, which they would sometimes pull off and eat raw; and when we threw away the guts of beasts and sheep we bought from them, they would eat them half raw and all bloody, in a most beastly and disgusting manner. They had bracelets about their arms of copper or ivory, and were decorated with many ostrich feathers and shells. The women were habited like the men, and were at first very shy; but when here on our return voyage, they became quite familiar, even lifting their rat-skins: But they are very loathsome objects, their breasts hanging down to their waists. The hair both of the men and women is short and frizzled. With these people copper serves as gold, and iron for silver. Their dwellings are small tents, removable, at pleasure; and their language is full of a strange clicking sound, made by doubling their tongues in their throats. There is a high hill, called the Table Mountain, which covers all the adjoining territory for an hundred miles. The natives, who are quite black, behaved to us very peaceably, but seemed to have no religion, yet their skins were slashed or cut, like the priests of Baal; and one seemed to act as chief, as he settled the prices for the whole. Some of our people went a considerable way into the country, and discovered many bays and rivers.

When at Surat, the Guzerats took some of our sea-coal to send to their sovereign, the Great Mogul, as a curiosity. At this place there came against us a Portuguese squadron of four galleons, attended by twenty-five or twenty-six armed barks or frigates, commanded by an admiral named Nuno de Accunna, and having all red colours displayed, in token of defiance. When advised by the sabander to keep between us and the shore, he proudly answered, That he scorned to spend a week's provisions on his men in hindering us from trade, as he was able to force us to yield to his superior force in an hour. After three fights, they sent one of their frigates against us, manned with six or seven score of their best men, intending to set us on fire, but they were all sunk.

Medhaphrabad,[93] formerly a fine walled city, has been entirely ruined in the wars of the Moguls. It has still a strong castle, held by a refractory chief of the Rajapoots, and was besieged by the nabob, having fifty or sixty thousand men in his camp. The nabob dwelt in a magnificent tent, covered above with cloth of gold, and spread below with Turkey carpets, having declared he would not desist from the siege till he had won the castle. He sent a horse, and two vests wrought with silk and gold, to our general Captain Best, with four vests for four others. On the 23d and 24th of December, we fought again with the Portuguese, in view of the whole army of the Moguls, and forced them to cut their cables and flee from us, being better sailing vessels than ours.

[Footnote 93: Called Madafaldebar in the preceding section, and there supposed to be the place now named Jaffrabat, on the coast of Guzerat.—E.]

I rode from Swally to Surat in a coach drawn by oxen, which are ordinarily used in this country for draught, though they have plenty of excellent and handsome horses. On the way I was quite delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest combined I had ever seen any where, often in two adjoining fields, one as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold, and ready to cut down; their grain being wheat and rice, of which they make excellent bread. All along the road there were many goodly villages, full of trees which yield a liquor called toddy, or palm-wine, which is sweet and pleasant, like new wine, being strengthening and fattening. They have grapes also, yet only make wine from the dried raisins. In Surat there are many fair houses built of stone and brick, having flat roofs, and goodly gardens, abounding in pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, melons, and figs, which are to be had at all times of the year, the gardens being continually refreshed with curious springs and fountains of fresh water. The people are tali, neat, and well-clothed in long robes of white callico or silk, and are very grave and judicious in their behaviour. The sabander assured us that we had slain 350 of the Portuguese; but we heard afterwards, that above 500 were killed or maimed. Our general sent letters for England by land, but the messenger and his Indian attendant were poisoned by two friars. A second letter was entrusted to a mariner, which reached its destination.

We anchored in the road of Acheen on the 12th April, 1613, where we were kindly received by the king. On the 2d of May, all the strangers then at Acheen were invited to a banquet at a place six miles from the town, and on this occasion two elephants were sent for our general. To this place all the dishes were brought by water by boys, who swam with one hand, while each carried a dish in—the other; and the drink was brought in the same manner. When the guests had satisfied themselves with tasting any of the dishes, which indeed they must of all, the remainder was thrown into the river. In this feast there were at least 500 dishes served, all well dressed. It continued from one o'clock till five; but our general, who was wearied with sitting so long in the water beside the king, was dismissed an hour before the other guests. The captain or chief merchant of the Dutch factory, either by taking too much strong drink, or from sitting too long in the cold water, caught an illness of which he died soon after.

The 2d June we were entertained by a fight of four elephants with a wild tyger, which was tied to a stake; yet did he fasten on the legs and trunks of the elephants, making them to roar and bleed extremely. This day, as we were told, one eye of a nobleman was plucked out by command of the king, for having looked at one of the king's women, while bathing in the river. Another gentleman, wearing a sash, had his head cut round, because it was too large. Some he is said to throw into boiling oil, some to be sawn in pieces, others to have their legs cut off, or spitted alive, or empaled on stakes. The 25th of June, the king of Acheen sent our general a letter for the king of England, most beautifully written and painted, of which the following is a translation of the preamble.[94]

[Footnote 94: Being merely complimentary, it has not been deemed necessary to give any more of this letter than the hyperbolical titles assumed by the petty Mallay rajah.—E.]

PEDUCKA SIRIE, Sultan, King of kings renowned in war, sole king of Sumatra, more famous than his ancestors, feared in his dominions, and honoured in all the neighbouring countries. In whom is the true image of a king, reigning by the true rules of government, formed as it were of the most pure metal, and adorned by the must splendid colours. Whose seat is most high and complete; whence floweth, as a river of fine crystal, the pure and undefiled stream of bounty and justice. Whose presence is like the most pure gold: King of Priaman, and of the mountain of gold: Lord of nine sorts of precious stones: King of two Umbrellas of beaten gold; who sitteth upon golden carpets; the furniture of whose horses, and his own armour, are of pure gold; the teeth of his elephants being likewise of gold, and every thing belonging to them. His lances half gold half silver; his small shot of the same; a saddle also for an elephant of the same; a tent of silver; and all his seals half gold half silver. His bathing-vessels of pure gold; his sepulchre also entire gold, those of his predecessors being only half gold half silver. All the services of his table of pure gold; &c.

This great king sendeth this letter of salutation to James, king of Great Britain, &c._

This king of Acheen is a gallant-looking warrior, of middle size, and full of spirit. His country is populous, and he is powerful both by sea and land. He has many elephants, of which we saw 150 or 180 at one time. His gallies are well armed with brass ordnance, such as demi-cannons, culverins, sackers, minions, &c. His buildings are stately and spacious, though not strong; and his court or palace at Acheen is very pleasant, having a goodly branch of the main river surrounding and pervading it, which he cut and brought in from the distance of six miles in twenty days, while we were there. At taking leave, he desired our general to offer his compliments to the king of England, and to entreat that two white women might be sent him: "For," said he, "if I have a son by one of them, I will make him king of Priaman, Passaman, and the whole pepper coast; so that you shall not need to come any more to me, but may apply to your own English king for that commodity."

Sec.2. Notes concerning the Voyage, extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon.

The regular trade-wind is seldom met with till two or three degrees south of the equator. Tornados are sure to be encountered in two or three degrees north of the line, and sometimes even four degrees. It is necessary to use the utmost diligence in getting well to the south, as in that consists the difference between a good and bad voyage, and the health of the men depend greatly on that circumstance. In passing the line, it is proper so to direct the course from the island of Mayo as to cross between the longitudes of seven and nine degrees west of the Lizard, if possible. At all events be careful not to come within six degrees, for fear of the calms on the coast of Guinea, and not beyond ten degrees west from the Lizard if possible, to avoid the W.N.W. stream which sets along the coast of Brazil to the West Indies; and in crossing the line, in 7 deg., 8 deg., or 9 deg. west of the Lizard, you shall not fear the flats of Brazil: For the general wind in these longitudes is at E.S.E. or S.E. so that you may commonly make a S.S.W. course, so as to keep the ship full that she may go speedily through; for there is much loss of time in hauling the ship too close by the wind, and it is far better therefore to give her a fathom of the sheet.

In making for the bay of Saldanha [Table bay,] keep between the latitudes of 33 deg. 50' and 34 deg. 20' of S. lat. so as to be sure of coming not much wide of the bay. If, on seeing the land, it appear high, you are then to the S.W. of the bay: if low sand-hills, you are then to the northward of the bay. In falling in with, the high land to the southward, which is between the Cape of Good Hope and the bay, the land trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. seven leagues from the Cape, and then trends away N.E. and S.W. towards the point of the Sugar-loaf, some four leagues. From this point of the Sugar-loaf lieth Penguin island; but keep fair by the point, as two miles from Penguin island there are two shoals. From the point to the island there are some seven or eight miles N. and S. and so, borrowing on that point, in eight or nine fathoms, steer a course S.E. and E.S.E. till you bring the Table S.S.W. and the Sugar-loaf S.W. by W. when you may anchor in 6 or 6 1/2 fathoms as you please; and then will the point of land by the Sugar-loaf bear W.N.W. some two leagues off, and Penguin island N.N.W. some three leagues distant. The latitude of the point going into the bay of Saldanha [Table bay,] is 34 deg. 5' S.[95] On coming in there is nothing to fear, though the air be thick, as the land is bold within a cable's length of the shore.

[Footnote 95: Only 33 deg. 54'—E.]

In my opinion, the current near Cape Aguillas sets to the southward not above fifty or sixty leagues from the land: Wherefore, in going to the eastwards, it is right to have sixty leagues from land, so that you may miss that current. For 90 or 100 leagues beyond Cape Aguillas, the land trends E. by N. and not E.N.E. as in the charts.

In my opinion the gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all India for worms; wherefore ships going to Surat ought to use every precaution against injury from them. At Acheen our general was denominated Arancaya Pattee by the king, who showed him extraordinary favour, sending for him to be present at all sports and pastimes; and all our men were very kindly used by the people at this place, more so than any strangers who had ever been there before.

Sec.3. Extracts from a Treatise, written by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures.

The sheep at the Cape of Good Hope are covered with hair instead of wool. The beeves are large, but mostly lean. The natives of that southern extremity of Africa are negroes, having woolly heads, flat noses, and straight well-made bodies. The men have only one testicle, the other being cut out when very young.[96] Their apparel consists of a skin hung from their shoulders, reaching to their waist, and two small rat-skins, one before and the other behind, and all the rest of their body naked, except a kind of skin or leather-cap on their heads, and soles tied to their feet, considerably longer and broader than the foot. Their arms are very scanty, consisting of bows and arrows of very little force, and lances or darts very artificially made, in the use of which they are very expert, and even with them kill many fish. They are in use to wear the guts of sheep and oxen hanging from their necks, smelling most abominably, which they eat when hungry, and would scramble for our garbage like so many dogs, devouring it quite raw and foul.

[Footnote 96: Captain Saris told me that some have two; but these are of the baser sort and slaves, as he was told by one of these marked by this note of gentility.—Purch.]

At Surat, although Sir Henry Middleton had taken their ships in the Red Sea, they promised to deal fairly with us, considering that otherwise they might burn their ships and give over all trade by sea, as Mill Jaffed, one of the chief merchants of Surat, acknowledged to us. While at Surat, every one of us that remained any time ashore was afflicted with the flux, of which Mr Aldworth was ill for forty days. The custom here is, that all strangers make presents on visiting any persons of condition, and they give other presents in return.

Finding it impossible to have any trade at Surat, as the Portuguese craft infested the mouth of the river, our general removed with the ships to Swally roads, whence we might go and come by land without danger, between that place and Surat. Mr Canning had been made prisoner by the Portuguese, but the viceroy ordered him to be set ashore at Surat, saying, "Let him go and help his countrymen to fight, for we shall take their ships and all of them together." He was accordingly liberated, and came to us at Swally. The purser had likewise been nearly taken; but he escaped and got on board. The 3d October, Seikh Shuffe, governor of Amadavar, [Ahmedabad], the chief city of Guzerat, came to Surat and thence to Swally, where he entered into articles of agreement for trade and friendship.

The 29th of October, four Portuguese galleons and a whole fleet of frigates, or armed grabs, hove in sight. Our general went immediately to meet them in the Dragon, and fired not one shot till he came between their admiral and vice-admiral, when he gave each of them a broadside and a volley of small arms, which made them come no nearer for that day. The other two galleons were not as yet come up, and our consort the Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, so that she did not fire a shot that day. In the evening both sides came to anchor in the sight of each other. Next morning the fight was renewed, and this day the Hosiander bravely redeemed her yesterday's inactivity. The Dragon drove three of them aground, and the Hosiander so danced the hay about them, that they durst never show a man above hatches. They got afloat in the afternoon with the tide of flood, and renewed the fight till evening, and then anchored till next day. Next day, as the Dragon drew much water, and the bay was shallow, we removed to the other side of the bay at Mendafrobay, [Jaffrabat], where Sardar Khan, a great nobleman of the Moguls, was then besieging a castle of the Rajaputs, who, before the Mogul conquest, were the nobles of that country, and were now subsisting by robbery. He presented our general with a horse and furniture, which he afterwards gave to the governor of Gogo, a poor town to the west of Surat.

After ten days stay, the Portuguese having refreshed, came hither to attack us. Sardar Khan advised our general to flee; but in four hours we drove them out of sight, in presence of thousands of the country people. After the razing of this castle, Sardar Khan reported this gallant action to the Great Mogul, who much admired it, as he thought none were like the Portuguese at sea. We returned to Swally on the 27th December, having only lost three men in action, and one had his arm shot off: while the Portuguese acknowledged to have lost 160, though report said their loss exceeded 300 men.

The 13th January, 1613, I was appointed factor for the worshipful company, and bound under a penalty of four hundred pounds. Our ships departed on the 18th, the galleons not offering to disturb them: and at this time Anthony Starkey was ordered for England. Mr Canning was seventy days in going from Surat to Agra, during which journey he encountered many troubles, having been attacked by the way, and shot in the belly with an arrow, while another Englishman in his company was shot through the arm, and many of his peons were killed and wounded. Two of his English attendants quitted him, and returned to Surat, leaving only two musicians to attend upon him. He arrived at Agra on the 9th April, when he presented our king's letter to the Great Mogul, together with a present of little value; and being asked if this present came from our king, he answered that it only came from the merchants. The Mogul honoured him with a cup of wine from his own hand, and then referred him, on the business of his embassy, to Morak Khan. One of his musicians died, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to the Portuguese, who took up the body, and buried it in the highway; but on this being complained of to the king, they were commanded to bury him again, on penalty of being all banished the country, and of having all the bodies of their own dead thrown out from the church-yard. After this, Mr Canning wrote that he was in fear of being poisoned by the jesuits, and requested to have some one sent up to his assistance, which was accordingly agreed to by us at Surat. But Mr Canning; died on the 29th of May, and Mr Kerridge went up on the 22d of June.

At this time I was to have been sent by the way of Mokha to England; but the master of the ship said it was impossible, except I were circumcised, to go so near Mecca. The 13th October, 1613, the ship returned, and our messenger made prisoner at the bar of Surat by the Portuguese armed frigates, [grabs] worth an hundred thousand pounds, and seven hundred persons going to Goa.[97] This is likely to be of great injury here, for no Portuguese is now permitted to pass either in or out without a surety; and the Surat merchants are so impoverished, that our goods are left on our hands, so that we had to send them to Ahmedabad. John Alkin, who deserted from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portuguese, came to us at this time, and told us that several of their towns were besieged by the Decaners, and other neighbouring Moors, so that they had to send away many hundred Banians and others, that dwelt among them, owing to want of provisions; and indeed three barks came now with these people to Surat, and others of them went to Cambaya. Their weak behaviour in the sea-fight with us was the cause of all this.

[Footnote 97: Probably owing to careless abridgement by Purchas, this passage is quite unintelligible. The meaning seems to be, That the ship in which was the English messenger, having a cargo worth 100,000l. sterling, and 700 persons aboard, bound on the pilgrimage to Mecca, was taken and carried into Goa.—E.]

About this time also, Robert Claxon of the Dragon, who had deserted to the Portuguese for fear of punishment, came to us accompanied by a German who had been a slave among the Turks. One Robert Johnson, who was with the Portuguese, and meant to have come to us, was persuaded by another Englishman, while passing through the Decan, to turn mussulman, and remain in that country, where he got an allowance of seven shillings and sixpence a-day from the king, and his diet from the king's table. But he died eight days after being circumcised. Robert Trully, the musician, fell out with Mr Kerridge at Agra, and went to the king of Decan, carrying a German with him as interpreter. They both offered to turn Mahometans, and Trully, getting a new name at his circumcision, received a great allowance from the king, in whose service he continues; but the German, who had been, formerly circumcised in Persia, and now thought to have deceived the king, was not entertained; whereupon he returned to Agra, where he serves a Frenchman, and now goes to mass. Robert Claxon, above mentioned, had also turned Mahometan in the Decan, with a good allowance at court; but, not being contented, he came to Surat, where he was pitied by us for his seeming penitence; but being entrusted with upwards of forty pounds, under pretence of making purchases, he gave us the slip and returned to the Decan. Thus there are at present four English renegadoes in the Decan, besides many Portuguese. The 27th October, 1613, we received letters sent by Mr Gurney of Masulipatam, written by Captain Marlow of the ship Janus, informing us of his arrival and trade at that place.

From Surat I went to Periano? three coss; thence to Cossumba, a small village, ten coss; and thence to Broach, ten coss. This is a very pretty city on a high hill, encompassed by a strong wall, and having a river running by as large as the Thames, in which were several ships of two hundred tons and upwards. Here are the best calicoes in the kingdom of Guzerat, and great store of cotton. From thence I went to Saninga [Sarang], ten coss; to Carrou? ten c. and then fourteen c. to Boldia [Brodrah], a smaller city than Broach, but well built, having a strong wall, and garrisoned by 3000 horse under Mussuff Khan. I went thence ten c. to a river named, the Wussach, [the Mahy?] where Mussuff was about to engage with the rajaputs who lay on the opposite side of the river, the chief of whom was of the race of the former kings of Surat. Thence other fourteen coss to Niriand,[Nariad] a large town where they make indigo; and thence, ten c. more to Amadabar, or Ahmedabad, the chief city of Guzerat, nearly as large as London, surrounded by a strong wall, and seated in a plain by the side of the river Mehindry. There are here many merchants, Mahometans, Pagans, and Christians; with great abundance of merchandize, which chiefly are indigo, cloth of gold, silver tissue, velvets, but nothing comparable to ours, taffeties, gumbucks, coloured baffaties, drugs, &c. Abdalla Khan is governor of this place, who has the rank and pay of a commander of 5000 horse. From, thence, on my way to Cambay, I went seven c. to Barengeo, [Baregia] where every Tuesday a cafilla or caravan of merchants and travellers meet to go to Cambay, keeping together in a large company to protect themselves from robbers. From thence sixteen c. we came to Soquatera, a fine town with a strong garrison; whence we departed about midnight, and got to Cambay about eight next morning, the distance being ten coss.

In November, we rode to Sarkess, three coss from Ahmedabad, where are the sepulchres of the Guzerat kings, the church and handsome tombs being kept in fine order, and many persons resort to see them from all parts of the kingdom. At the distance of a coss, there is a pleasant house with a large garden, a mile round, on the banks of the river, which Chon-Chin-Naw,[98] the greatest of the Mogul nobles, built in memory of the great victory he gained at this place over the last king of Guzerat, in which he took the king prisoner, and subjugated the kingdom. No person inhabits this house, and its orchard is kept by a few poor men. We lodged here one night, and sent for six fishermen, who in half an hour caught more fish for us than all our company could eat.

[Footnote 98: This name seems strangely corrupted, more resembling the name of a Chinese leader than of a Mogul Khan or Amir. Perhaps it ought to have been Khan-Khanna.—E.]

The 28th November, we received intelligence at Ahmedabad, that three English ships had arrived at Larry Bunder, the port town of Guta-Negar-Tutla, [Tatta] the chief city of Sindy. I was sent thither, and came on the 13th December to Cassumparo, where I overtook a cafilla or caravan travelling to Rahdunpoor, six days journey on my way. We went thence to Callitalouny, a fair castle; thence seven c. to Callwalla, a pretty village, given by the emperor Akbar to a company of women and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in dancing and music. They exhibited their talents to our caravan, and every man made them some present, and then they openly asked if any of us wanted bedfellows. On the 16th we went eight coss to Cartya, where is a well-garrisoned fortress. We remained here till the 18th, waiting for another caravan for fear of thieves, and then went to Deccanaura,[99] on which day our camel was stolen and one of our men was slain. The 19th we travelled ten c. to Bollodo, a fort held by Newlock Abram Cabrate for the Mogul, and who that day brought in 169 heads of the Coolies, a plundering tribe. The 20th in thirteen c. we came to a fort named Sariandgo, and the 21st in ten c. we arrived at Rhadunpoor, a large town with a fort. We remained here till the 23d, to provide water and other necessaries for our journey through the desert.

[Footnote 99: It singularly happens, in the excellent map of Hindoostan by Arrowsmith, that none of the stages between Ahmedabad and Rahdunpoor are laid down, unless possibly Decabarah of the map may be Decanauru of the text; while Mr Arrowsmith actually inserts on his map the route of Whittington across the sandy desert of Cutch, between Rahdunpoor and the eastern branch of the Indus, or Nulla Sunkra, and thence through the Delta to Tatta.—E.]

The 23d, leaving Rhadunpoor, we travelled seven coss, and lay all night in the fields, having that day met a caravan coming from Tatta that had been plundered of every thing. On the 24th I sent off one of my peons with a letter to Larry Bunder, who promised to be there in ten days, but I think he was slain by the way; we went twelve c. that day. The 25th we travelled fourteen c. and lodged by a well, the water of which was so salt that our cattle would not drink it. The 26th ten c. to such another well, where our camels took water, not having had any for three days. The 27th after fourteen c. we lodged on the ground; and the 28th, in ten c. we came to a village called Negar Parkar. In this desert we saw great numbers, of wild asses, red deer, foxes, and other wild animals. We stopt all the 29th, and met another caravan, that had been robbed within two days journey of Tatta. Parkar pays tribute yearly to the Mogul; but all the people from thence to Inno, half a day's journey from Tatta, acknowledge no king, but rob and spare at their pleasure. When any of the Moguls come among them, they set their own houses on fire, and flee into the mountains; and as their houses are only built of straw and mortar, they are soon rebuilt. They exact customs at their pleasure, and even guard passengers through the desert, not willing they should be robbed by any but themselves. The 30th we left Parkar, and after travelling six coss, we lay at a tank or pond of fresh water. The 31st we travelled eight c. and lay in the fields beside a brackish well. The 1st January, 1614, we went ten c. to Burdiano, and though many were sick of this water, we had to provide ourselves with a supply for four days. The 2d we travelled all night eighteen c. The 3d, from afternoon till midnight, we went ten c. The 4th twelve c. This day I fell sick and vomited, owing to the bad water. The 5th, after seven c. we came to three wells, two of them salt and one sweetish. The 6th, having travelled ten c. we came to Nuraquimire, a pretty town, where our company from Rhadunpoor left us. We who remained were two merchants and myself with five of their servants, four of mine, ten camels, and five camel-drivers.

This town of Nuraquimire is within three days journey of Tatta, and to us, after coming out of the desert, seemed quite a paradise. We agreed with a kinsman of the Rajah, or governor, for twenty laries, or shillings, to conduct us on the remainder of our journey. We accordingly departed on the 8th, and travelled ten c. to Gaundajaw, where we had been robbed but for our guard. The 9th we were twice set upon, and obliged to give each time five laries to get free. We came to Sarruna, a great town of the rajputs with a castle, fourteen coss from Tatta. We visited the governor, Ragee Bouma, eldest son to sultan Bulbul, who was lately captured by the Moguls and had his eyes pulled out, yet had escaped about two months ago, and was now living in the mountains inviting all his kindred to revenge. The Ragee treated me kindly as a stranger, asking me many questions about my country. He even made me sup with him, and gave me much wine, in which he so heartily partook, that he stared again. A banian at this place told me that Sir Robert Sherly had been much abused by the Portuguese and the governor of Larry Bunder, having his house set on fire, and his men much hurt in the night; and that on his arrival at Tatta, thirteen days journey from thence, he had been unkindly used by the governor of that city. He likewise told me of the great trade carried on at Tatta, and that ships of 300 tons might be brought up to Larry Bunder; and advised me to prevail upon Ragee Bouma to escort us to Tatta.

According to this bad advice, we hired the Ragee for forty laries to escort us with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tatta. We departed from Sarruna on the 11th January, and having travelled five coss we lay all night by the side of a river. Departing at two next morning, the Ragee led us in a direction quite different from our right road, and came about daybreak into a thicket, where he made us all be disarmed and bound, and immediately strangled the two merchants and their five men by means of their camel ropes. After stripping them of all their clothes, he caused their bodies to be flung into a hole dug on purpose. He then took my horse and eighty rupees from me, and sent me and my men up the mountains to his brothers, at the distance of twenty coss, where we arrived on the 14th, and where I remained twenty days a close prisoner. On the 7th February, an order came to send me to Parkar, the governor of which place was of their kindred, and that I should be sent from thence to Rhadunpoor; but I was plundered on the way of my clothes and every thing else about me, my horse only being left me, which was not worth taking away.

Arriving at Parkar on the 28th February, and finding the inhabitants charitable, we were reduced to the necessity of begging victuals; and actually procured four mahmoodies by that means, equal to as many shillings. But having the good fortune to meet a banian of Ahmedabad, whom I had formerly known, he relieved me and my men. We were five days in travelling from Parkar to Rhadunpoor, where I arrived on the 19th March, and went thence to Ahmedabad on the 2d April, after an absence of 111 days. Thence to Brodia and Barengeo, thence sixteen c. to Soquatera, and ten c. to Cambay. We here crossed the large river, which is seven coss in breadth,[100] and where many hundreds are swallowed up yearly. On the other side of the river we came to Saurau,[101] where is a town and castle of the razbootches or rajputs. The 16th of April I travelled twenty-five coss to Broach. The 17th I passed the river [Narbuddah], and went ten c. to Cossumba; and on the 18th thirteen c. to Surat.

[Footnote 100: The great river in the text is assuredly the upper part of the gulf of Cambay, where the tide sets in with prodigious rapidity, entering almost at once with a vast wave or bore, as described on a former occasion in the Portuguese voyages.—E.]

[Footnote 101: Probably Sarrode, on the south side of the entry of the river Mahy.—E.]

According to general report, there is no city of greater trade in all the Indies than Tatta in Sinde; its chief port being Larry Bunder, three days journey nearer the mouth of the river. There is a good road without the river's mouth, said to be free from worms; which, about Surat especially, and in other parts of India, are in such abundance, that after three or four months riding, were it not for the sheathing, ships would be rendered incapable of going to sea. The ports and roads of Sinde are said to be free. From Tatta they go in two months by water to Lahore, and return down the river in one. The commodities there are baffatys, stuffs, lawns [muslins], coarse indigo, not so good as that of Biana. Goods, may be carried from Agra on camels in twenty days to Bucker on the river Indus, and thence in fifteen or sixteen days aboard the ships at the mouth of the Indus. One may travel as soon from Agra to Sinde as to Surat, but there is more thieving on the Sinde road, in spite of every effort of the Mogul government to prevent it.

The inhabitants of Sinde consist mostly of Rajputs, Banians, and Baloches, the governors of the cities and large towns being Moguls. The country people are rude; going naked from the waist upwards, and wear turbans quite different from the fashion of the Moguls. Their arms are swords, bucklers, and lances; their bucklers being large and shaped like bee-hives, in which they are in use to give their camels drink, and their horses provender. Their horses are good, strong, and swift, and though unshod, they ride them furiously, backing them at a year old. The Rajputs eat no beef or buffalo flesh, even worshipping them; and the Moguls say that the Rajputs know how to die as well as any in the world. The Banians kill nothing, and are said to be divided into more than thirty different casts, that differ somewhat among them in matters of religion, and may not eat with each other. All burn their dead; and when the husband dies, the widow shaves her head, and wears her jewels no more, continuing this state of mourning as long as she lives.

When a Rajput dies, his wife accompanies his body to the funeral pile in her best array, attended by all her friends and kindred, and by music. When the funeral pile is set on fire, she walks round it two or three times, bewailing the death of her husband, and then rejoicing that she is now to live with him again: After which, embracing her friends, she sits down on the top of the pile among dry wood, taking her husband's head on her lap, and orders fire to be put to the pile; which done, her friends throw oil upon her and sweet perfumes, while she endures the fire with wonderful fortitude, loose not bound. I have seen many instances of this. The first I ever saw was at Surat, the widow being a virgin of ten years old, and her affianced husband being a soldier slain in the wars at a distance, whence his clothes and turban were sent to her, and she insisted on burning herself along with these. The governor refused to give her permission, which she took grievously to heart, and insisted on being burnt; but they durst not, till her kindred procured leave by giving the governor a present, to her great joy. The kindred of the husband never force this, but the widow esteems it a disgrace to her family not to comply with this custom, which they may refrain from if they choose: But then they must shave their heads, and break all their ornaments, and are never afterwards allowed to eat, drink, sleep, or keep company with any one all the rest of their lives. If, after agreeing to burn, a woman should leap out of the fire, her own parents would bind her and throw her in again by force; but this weakness is seldom seen.

The Banian marriages are made at the age of three years or even under; and two pregnant women sometimes enter into mutual promises, if one of their children should prove male and the other female, to unite them in marriage. But these marriages are always in the same cast and religion, and in the same trade and occupation; as the son of a barber with the daughter of a barber, and so on. When the affianced couple reach three years of age, the parents make a great feast, and set the young couple on horseback dressed in their best clothes, a man sitting behind each to hold them on. They are then led about the city in procession, according to their state and condition, accompanied by bramins or priests and many others, who conduct them to the pagoda or temple; and after going through certain ceremonies there, they are led home, and feasts are given for several days, as they are able. When ten years of age, the marriage is consummated. The reason they assign for these early marriages is, that they may not be left wifeless, in case their parents should die. Their bramins are esteemed exceedingly holy, and have the charge of their pagodas or idol temples, having alms and tithes for their maintenance; yet they marry, and follow occupations, being good workmen and ready to learn any pattern. They eat but once a day, washing their whole bodies before and after meat, and use ablutions after the natural evacuations.

The Baloches are Mahometans, who deal much in camels, and are mostly robbers by land or on the rivers, murdering all they rob; yet are there very honest men among them in Guzerat and about Agra. While I was in Sinde, they took a boat with seven Italians and a Portuguese friar, all the rest being slain in fight. This was ripped up by them in search of gold.[102]

[Footnote 102: This is obscurely expressed, leaving it uncertain what was ripped up in search of gold: The boat, the bodies of the slain, or the prisoners.—E.]

John Mildnall, or Mildenhall, an Englishman, had been employed with three other young Englishmen, whom he poisoned in Persia, to make himself master of the goods. He was himself also poisoned, yet, by means of preservatives, he lived many months afterwards, though exceedingly swelled, and so came to Agra with the value of 20,000 dollars. On this occasion I went from Surat for Agra, on the 14th May, 1614. I arrived first at Bramport, [Bushanpoor] where Sultan Parvis lives, situated in a plain on the river Taptee or of Surat, which is there of great breadth, and at this place there is a large castle. Thence I went to Agra in twenty-six days, having travelled the whole way from Surat to Agra, which is 700 coss or 1010 English miles, in thirty-seven days of winter, during which time it rained almost continually. From Surat to Burhanpoor is a pleasant champain country, well watered with rivers, brooks, and springs. Between Burhanpoor and Agra the country is very mountainous, not passable with a coach, and scarcely to be travelled on camels. The nearest way is by Mando, passing many towns and cities on every day's journey, with many high hills and strong castles, the whole country being well inhabited, very peaceable, and clear of thieves.

Agra is a very large town, its wall being two coss in circuit, the fairest and highest I ever saw, and well replenished with ordnance; the rest of the city being ruinous, except the houses of the nobles, which are pleasantly situated on the river. The ancient royal seat was Fatipoor, twelve coss from Agra, but is now fallen into decay. Between these two is the sepulchre of the king's father, to which nothing I ever saw is comparable: yet the church or mosque of Fatipoor comes near it, both being built according to the rules of architecture. In Agra the Jesuits have a house and a handsome church, built by the Great Mogul, who allows their chief seven rupees a-day, and all the rest three, with licence to convert as many as they can: But alas! these converts were only for the sake of money; for when, by order of the Portuguese, the new converts were deprived of their pay, they brought back their beads again, saying they had been long without pay, and would be Christians no longer. In consequence of the Portuguese refusing to deliver back the goods taken at Surat, the king ordered the church doors to be locked up and they have so continued ever since; so the padres make a church of one of their chambers, where they celebrate mass twice a day, and preach every Sunday, first in Persian to the Armenians and Moors, and afterwards in Portuguese for themselves, the Italians, and Greeks.

By them I was informed of the particulars of Mildenhall's goods, who had given them all to a French protestant, though himself a papist, that he might marry a bastard daughter he had left in Persia, and bring up another. The Frenchman refusing to make restitution, was thrown into prison and after four months all was delivered up.

Between Agumere and Agra, at every ten coss, being an ordinary day's journey, there is a Serai or lodging house for men and horses, with hostesses to dress your victuals if you please, paying a matter of three-pence for dressing provisions both for man and horse. And between these two places, which are 120 coss distant, there is a pillar erected at every coss, and a fair house every ten coss, built by Akbar, on occasion of making a pilgrimage on foot from Agra to Agimere, saying his prayers at the end of every coss. These houses serve for accommodating the king and his women, no one else being allowed to use them. The king resides at Agimere on occasion of wars with Rabna, a rajput chief, who has now done homage, so that there is peace between them. I made an excursion to the Ganges, which is two days journey from Agra. The Banians carry the water of the Ganges to the distance of many hundred miles, affirming that it never corrupts, though kept for any length of time. A large river, called the Geminie [Jumna], passes by Agra.

On the 24th of May, 1616, while on our voyage home to England, we went into Suldunha bay, where were several English ships outwards bound, namely, the Charles, Unicorn, Janus, Globe, and Swan, the general being Mr Benjamin Joseph. We arrived safe at Dover on the 15th September, 1616.

* * * * *

John Mildenhall, mentioned in the foregoing article, left England on the 12th February, 1600, and went by Constantinople, Scanderoon, Aleppo, Bir, Caracmit, Bitelis, Cashbin, Ispahan, Yezd, Kerman, and Sigistan, to Candhar; and thence to Lahore, where he arrived in 1603. He appears to have carried letters from Queen Elizabeth to the Great Mogul, by whom he was well received, and procured from him letters of privilege for trade in the Mogul dominions. He thence returned into Persia, whence he wrote to one Mr Richard Staper from Cashbin, on the 3d October, 1606, giving some account of his travels, and of his negociations at the court of the Mogul. This letter, and a short recital of the first two years of his peregrinations, are published in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 114—116, but have not been deemed of sufficient importance for insertion in this collection.—E.



SECTION XIX.

Eleventh Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, in the Salomon.[103]

We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st February, 1611, according to the computation of the church of England, or 1612 as reckoned by others. We were four ships in company, which were counted as three separate voyages, because directed to several parts of India: The James, which was reckoned the ninth voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander the tenth, and our ship, the Salomon, as the eleventh.

[Footnote 103: Purch. Pilgr. I. 486. This unimportant voyage is only preserved, for the sake of continuing the regular series of voyages which contributed to the establishment of the East India Company. We learn from Purchas that it was written by Ralph Wilson, one of the mates in the Salomon, who never mentions the name of his captain. This voyage, as given by Purchas, contains very little information, and is therefore here abridged, though not extending to two folio pages in the Pilgrims.—E.]

I would advise such as go from Saldanha bay with the wind at E. or S.E. to get to a considerable distance from the land before standing southwards, as otherwise the high lands at the Cape will take the wind from them; and if becalmed, one may be much troubled, as there is commonly in these parts a heavy sea coming from the west. Likewise, the current sets in for the shore, if the wind has been at N.N.W. or W. or S.S.W. And also the shore is so bold that no anchorage can be had.

The 18th October, we espied the land, being near Celeber in the island of Sumatra, in about 3 deg. of south latitude. The 2d November, coming between Java and a ragged island to the westwards of the point of Palimbangan, we met a great tide running out so fast that we could hardly stem it with the aid of a stiff gale. When afterwards the gale slacked, we came to anchor, and I found the tide to run three 1/2 leagues in one watch. I noticed that this tide set outwards during the day, and inwards through the night. This day at noon the point of Palimbangan bore N.E. by E. three leagues off, and from thence to the road of Bantam is five leagues, S.S.E. 1/3 E. The latitude of Bantam is 6 deg. 10' S. and the long. 145 deg. 2' E. This however is rather too much easterly, as I think the true longitude of Bantam is 144 deg. E. from Flores.[104]

[Footnote 104: The long. of Bantam is 106 deg. E. from Greenwich. That in the text appears to have been estimated from the island of Flores, which is 31 deg. 20' W. from Greenwich, so that the longitude of Bantam ought to have been stated as 137 deg. 20' E. from Flores, making an error of excess in the text of seven or eight degrees.—E.]

The 7th March, at five p.m. while in lat. 20 deg. 34' S. we descried land nine leagues off, N.E. 1/2 N. The S.E. part of this island is somewhat high, but falleth down with a low point. The W. part is not very high, but flat and smooth towards the end, and falls right down. The south and west parts of this island is all surrounded with shoals and broken ground, and we did not see the other sides; yet it seemed as if it had good refreshments. The longitude of this island is 104 deg. from Flores, but by my computation 107 deg..[105] In these long voyages, we do not rely altogether on our reckoning, but use our best diligence for discovering the true longitudes, which are of infinite importance to direct our course aright.

[Footnote 105: No island is to be found in the latitude and longitude indicated in the text.—E.]



SECTION XX.

The Twelfth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1613, by Captain Christopher Newport.[106]

The full title of this voyage, as given in the Pilgrims, is as follows:—"A Journal of all principal Matters passed in the Twelfth Voyage to the East India, observed by me Walter Payton, in the good ship the Expedition.—Whereof Mr Christopher Newport was captain, being set out Anno 1612. Written by the said Walter Payton." The date of the year of this voyage, according to our present mode of computation, was 1613, as formerly explained at large, the year being then computed to commence on the 25th March, instead of the 1st January.—E.

[Footnote 106: Purch. Pilgr. I. 488.]

Sec.1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia.

The 7th January, 1613, we sailed from Gravesend for India, in the good ship Expedition of London, about the burden of 260 tons, and carrying fifty-six persons; besides the Persian ambassador and his suite, of whom there were fifteen persons, whom we were ordered to transport to the kingdom of Persia, at the cost of the worshipful company. The names of the ambassador and his people were these. Sir Robert Sherley the ambassador, and his lady, named Teresha, a Circassian; Sir Thomas Powell, and his lady, called Tomasin, a Persian; a Persian woman, named Leylye; Mr Morgan Powell; Captain John Ward; Mr Francis Bubb, secretary; Mr John Barbar, apothecary; John Herriot, a musician; John Georgson, goldsmith, a Dutchman; Gabriel, an old Armenian; and three Persians, named Nazerbeg, Scanderbeg, and Molhter.

In the morning of the 26th April; we fell in with a part of the land of Ethiopia, [Southern Africa,] close adjoining to which is a small island, called Conie island, [Dassen island] all low land, and bordered by many dangerous rocks to seawards. It is in the lat. of 33 deg. 30' S. The wind falling short, we were constrained to anchor between that island and the main, where we had very good ground in nineteen or twenty fathoms. We sent our boat to the island, where we found Penguins, geese, and other fowls, and seals in great abundance; of all which we took as many as we pleased for our refreshment. By a carved board, we observed that the Hollanders had been there, who make great store of train-oil from the seals. They had left behind them the implements of their work, together with a great copper cauldron standing on a furnace, the cauldron being full of oil; all which we left as we found them.

Having spent two days here at anchor, and the wind coming favourable, we weighed and proceeded for the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived, by God's grace, at Saldanha on the 30th of April, where we found six ships at anchor. Two of these, the Hector and James, were English, and the other four Hollanders, all homeward bound. We here watered, and refreshed ourselves well with reasonable abundance of the country sheep and beeves, which were bought from the natives, and plenty of fresh fish, which we caught with our seyne. The 10th May the Pepper-corn arrived here, likewise homewards bound; and as she was but ill provided with necessaries, we supplied her from our scanty store as well as we could spare.

Being all ready to depart with the first fair wind, which, happened on the 15th May, we then sailed altogether from the bay, taking leave according to the custom of the sea, and we directed our course for St Augustine. In our way we had sight of Capo do Arecife,[107] part of the main land of Africa, in lat. 33 deg. 25' S. on the 24th May, the compass there varying 6 deg. 9'. The 15th June we got sight of the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, and on the 17th came to anchor close beside port St Augustine, meaning to search the soundings and entrance into the bay before we went in, as there was no one in the ship well acquainted with it. Having done this, we went in next day, and came to anchor in ten fathoms, yet our ship rode in forty fathoms. We had here wood and water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught in such quantities with the seyne as might have served for six ships companies, instead of our own. But we could get no cattle from the natives, who seemed to be afraid of us; for, though they came once to us, and promised to bring us cattle next day, they seemed to have said so as a cover for driving away their cattle, in which they were employed in the interim, and they came no more near us. Some days after, we marched into the woods with forty musketeers, to endeavour to discover some of the natives, that we might buy cattle; but we only found empty houses, made of canes, whence we could see the people had only gone away very recently, as their fires were still burning, and the scales of fish they had been broiling were lying about. We also saw the foot-marks of many cattle, which had been there not long before, and had to return empty handed.

[Footnote 107: The latitude in the text indicates Burtrenhook, near the mouth of the Groot river, this being probably the Dutch name, while that in the text is the Portuguese.—E.]

The entry into the port of St Augustine resembles that of Dartmouth haven; and on going in, you must bring the wood, called Westminster-hall, to which it has some resemblance, to bear N.E. by E. and then steer due E. borrowing a little towards the south side of the bay, where your soundings will be thirteen, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, all good ground, till you be shut within the shoal. After this you have deep water till you come into the road, and then have seven, eight, and ten fathoms. But if you go too far behind the hill on the larboard hand, which resembles an old barn, you shall then have thirty and forty fathoms. St Augustine is in lat 23 deg. 30' S. the var. being 15 deg. 40'.[108]

[Footnote 108: Long. 44 deg. 20' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

We sailed from St Augustine on the 23d June, directing our course for the island of Mohelia, and on the 3d July we had sight of an island called Juan, nine or ten leagues E. by S. from Mohelia. We came also this day to anchor at Mohelia, between it and some broken land off its southern side. We had here great abundance of refreshments, and very cheap; for we bought five bullocks in exchange for one Levant sword, and had goats, hens, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, plantains, oranges, lemons, and limes, for trifles worth little. Such bullocks as we had for money cost a dollar each, or ten pieces of 4-1/2d.; at which rate we purchased forty-one beeves. The natives of this island are chiefly Moors [negroes], but there are Arabians, Turks, and others also among them; and they are much engaged in wars with the people of Juan, [Hinznan or Johanna,] and Comoro islands in their neighbourhood. They told us that the king of the island died the day we arrived, being succeeded by his son, Phanehomale, who was only of tender years, and was to reign under the protection of the queen his mother. His brother-in-law, as chief man, accompanied by several other people of condition, came down to bid us welcome, and used us very kindly. Both he and many others of the islanders spoke tolerably good Portuguese, so that I had much conversation with them, and was informed of every thing I wished to know.

In this island they build barks, in which they trade along the coast of Melinda and Arabia, disposing of slaves and fruit, by which means they supply themselves with dollars, and with such articles as they need. I suspect also that they have some dealings with the Portuguese, but they would not let us know this, lest we might suspect them of treachery. They told me that we were welcome, and that the whole island was at our command to do us service; but, if we had been Portuguese, they would have put us all to the sword. In my opinion, however, it would be dangerous to repose too much confidence in them. The king's brother-in-law shewed me a letter of recommendation of the place, written in Dutch, and left there by a Hollander; and he requested of us to leave a letter to the same purport, certifying their honest and friendly dealings, that they might be able to show to others of our nation. To this we consented, and I gave them a writing, sealed by our captain, expressing the good entertainment we had received, and the prices of provisions; yet recommending to our countrymen, not to trust them any farther than might seem consistent with their own safety. They speak a kind of Moorish language, somewhat difficult to learn; so that I could only pick up the few words following, which may serve to ask for provisions and fruits, by such as do not understand Portuguese, or in speaking to any of the natives who have not that language.

Gumbey, a bullock. Buze, a goat. Coquo, a hen. Sinzano, a needle. Seiavoye, cocoa-nuts. Demon, lemons. Mage, water. Surra, a kind of drink. Soutan, the king. Quename, a pine-apple. Cartassa, paper. Tudah, oranges. Arembo, bracelets. Figo, plantains.

This island of Mohelia is in lat 12 deg. 10' S.[109] and has good anchorage in its road in forty fathoms. Having watered and refreshed ourselves sufficiently, we sailed from thence on the 10th of July, directing our course for the island of Socotora. The 19th we passed to the north of the equator; and on the 25th we had sight of land, which we supposed to have been Cape Guardafui, at the entrance into the Red Sea; and so, taking a departure for Socotora, we were unable to find it. We were therefore obliged to consider how we might shelter ourselves against the fury of the winter in these parts, and also to procure refreshments; wherefore we determined to sail for the islands of Curia Muria, which are in about the latitude of 18 deg. N.[110] over against the desert of Arabia Felix. In our way; the weather was continually so foggy, that we were unable at any time to see half an English mile before us, such being usual in these seas in the months of July, August, and September. In all this time both the sun and stars were so continually obscured, that we were never able to get an observation, by which to regulate or correct our dead reckoning; but, God being our guide, we at length groped out the land by means of the lead. We could now clearly perceive the colour of the water to be changed to white, with many yellow grassy weeds floating on the surface; and heaving the lead continually as we advanced, we at length struck ground in forty-three fathoms. Proceeding nearer the land, our sounding lessened to twenty-two fathoms, when we anchored on good ground; and though we distinctly heard the rut of the shore at no great distance, we could not perceive the land till next day, when the weather was somewhat clearer. We then sent our skiff in shore, to see if any place could be discovered of more security for our ship to ride in; but, on account of the great sea that came rolling into the bay, the surge was so violent that they could not come near the shore, and had to return as they went; only that they had been able to descry some fair stone-houses by the sea-side, which proved to be Doffar, in Arabia Felix.

[Footnote 109: Lat. 13 deg. 35' S. Long. 45 deg. 30' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

[Footnote 110: These islands are at the mouth of a bay of the same name on the oceanic coast of that portion of Arabia named Mahra, in long, 55 deg. 30' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

When God sent us a little clear weather, we could perceive a high cape on the western side of the bay, which we discovered from our skiff the second time it was sent, and could plainly see that it formed a very good road for all kinds of winds, except between the E. and S. by E. points. We were thankful to God for this discovery, and warped our ship to that road, with much toil to our men, as it was six or seven leagues from the place where we had anchored. On the 3d of August, having brought our ship to anchor in that road, we went ashore in the boat to a little village by the sea-side, called Resoit, inhabited mostly by Arabian fishermen, who entertained us kindly, and gave us all the information we desired respecting the country. The governor also of Doffar came down to us, whose name was Mir Mahommed Madoffar, who bade us kindly welcome, and presented us with three bullocks, and some sheep, goats, hens, sugar-canes, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and the like. In return we made him a present of a fine damasked fowling-piece, double lockt, which he greatly admired. He appeared to desire our friendship as much as we did his; and he gave us licence to land at all times when we were inclined. He also gave orders to have a market established for us at the village of Resoit, that we might be supplied with every kind of provision that the country affords. Their cattle were both dear and lean, and fresh water so scarce, bad, and difficult to be had, that we were forced to hire the natives to bring it down to us in skins from a distance, paying them at the rate of twenty-four shillings for the fill of five pipes.

Before leaving this place, Mir Mahommed desired us to leave a writing of commendation in his favour, specifying the kind and good entertainment we had received. This was accordingly granted, and I wrote it upon parchment, beginning it in large letters, the purport being similar to that granted at Mohelia, and this also was signed by the captain. The governor also sent us three notes signed by himself, for the purpose of being given by us to other ships, if they should happen to come upon this part of the coast, as we had been constrained to do, by which he might know our ships from those of other nations, and give them good entertainment accordingly. Cape Resoit is in lat. 16 deg. 38' N. and has good anchorage in 5-1/2 or 6 fathoms.

The 28th August, we set sail from thence, directing our course for the coast of Persia, coasting along the oceanic shore of Arabia; it being our chiefest object to set the lord ambassador on shore, as, by reason of the news we had received at the Cape of Good Hope, our expectations of trade at Surat, Dabul, and all other parts thereabouts, were frustrated. The 2d September, we sailed close beside an island on the coast of Arabia, called Macyra, in lat. 20 deg. 30' N. And on the 4th of that month we passed the eastermost point of Arabia, called Cape Rassalgat, in lat. 22 deg. 34' N.[111]

[Footnote 111: This Cape is in lat. 23 deg. N. and long. 58 deg. 45'E. from Greenwich.—E.]

* * * * *

Note.—In explanation of the disappointment of trade at Surat, &c. there is the following marginal note in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 490.—"These news at the Cape were, Captain Hawkins coming away in disgust, as denied leave to trade; the English being often wronged by the Mogul, in frequent breach of promise, as already shewn; for which they forced a trade in the Red Sea on the Mogul subjects. Which afterwards procured the privileges granted to Captain Best, as already related, lest the Moguls should have the sea shut up to them, and all their trade stopt. They were the more induced to grant these privileges to the English, on seeing them able to withstand the Portuguese, whose marine force had held the Guzerat people under maritime subjection, and made them afraid to trade with the English."—Purch.

Sec.2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches_.

Having crossed the gulf from Cape Rasalgat, on the 10th September we got sight of the coast of Persia, in the lat. of 25 deg. 10' N. When some seven leagues from the land, we sent our skiff ashore to make enquiry concerning the country, and to seek out some convenient place in which to land his lordship, having Sir Thomas Powell, with two of the ambassador's Persian attendants, and Albertus, our own linguist, that we might be able to converse with the natives. They came to a little village called Tesseque,[112] where they spoke with some camel-drivers and other country-people; from whom they learnt that the country was called Getche Macquerona [Mekran], and the inhabitants Baloches, all living under the government of a king, named Melik Mirza, whose chief residence was some five or six days journey from thence, at a port named Guadal. They were farther informed, that all the country of Mekran paid tribute yearly to the king of Persia. When informed of our purpose to land the ambassador, they told us that, by means of Melik Mirza, his lordship might have a safe conveyance in nine days to Kermshir, in the province of Kerman; and from thence might travel in eleven days more to Ispahan in Persia.

[Footnote 112: Tize is laid down upon this part of the Persian coast, in lat 25 deg. 25' N. and long. 60 deg. 80' E. from Greenwich: Perhaps the Tesseque of the text.—E.]

We then sailed along the coast, and on the 11th of the month we sent our boat ashore with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied as before, to make farther enquiries, and to endeavour to hire a pilot to direct our course for Guadal, as we were unacquainted with the coast. They came to a place called Pesseque, about a day's journey from Tesseque, where they had similar accounts with the former, all commending the port of Guadal as the best place at which the ambassador could land. Wherefore, being unable to procure a pilot, we resolved, with God's blessing, to sail to that place with all the speed we could. On the 13th, while on our way, we espied coming towards us from the eastwards, two great boats, called teradas, which were sailing along shore for Ormus. Whereupon, that we might procure a pilot from them, we manned our skiff sufficiently to bring them by force to our ship, if entreaties were unavailing, yet without meaning to offer them the smallest injury, or even to send them away dissatisfied.

When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which, thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after the two teradas, we following with the ship as near the shore as we could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of landing the ambassador at Guadal, being the place we most depended upon, and being destitute of any other place for the purpose, should this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning Guzerat at the Cape.

Our long boat, having fetched up with the teradas, drove them into a bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach, and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men just without the surf. Most of the balloches leapt overboard, and several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were brought by our men to our ship along with the terada, part of whom they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ashore by swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from their own folly.

We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land a Persian ambassador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master of the terada, whose name was Noradin, to pilot us to that place, for which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions. Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much made of by us to reassure his confidence. On the passage to Guadal, we had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of the country, the character of their king, and the means of the ambassador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice, wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pass, which they shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of these countries, as without such a pass they are not suffered to navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and goods.

Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c.

"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given secure licence to this terada, of the burden of fifty candies, whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan baloche, dwelling in Guadal, of the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pass and sail from this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of Conga, as raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead, tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said terada shall make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the completion of her voyage.

Given at the Castle of Muscat, this 16th November, 1611. Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory, &c.

Sealed and signed by ANTONIO PEREIRA."

The certificate on the back was thus: "Registered in the book of Certificates, folio xxxii, et sequ. Signed, ANT. PEITAS."

The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named Ivane, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived at Guadal, and anchored for the night off the mouth of the port, whence about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to speak with the balloches we had aboard. What conversation passed among them we did not understand, being in the balloche language. Betimes on the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well contented. Soon after, the ambassador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian attendants, on shore in our skiff, with a message to the governor concerning his landing and passing through that country into Persia. While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to the shore, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That, although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow compliments, and that the ambassador should be made as welcome as in Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ashore by treachery to his ruin, as appeared by the event.

With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same. On coming aboard, these men saluted the ambassador most submissively, in the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the ambassador should be dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats, saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily, on account of their government, which they did accordingly.

By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story, both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust that they meant not as well as they said. The lord ambassador, especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But God, from whom no secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our ship, or our goods.

Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the ambassador got every thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his money and all his baggage on shore with the balloches boats, which came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly all the ambassador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he should himself land, intending to have gone ashore the same day, about four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean time our boat went ashore with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and in her went the Persian followers of the ambassador, and three or four more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to accompany them to the tents.

While the ambassador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked, if these were all the things the ambassador had to send ashore? To which it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed by the agreement of all that had passed before, that he could not bring himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear nothing that savoured of double-dealing.

A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one Haji Comul,[113] whom God made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches to circumvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of their bloody designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid Comul for not having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for the landing of the ambassador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might have come ashore before he could get to our ship to forewarn him. Wherefore, hastening to the shore, where, as God would have it, our skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery plotting against us on shore, and entreated them to row him to the ship with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet hardly a moment too soon, as the ambassador and all his suite, together with our captain and all the principal officers among us, willing to grace the ambassador as far as we could for the honour of our country, were already in the waste, and ready to go on shore. When Nazerbeg had communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had been before to go ashore. The purport of what he had learnt from Haji Comul was as follows:—

The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as they possibly could ashore, on purpose to cut all our throats; which done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels, and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now understood their intended plot, for which God be praised, and were sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ashore along with them. But God, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:—

As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the ambassador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we sent Nazerbeg again ashore, with instructions what to do. He was to inform the viceroy that the ambassador was not very well, and had therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the 20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to bring the women and others of his company ashore, as the ship's boats were too small; and to say, that the ambassador expected to be attended by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of money containing L200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians. Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three servants of the ambassador to remain all night at the tents, with promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ashore again next day.

[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named Hoge Comul; but we suspect it ought to be Haji, intimating that he had made the pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.—E.]

The ambassador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men which were ashore with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool, with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on shore, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the balloches were to be told they were wanted by the lord ambassador to accompany him with their music on his landing.

Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on shore, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her ashore to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the balloches in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend Haji Comul; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in discourse on various matters, to pass away time till our skiff could get back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy earnestly desired we might bring our slurbow[114] ashore with us, as he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the three men, but also one of the chief men among the balloches, whom Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of our slurbow and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes, as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of their long knives or daggers. When all these principal persons were down below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors; and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.

[Footnote 114: From circumstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.—E.]

We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions, saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest a-shore, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods and baggage we had ashore, without abstracting even the smallest portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word by the same messenger, that, if we would release the balloches, all our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours respite at the most, the sand-glass being set before them as the messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats, according to promise, and sent them away. One man named Malim Simsadim, whom we had learnt, from Haji Comul, was an experienced pilot for Sinde and Cambay, we detained for that purpose, promising to reward him according to his merits.

Thus, by God's assistance, to whom be endless praise for our deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and Haji Comul, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot. We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done towards us. Comul was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a Persian of the sect of Ali, in which Comul was a churchman, or priest, having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which circumstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by such bloody butchers, and that God willed him to reveal their plot to us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade the country next winter.

This country of Macquerona, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia, bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of Guadal is nearly in the lat. of 25 deg. N, the variation being 17 deg. 15' [lat. 24 deg. 40' N. long. 61 deg. 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our balloche pilot brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark, passed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.