The 28th, I received two letters from our general, dated the 19th and 20th of the month, as also two others from Mr Peacock and Mr Wickham, which were brought me by the governor of Shimonoseke.[30] This governor did not land at Firando, but delivered these letters on board our ship to the master, proceeding directly for Nangasaki, and promising to return hither shortly. I also carried a letter for the old king Foyne, which was brought by the same governor, being accompanied on the occasion by Mr Melsham and Hernando. Foyne at this visit made a present of a cattan or Japanese sword to Mr Melsham, and another with a Spanish dagger to Hernando, giving likewise both to them and me several bunches of garlic. He also gave us leave to dry our gunpowder on the top of the fortress, offering some of his own people to help ours, if we had need of them. This day I brought on shore to our house twenty-two bars of lead, together with 125 culverin shot, round and langridge. When we were about to sit down to supper, the old king came to visit us, and being very merry he sat down to supper with us, and took such fare as we had in good part.

[Footnote 30: Simonosequi is a town on the north side of the straits between the island of Kiusiua and the north-western end of Niphon.—E.]

The 1st September, the old king and all his nobles made a masquerade, and went next night to visit the young king his grandson, accompanied by music, as formerly mentioned, all the streets being hung with lanterns. As I was told he meant to visit our house on his return, I made ready for him and waited till after midnight; but he passed by with all his company without coming in. I reckoned he had more than 3000 persons in his train, for which, as I think, he passed by, not wishing to trouble us with so great a multitude. On the 2d Semidono and others who were appointed by the king, measured all the houses in the street, ours among the rest; which I understood was for the purpose of a general taxation, to be levied by appointment of the emperor, for the construction of fortresses. I entertained them to their satisfaction. The 4th we had news that the queen of Spain was dead, and that the king was a suitor for the princess Elizabeth of England. The 6th, a nobleman came to visit our English house, and brought me a present of two great bottles of wine and a basket of pears. I entertained him as well as I could, and he went away contented.

We had much rain in the morning of the 7th September, accompanied by wind, which increased in force all day, varying between the east and south. In the night between the 7th and 8th, the wind rose to a tuffoon or storm of such extreme violence as I had never witnessed, neither had the like been experienced in this country during the memory of man. It overturned above an hundred houses in Firando, and unroofed many others, among which was the house of old king Foyne. An extensive wall surrounding the house of the young king was blown down, and the boughs and branches of trees were broken off and tossed about with wonderful violence. The sea raged with such fury, that it undermined a great wharf or quay at the Dutch factory, broke down the stone wall, carried away the landing stairs, sunk and broke to pieces two barks belonging to the Dutch, and forty or fifty other barks, then in the roads, were broken and sunk. At our house, the newly built wall of our kitchen was broken down by the sea, which likewise flowed into and threw down our oven. The tiles likewise were blown off from the roofs of our house and kitchen, both of which were partly unroofed. Our house rocked as if shaken by an earthquake, and we spent the night in extreme fear, either of being buried under the ruins of our factory, or of perishing along with it by fire; for all night long, the barbarous unruly common people ran up and down the streets with lighted firebrands, while the wind carried large pieces of burning wood quite over the tops of the houses, as it whirled up the burning timbers of the several houses previously thrown down, hurling fire through the air in great flakes, very fearful to behold, and threatening an entire conflagration of the town; and I verily believe, if it had not been for the extreme quantity of rain, contrary to the usual nature of tuffoons, that the whole town had been consumed. This terrible wind and prodigious rain were accompanied the whole night by incessant flashes of lightning and tremendous peals of thunder. Our ship rode out the gale in the roads, having out five cables and anchors, of which one old cable gave way, but, thanks be to God, no other injury was sustained, except that our long boat and skiff both broke adrift, but were both afterwards recovered. We afterwards learnt that this tuffoon did more damage at Nangasaki than here at Firando; for it destroyed above twenty Chinese junks, together with the Spanish ship which brought the ambassador from Manilla.

On the 12th, two merchants from Miaco came to our English house, to whom I shewed all our commodities. They laid aside two pieces of broad cloth, one black and the other stammel, the best they could find, for which they offered seven tayes the yard. They also offered for out Priaman gold eleven tayes of silver for one of gold. But they went away without concluding any bargain. This day, one of our men named Francis Williams, being drunk ashore, struck one of the servants of king Foyne with a cudgel, although the man had given him no offence, and had not even spoken to him. The Japanese came to our house making great complaints, and was very angry, not without cause, and told me he would complain to his king of the bad usage he had received. He had three or four others along with him, who had seen him abused, and who said the aggressor was just gone off to the ship. I gave them fair words, desiring them to go on board and find out the man who had committed the offence, and they should be sure of having him punished, and for that purpose I sent Miguel, our jurebasso, on board along with them. He did so, and pointed out Williams as the culprit, who stoutly denied the accusation with many oaths, but the affair was too notorious, and the master ordered him to be seized to the capstan in presence of the complainants, upon which even they entreated for his pardon, knowing that he was drunk. But the fellow was so unruly, that he took up an iron crow to strike the Japanese in the master's presence, and even abused the master in the grossest terms.[31]

[Footnote 31: Of many misdemeanours, I permit some to pass the press, that the cause of so many deaths in the Indies might be seen, rather to be imputed to their own misconduct, than the intemperature of the climate, and for a caveat to others, who may send or be sent into ethnicke regions: Yet do I conceal the most and worst.—Purch.]

Learning, on the 13th, that old king Foyne was sick, I sent our jurebasso Miguel to visit him, carrying as a present a great bottle of our general's sweet wine, and two boxes of conserves, comfits, and sugar-bread. Miguel was likewise directed to offer my best service, and to say that I was sorry for his sickness, and would have waited on him myself, but that I supposed company was not agreeable to a sick man. Foyne accepted my present in very good part, returning many thanks, and desiring me to ask for any thing we were in need of, either for the use of the ship or our factory, which he would take care we should be provided with.

The master came to the factory on the 14th early in the morning, telling me that most of the ship's company had lain ashore all night without leave, although the ship was aground, and there had been a heavy wind all night. He wished therefore, that I would allow our jurebasso, Miguel, to accompany him in seeking them out. He went accordingly accompanied by Miguel and Mr Melsham our purser, and found several of the men drinking and domineering, among whom he bestowed a few blows, ordering them aboard. Two of the men, named Lambert and Colphax, though ordered aboard, remained ashore all day, notwithstanding the great need of hands in the ship, where it had been necessary to hire several Japanese to assist. Lambert and Colphax being drunk, went out into the fields and fought, on which occasion Lambert was hurt in the arm, and remained drunk ashore all night; as did Boles and Christopher Evans, who had done so for two or three nights before, and had a violent quarrel about a girl.

On the 17th, being informed that Bastian, the keeper of the brothel frequented by our men, had threatened to kill me and such as came along with me, if I came any more to his house to seek for our men, I went and complained to the young king, the old one being sick. At my request, he issued a proclamation, that no Japanese should admit our people into their houses after day-light, under severe penalties; and that it should be lawful for me, or any other in my company, to enter any of the native houses in search of our men, not only without molestation or hinderance, but that the native inhabitants should aid and assist me; and if the doors were not opened at my desire, I was authorised to break them open. A soldier was sent to inform Bastian to be careful not to molest or disturb me, as he might expect to be the first that should pay for it. This gave much offence to our people, insomuch that some of them swore they would have drink in the fields if they were not suffered to have it in the town, for drink they would.

The 26th, Novasco-dono came to visit me at the factory, bringing me a present of two bottles of wine, seven loaves of fresh bread, and a dish of flying-fish. While he was with me, the old king came past our door, where he stopt, saying he had met two men in the street whom he thought strangers, and not belonging to us; he therefore desired that Swinton and our jurebasso might go with one of his attendants to see who they were. They turned out to be John Lambert and Jacob Charke, who were drinking water at a door in the street through which the king had gone. I was glad the king looked so narrowly after them, as it caused our men to be more careful of their proceedings.

Mr William Pauling, our master's mate, who had been long ill of a consumption, died at the English house upon the 27th of September, of which circumstance I apprised the king, requesting permission to bury him among the Christians, which was granted. We accordingly put the body in a winding-sheet, and coffined it up, waiting to carry it to the grave next morning. Our master, and several others of the ship's company, came ashore in the morning to attend the funeral, when we were given to understand that the body must be transported by water as far as the Dutch house, because the bonzes, or priests, would not suffer us to pass with the corpse through the street before their pagoda, or idol temple. Accordingly the master sent for the skiff, in which the coffin was transported by water to the place appointed, while we went there by land, and carried it thence to the burial-place; the purser walking before, and all the rest following after the coffin, which was covered by a Holland sheet, above which was a silk quilt. We were attended by a vast number of the natives, both young and old, curious to see our manner of burial. After the corpse was interred, we all returned to the factory, where we had a collation, and then our people returned to the ship. I had almost forgotten to remark, that we had much ado to get any native to dig the grave in which a Christian was to be buried, neither would they permit the body to be conveyed by water in any of their boats.

At this time the king commanded that all the streets in Firando should be cleaned, and that gutters should be made on each side to convey the water from them, all the streets to be new gravelled, and the water-channels to be covered with flat stones. This work was all done in one day, every one performing so much of it as was in front of his own house, and it was admirable to see the diligence every person used on this occasion. Our house was not the last in having this task performed, as our landlord, the Chinese captain, set a sufficient number of men to do the work.

The 30th, some other merchants of Miaco came to look at our commodities, who offered twelve tayes the fathom for our best stammel, or red cloth; but they went away without making any bargain. At this time we had very heavy winds, both by day and night, so that we were in fear of another tuffoon, on which account all the fishers hauled their boats ashore, and every one endeavoured to secure the roofings of their houses. A week before this, a bose, bonze or conjurer, had predicted to the king that this tempest was to come. About this time our surgeon, being in his cups, came into a house where a bose was conjuring for a woman who wanted to know if her husband or friends would return from sea. So when the bose was done, the surgeon gave him three-pence to conjure again, and to tell him when our general would return to Firando. In the end, the bose told him that the general would return within eighteen days, pretending that he heard a voice answer from behind a wall, both when he conjured for the woman, and now when he conjured for the surgeon.

On the 2d of October, the master sent me word that some of the men had run away with the skiff. These were John Bowles, John Saris, John Tottie, Christopher Evans, Clement Locke, Jasper Malconty, and James the Dutchman. While in the way to the king to get boats to send after them, our Dutch jurebasso came running after me, and told me our people were on the other side making merry at a tippling-house. On this information I returned to the English house to get a boat for the master to go and look them out, but they proved to be three others, William Marinell, Simeon Colphax, and John Dench, who had hired a boat and gone to another island, not being allowed to walk by night in Firando. By this mistake our deserters had the more time to get away. This night, about eleven, the old king's house, on the other side of the water, took fire, and was burnt to the ground in about an hour. I never saw a more vehement fire for the time it lasted, and it is thought his loss is very great. The old king is said to have set it on fire himself, by going about in the night with lighted canes, some sparks from which had fallen among the mats and set them on fire.

I went next day to visit the old king, giving him to understand, by means of his governor, that I was extremely sorry for the misfortune that had befallen him, and would have come in person to give all the assistance in my power, but was doubtful if my presence would have been acceptable, being a stranger; and begged leave to assure him, that he should find me ready at all times, even with the hazard of my life, to do him every service in my power. He gave me many thanks for my good will, saying, that the loss he had sustained was as nothing in his estimation. On my return to our house, I was met by the young king going to visit his grandfather. Before noon, we had word that our runaways were upon a desert island about two leagues from Firando, of which I gave notice to both kings, requesting their aid and council how we might best bring them back. They answered, that they would fetch them back dead or alive, yet would be loth to kill them, lest we might want hands to navigate the ship back to England. I returned many thanks for the care they had of us, yet sent them word we still had a sufficiency of honest men to carry our ship to England, even although we should lose these knaves. In fine, the king fitted out two boats full of soldiers to go after them, with positive orders to bring them back dead or alive, which I made known to our master, who wished much to go along with them, and did so accordingly.

9. Continuation of Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of the General.

On the 4th of October, a report was current in Firando that the Devil had revealed to the bose, [bonzes] or conjurers, that the town was to be burned to ashes that night, on which criers went about the streets the whole night, making so much noise that I could hardly get any rest, giving warning to all the inhabitants to extinguish their fires. But the devil turned out a liar, for no such thing happened. The 5th, old king Foyne-same came to our house, and was entertained to the best of our ability, when he told me our runaway seamen could not escape being taken, as he had sent two other armed boats after them, besides the two formerly mentioned. While I was talking with him, there came a gentleman from the emperor's court with a letter, and told me that our general would be back to Firando in eight or ten days, as he had received his dispatches from the emperor before this gentleman left the court. At this time king Foyne told me that Bon-diu, the king or governor of Nangasaki, who is brother to the empress, was to be at Firando next day, and that it would be proper for our ship to fire off three or four pieces of cannon as he passed. He told me likewise, that the king or governor of a town called Seam, was then in Firando.

The master of our ship, Mr James Foster, returned from Nangasaki on the 7th, bringing our skiff with him, but all the deserters had got sanctuary in that town, so that he had not been able to see or speak with any of them. I was informed that Miguel, our jurebasso, whom I had sent along with the master as linguist, had dealt fraudulently both with the master and me, for several Japanese told me that he had spoken to our people and advised them to absent themselves. Knowing this, and being doubtful of ever recovering our people unless Bondiu were extraordinarily dealt with, I resolved to give that personage a present to secure him in our interest. In the afternoon, as he was passing on foot along the street in which was our house, along with the young king who gave him the post of honour, attended by about five hundred followers, I went out into the street and saluted them. Bon-diu stopped at our door and thanked me for the salute given him in passing our ship. I requested he would excuse me if I had hitherto neglected any part of my duty towards him, which was owing to my small acquaintance with the country and its customs, but that I meant to wait upon him either at his lodgings or aboard his junk, before he left Firando. He answered, that I should be heartily welcome, and remained so long in conversation, that it was quite dark before he got to his lodgings. At this time I carried the present to him, which he accepted in good part, offering to do our nation all the good in his power at court, whither he was now bound, or to serve us all he could any where else. Of his own accord, he began now to speak about the deserters, asking me if they should all be pardoned for his sake, if he brought them back to us? I answered, that the power of pardon belonged to our general, not to me, and that I had no doubt they might easily get free, except one or two of the chiefs in this and other disorders, who richly deserved punishment. He then said that he wished them all pardoned, without any exception: to which I answered, that I was sure our general would most willingly do any thing desired by his highness, or the two kings of Firando. In conclusion, he said, if I would give it under my hand on the faith of a Christian, that all should be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the general to confirm this at his return, he would then send to Nangasaki for the deserters, and deliver them into my custody, otherwise he would not meddle in the matter, lest he might occasion any of their deaths. I answered, I was contented with any thing his highness was pleased to command, and so gave him the desired writing under my hand, conditioning that they were all to be sent back. I then returned to our house after which the Dutch waited upon him with their present, but we were before hand with them.

On the 8th Semidono passed our house, and told me that king Bon-diu had a brother along with him, to whom it would be proper that we should give a present, but not so large as that given to Bon-diu. On this, advising with the other gentlemen, I laid out a present for him, and on going to deliver it, I found the Dutch before me with theirs, Captain Brower going with it himself. He accepted it very kindly, promising his interest and assistance to our nation, both at court and any where else. He came soon afterwards to our house, accompanied by many gentlemen, when they looked over all our commodities, yet went away without making any purchases. On this occasion he gave me a small cattan, and I gave him two glass bottles, two gally-pots, and about half a cattee of picked cloves, which he said he wanted for medicinal purposes. I likewise gave him and his followers a collation, with which they all seemed contented.

Soon afterwards, Bon-diu sent a gentleman to me, desiring to have my written promise for pardon to our deserters, to which I consented, after consulting with the other gentlemen. If I had not done this, we certainly had never got them back, and the Spaniards would have sent them to Manilla or the Moluccas. Immediately after this, I got notice that Bon-diu and his brother meant to visit our ship, wherefore I sent some banqueting stuff aboard, and went myself to meet them, when they were entertained as we best could. Bon-diu gave two cattans, and we saluted them with seven guns at their departure. The brother returned soon after, and requested to have one of the little monkeys for his brother's children; so I bought one for five dollars from our master-gunner, and sent it to Bon-diu. He being ready to go on shore, desired to have me along with him in his boat, which I complied with, and he was saluted with three guns at his departure, which, as I learnt afterwards, was much esteemed by both brothers. When ashore, he insisted to accompany me to our factory, much against my inclination, as I was again forced to give him a collation in Mr Adamses chamber, after which he and his companions went away seemingly satisfied. Late at night, old king Foyne sent a man to me to enquire the particulars of the presents I had given to both brothers, all of which he set down in writing, but I could never know the reason of this. I forgot to mention that Bon-diu, just before going aboard our ship, went to bathe in a new warm-bath at the Dutch factory. The 9th Bon-diu sent one of his men to give me thanks for the kind entertainment he had on board, and sent me by the messenger two barrels of Miaco wine. Soon after, his brother sent me a similar message and present. They were both very earnest to have a perspective-glass, wherefore I sent them an old one belonging to Mr Eaton; but it was soon after returned with thanks, as not suiting them.

On the 10th, two sons of another governor of Nangasaki who dwells in the town, came to see our house, both of them being Christians. After shewing them our commodities, I gave them a collation, accompanied with music, Mr Hownsell and the carpenter happening both by chance to be at the factory. While we were at table, old king Foyne came in upon us quite unexpectedly, and sat down to partake. I then desired our jurebasso to request the speedy sending back of our runaways, which they all promised, provided they should be pardoned, as I had formerly promised, and which promise I now renewed. Old Foyne desired that I would send him next day a piece of English beef; and another of pork, sodden with onions. I accordingly sent our jurebasso next day with the beef and pork, together with a bottle of wine, and six loaves of white bread, all of which he very kindly accepted. He had at table with him his grandson the young king, Nabison, his brother, and Semidono, his kinsman.

On the 12th I went to visit both kings, and found the old one asleep, but spoke with his governor, after which I went to the young king, who received me.[32] He gave me thanks for the kind entertainment I had given the strangers, which he said his grandfather and he took in as good part as if done to themselves. Towards night, Foyne sent to say that he understood the strangers, who were now departed, had taken away various commodities from me, paying only as they thought good themselves, and not the prices I required. I answered, that they had certainly done so, but I knew not whether it were the custom of the country, being given to understand that they were in use to do so at Nangasaki both with the Chinese and Portuguese, and that in reality what they had taken from me was not worth the speaking of. I was answered, that although this was done at Nangasaki with the Chinese, who were forbidden to trade at Japan, they had not authority to do so with those strangers who had the privilege of trade, more especially here at Firando, where these people had no authority. I sent back my humble thanks to the king for the care he used to see justice done both to strangers and natives, saying, I would wait upon his highness myself to inform him of the whole truth. Captain Brower sent me word that they had taken various commodities from him, paying him just as they pleased; he also sent an empty bottle, desiring to have it filled with Spanish wine, as he had invited certain strangers, and had none of his own.

[Footnote 32: It was now a great festival among the pagans, which began on this day, said to be like the Lent of the papists.—Purch.]

I heard three or four guns or chambers discharged on the 13th, which I supposed had been done at the Dutch house, in honour of the king; but I afterwards learnt that they were shot by a Chinese junk which was passing for Nangasaki. Shortly after, the old king sent for me to come to dinner at the Dutch house, and to bring Mr Eaton with me, and a bottle of wine.[33] Mr Eaton had taken medicine, and could not go out, but I went. We had an excellent dinner, the dishes being dressed partly in the Japanese fashion, and partly according to the Dutch way, but no great drinking. The old king sat at one table, accompanied by his eldest son and two brothers of the young king, as the young king had sent to say he was not well. At the other table there sat, first, Nabesone, the old king's brother, then myself, next me Semidono, then the old king's governor, and below him Zanzebar's father-in-law, and various other Japanese gentlemen on the other side of the table. Captain Brower did not sit down, but carved at table, all his own people attending and serving on their knees. Captain Brower even gave drink to every one of his guests with his own hands, and upon his knees, which seemed very strange to me. When they had dined, Foyne and all his nobles went away, and Captain Brower accompanied me to our house. I asked him why he served these people on his knees, when he told me it was the custom of the country, even the king serving his guests on his knees when he made a feast, to do them the more honour. Before night the old king came to the English house, and visited all its apartments. I gave him a collation, and after staying an hour, and taking one thing and another, he went his way.

[Footnote 33: These things are mentioned to shew how poor Cockes was imposed upon among them; as, taking advantage of his weak side, they seem all to have wished to get from him all they could, without any design of serving him in return.—Astl. I. 518. b.]

On the 16th, learning that two Christians were arrived from Nangasaki, I went to visit them, and to enquire about our runaways. One was George Peterson, a Dutchman, born in Flushing; the other was Daman Maryn, a native of Venice. They told me that our runaways had been conveyed away in a small bark for Macoro,[34] and that they two had deserted in hope of procuring a passage in our ship to return to their own countries; they said they were well known to Mr Adams, and were desirous to have gone immediately on board, being both seafaring men. The Dutchman had served three or four and twenty years with the Spaniards, and came master's mate in one of their ships from Agua-pulca [Acapulco.] for Manilla in the Philippine islands. They had plenty of money, and would have sent it to our ship or to our factory; but I told them that I durst not presume to entertain them in the absence of our general, yet would do them all the service in my power at his return. I accordingly sent Miguel to inform the king that these two strangers were come to seek a passage in our ship, not being Spaniards nor subjects of Spain. The king sent me back for answer, that they were welcome, if they were such as they reported themselves; but, if Spaniards or Portuguese, he could not allow them to remain in Firando, as the Spanish ambassador had procured an order from the emperor that all Spaniards should retire to Manilla.

[Footnote 34: Called in the sequel Macow, or Macao, the Portuguese settlement on the coast of China, at the mouth of the Bocca-tigris, or river of Canton.—E]

The two strangers came to me early on the 17th, requesting me to accompany them to wait upon the king, to give them the better countenance, which I agreed to. On the way, they told me that our fugitives had given out at Nangasaki that more of our people would follow them, as none of any account would stay to navigate the ship home, because their officers used them more like dogs than men. They alleged also, that twenty resolute Spaniards might easily get possession of our ship in one or two small boats. The old king received us very kindly, and asked the strangers many questions about the wars in the Molucca islands between the Spaniards and Dutch. They said the Spaniards were resolved to prosecute this war with much vigour, having prepared a strong force for that purpose. They also told the king that all our fugitives had, as they believed, been secretly conveyed away from Nangasaki seven days before, in a soma that went from thence for Macow.[35] The king would not believe them, saying it was impossible such a man as Bon-diu, having given his word to restore them, should be found false to his promise. In the end, he agreed to allow these men to remain, and to go along with our ship, if our general pleased to take them. So the poor men returned much contented to their lodgings, assuring me they would prove faithful to us, and that we need not wish any worse punishment to our fugitives than the bad treatment they would receive from the Spaniards.

[Footnote 35: Macow, or Macao, a town of the Portuguese near the continent of China. Miguel, the jurebasso, servant to Mr Adams, was suspected of double-dealing in this affair of the fugitives: the circumstances I omit.—Purch.]

The 18th we had a total eclipse of the moon, which began about eleven p.m. The 19th, about the same hour, a fire began in Firando, near the young king's house, by which forty houses were burnt down; and, had not the wind fallen calm, most of the town had been destroyed. Had not our Englishmen bestirred themselves lustily, many more houses had gone to wreck, for the fire took hold three or four times on the opposite side of the street to our house, which they as often extinguished, for which they were very much commended by the king and other principal people. Old Foyne came to our door on horseback, and advised us to put all our things into the godown, and daub up the door with wet clay, which would place them in safety. Captain Brower likewise, and some of his people, came very kindly to our house, offering to assist us either by land or water, if needful. It could not be known how this fire began, but there were reports among the Japanese that there would soon be a still greater fire, which had been predicted by the devil and his conjurers. I pray God it may not be done purposely by some villainous people, on purpose to rob and steal what they can lay hold of during the trouble and confusion.

The 20th I went to visit Captain Brower at the Dutch house, to return thanks for his friendly assistance the night before. Towards night, Hernando the Spaniard and Edward Markes returned from Nangasaki, where they could not procure sight of any of our fugitives, though they were still at that place. A Portuguese or Spaniard at Nangasaki, in high authority about sea affairs, told Markes we should never have our men back; but that if all the rest of our people would come, leaving the ship empty, they would be well received, and would be still more welcome if they brought the ship with them. The Japanese, who had been sent by king Foyne along with our people to look for our runaways, would not allow Markes to stir out of doors for a night and half a day after their arrival at Nangasaki, he going abroad himself, and Hernando lodging at a different place, whence I suspect there was some fraudulent understanding between the Japanese and Hernando, and have now lost hope of ever getting our men back. I blamed the jesuits, and the old king agreed with me, and told me he would take care that no more of our people should be carried to Nangasaki, except they stole the ship's boats, as the others had done, of which I gave notice to Mr James Foster, our master. Foyne at this time issued an edict, strictly forbidding any of the Japanese from carrying away any of our people, without previously making it known to him and me.

The 23d I was informed of a great pagan festival to be celebrated this day, both kings and all the nobles being to meet at a summer-house erected before the great pagoda, to see a horse-race. I think there must have been above 3000 people assembled together on this occasion. All the nobles went on horseback, each being accompanied by a retinue of slaves, some armed with pikes, some with fire-arms, and others with bows and arrows. The pikemen drew up on one side of the street, and the shot and archers on the other, the middle being left open for the race. Right before the summer-house, where the king and nobles were seated, was a large round target of straw, hung against the wall, at which the archers running at full career on horseback discharged their arrows. The street was so crowded, that neither the present we sent, nor we ourselves, could get admission, so we passed along the street and returned by another way to our house. Late at night, the brother of Zanzibar's wife came to our house, bringing me a present of a haunch of venison and a basket of oranges, being accompanied by Zanzibar himself. About ten at night, the Chinese captain, our landlord, came to inform us that the king had ordered a tub of water to be kept ready on the top of every house, as the devil had given out that the town was to be burnt down that night: Yet the devil proved a liar: We got however a large tub on the top of our house, which held twenty buckets of water; and all night long people ran about the streets calling out for every one to look well to their fires, so that it was strange and fearful to hear them.

This report of burning the town was still current on the 24th, and every one was making preparations to prevent it. I made ready fifteen buckets, which cost six condrines each, which I filled with water and hung up in our yard, setting a large tub beside them full of water, besides that on the house top. I gave orders likewise to get two ladders ready for carrying water to the roof, and provided nine wine casks filled with tempered clay, ready for daubing up the doors of the gadonge, [godown or fire-proof warehouse,] if need should require in consequence of a conflagration, from which dire necessity may God defend us. All night long, three or four men ran continually backwards and forwards in the streets, calling out for every one to have a care of fire, and making so horrible a noise, that it was both strange and fearful to hear them.

On the 25th, the Chinese captain, our landlord, was taken sick, and sent for a piece of pork, which I sent him, and immediately afterwards I went to visit him, carrying a small bottle of Spanish wine. While I was there, Semidono and our guardian's father-in-law came likewise to visit him. The king sent me word, by Miguel, our jurebasso, that he had a bad opinion of Hernando Ximenes our Spaniard, and that he meant to have run away when lately at Nangasaki. But I knew this to be false, as he had then free liberty to go where he pleased, and did not run away. I had another complaint made against him, that he was a notorious gambler, and had enticed several to play, from whom he won their money, which I believe rather than the other accusation. I find by experience, that the Japanese are not friendly to the Spaniards and Portuguese, and love them at Nangasaki the worse, because they love them so well.[36] In the night between the 24th and 25th, some evil-disposed persons endeavoured to have set the town of Firando on fire in three several places, but it was soon extinguished, and no harm done; but the incendiaries were not discovered, though doubtless owing to the conjurers and other base people, who expected an opportunity of making spoil when the town was on fire.

[Footnote 36: This is quite obscure, and may perhaps allude to the efforts of the Jesuits at Nangasaki, to convert the Japanese to a new idol worship, under the name of Christianity.—E.]

The 26th of October, Mr Melsham being very sick, Zanzibar came to visit him, and urged him to use the physic of the country, bringing with him a bonze, or doctor, to administer the cure. Mr Melsham was very desirous to use it, but wished our surgeon to see it in the first place. So the bonze gave him two pills yesterday, two in the night, and two this morning, together with certain seeds; but, for what I can see, these things did him no good. God restore his health! At this time, all our waste-cloths, pennants, brass sheaves, and other matters, were sent aboard, and our ship was put into order to receive our general, whose return was soon expected. Last night another house was set on fire by some villains, but was soon extinguished with very little harm; yet our nightly criers of fire continue to make such horrible noises, that it is impossible for any one to get rest. The Chinese captain still continued sick, and sent to beg some spiced cakes and two wax-candles, which I sent him, as I had done before. Mr Melsham now grew weary of his Japanese doctor and his prescriptions, and returned to our surgeon Mr Warner, to the great displeasure of Zanzibar and the bonze.

Sec.10. Conclusion of Observations by Mr Cockes.

Our Chinese landlord came to our house on the 30th October, to inform me of a general collection of provisions of all kinds, then making at every house in Firando, to be sent to the two kings, in honour of a great feast they were to give next day, together with a comedy or play. By his advice, and after consulting with the other gentlemen of the factory, I directed two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted hens, a roasted pig, a small quantity of rusk, and three boxes of confections and preserves to be sent, as a contribution towards their feast. Before night the young king sent one of his men to me, requesting me to furnish him with some English apparel, for the better setting out their comedy, and particularly to let him have a pair of red cloth breeches. I answered, that I had nonesuch, and knew not any of our people who had; but any clothes I had that could gratify his highness were much at his service. At night the old king sent to invite me to be a spectator of their comedy on the morrow, and to bring Mr Foster, our master, along with me.

Next day, being the 31st, I sent our present, formerly mentioned, to the kings by our jurebasso before dinner, desiring their highnesses to excuse the master and myself, and that we would wait upon them some other time, when they had not so much company. This however did not satisfy them, and they insisted on our company, and that of Mr Eaton; so we went and had a place appointed for us, where we sat at our ease and saw every thing. The old king himself brought us a collation in sight of all the people; Semidono afterwards did the like in the name of both kings, and a third was brought us in the sequel by several of their principal nobles or attendants. But that which we most noted was their play or comedy, in which the two kings, with their greatest nobles and princes, were the actors. The subject was a representation of the valiant deeds of their ancestors, from the commencement of their kingdom or commonwealth to the present time, which was mixed with much mirth to please the common people. The audience was very numerous, as every house in the town of Firando, and every village, place, or hamlet in their dominions brought a present, and all their subjects were spectators. The kings themselves took especial care that every one, both high and low, should eat and drink before they departed. Their acting, music, singing, and poetry, were very harsh to our ears, yet the natives kept time to it, both with hands and feet. Their musical instruments were small drums or tabors, wide at both ends and small in the middle, resembling an hour-glass, on one end of which they beat with one hand, while with the other they strained the cords which surround it, making it to sound soft or loud at their pleasure, and tuning their voices to its sound, while others played on a fife or flute; but all was harsh and unpleasant to our ears. I never saw a play of which I took such notice, as it was wonderfully well represented, yet quite different from ours in Christendom, which are only dumb-shews, while this was as truth itself, and acted by the kings themselves, to preserve a continual remembrance of their affairs.

On this occasion, the king did not invite the Dutch, which made our being present seem the greater compliment. When I returned to our house, I found three or four of the Dutchmen there, one of whom was in a Japanese habit, and came from a place called Cushma,[37] which is within sight of Corea. I understood they had sold pepper there and other goods, and suspect they have some secret trade thence with Corea, or are likely soon to have, and I trust if they do well that we shall not miss, as Mr Adams was the man who put them upon this trade, and I have no doubt he will be as diligent for the good of his own countrymen as he has been for strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captain Brower when the two men came from Cushma, and asked them whence they came, at which Brower was very angry, telling him he should have no account of that matter.

[Footnote 37: Key-sima, an island considerably to the N.E. of Firando, and nearly midway between Niphon and Corea, from which it may be about forty miles distant.—E.]

Towards night, I was informed that two Spaniards were arrived from Nangasaki, and were lodged with Zanzibar. They sent for our jurebasso to come to them, but I did not allow him, on which they and Zanzibar came to our house. One of them was Andres Bulgaryn, a Genoese, who had passed Firando only a few days before, and the other Benito de Palais, pilot-major of the Spanish ship lately cast away on the coast of Japan, the same person who came here formerly from Nangasaki to visit Captain Adams. They said they had come to visit their friends, me in the first place; and used many words of compliment, after which they entered into conversation respecting our fugitives. They pretended that it was not the fathers, as they called the jesuits, who kept our people from being seen and spoken with, but the natives of Nangasaki, who they said were very bad people. In fine, I shrewdly suspected these fellows of having come a-purpose to inveigle more of our people to desert, as the others did, wherefore I advised our master to have a watchful eye both to the ship and boats, and to take special notice who kept company with our men, as it was best to doubt the worst, for the best will save itself.

On the night of the 1st November, two houses were set a-fire on the other side of the water, which were soon extinguished, but the villains could not be found out. This day I sent word to Mr Foster on board, to look well to the ship and the boats, and to the behaviour of our people, as I strongly suspected the two Spaniards of being spies, come to entice away our men. I sent him word likewise, that I understood the Spaniards meant to invite him that day to dinner, but wished him to beware they did not give him a higo.[38] He answered, that he had the same opinion of them I had, and should therefore be mainly on his guard. He came soon after on shore, and the Spaniards came to our house, where by much entreaty they prevailed on Mr Foster and Mr William Eaton to go with them to dinner at Zanzibar's house, along with Hernando and the other two Spaniards. But these two Spaniards came to me, and desired me to tell Mr Foster and those who went with him, to take heed they did not eat or drink of any thing they did not see tasted by others, as they were not to be trusted, which I communicated to Mr Foster and Mr Eaton. Ximenes told me that Mr Adams had goods in his hands belonging to the pilot-major, who had come in the hope of finding Mr Adams here, and meant to wait his return. He said they had likewise brought letters from the bishop and other fathers to the other two Spaniards, advising them to return to Nangasaki, but which I think they will not do. I this day sent our jurebasso to both kings and the other nobles, to give them thanks for the kind entertainment we had received the day before.

[Footnote 38: From the sequel, this unexplained term seems to imply treachery.—E.]

The 2d, some villains set fire to a house in the fish street, which was soon put out, and the incendiaries escaped. It is generally thought these fires were raised by some base renegados who lurk about the town, and who came from Miaco: Yet, though much suspected, no proof has hitherto been brought against them. There has, however, been orders given to construct gates and barriers in different parts of all the streets, with watches at each, and no person to be allowed to go about in the night, unless he be found to have very urgent business. Another villain got this night into the house of a poor widow, meaning to have robbed her; but on her making an outcry, he fled into the wood opposite our house, where the Pagoda stands.[39] The wood was soon after beset all around by above 500 men, but the robber could not be found. At night, when we were going to bed, there was a sudden alarm given that there were thieves on the top of our house, endeavouring to set it on fire. Our ladders being ready, I and others went up immediately, but found nobody, yet all the houses of our neighbours were peopled on the top like ours on similar alarms. This was judged to be a false alarm, risen on purpose to see whether any one would be found in readiness. At this very time there was a house set on fire, a good way from our house, but the fire was soon quenched. The night before, three houses were set a-fire in different parts of the town, but the fires were all extinguished at the beginning, so that no hurt was done. At this time, an order was issued to give notice of all the inhabitants dwelling in every house, whether strangers or others; and that all who were liable to suspicion should be banished from the dominions of the two kings of Firando. Bars or gates were erected to shut up the passages at the ends of all the streets, and watches were appointed in different places, with orders not to go about crying and making a noise, as had been done hitherto without either form or fashion. Yet, notwithstanding these precautions, a villain set fire about ten o'clock this night to a house near the Pagoda, opposite our house. He was noticed by the watch, who pursued him in all haste, but he escaped into the wood above the Pagoda. The wood was immediately beset by more than 500 armed men, and old king Foyne came in person with many of his nobles to assist in the pursuit; yet the incendiary escaped, and I verily believe he ran about among the rest, crying stop thief as, well as the best.

[Footnote 39: This word signifies either the idol, or the idol temple, or both.—Purch.]

On the night of the 4th, fire was set to several houses, both in the town and country round. An order was now given, to have secret watches in various parts of the town every night, and that no person should go out during the night except upon important occasions, and then to have a light carried before them, that it might be seen who they were. If this rule be duly enforced, our house-burners will be put to their wits end. I proposed these measures to the king and others above a week before, and now they are put in execution.

On the 5th I received a letter from Domingo Francisco, the Spanish ambassador, dated five days before from Ximenaseque, [Simonoseki,] and another from George the Portuguese. The ambassador went over land from that place to Nangasaki, and sent the letter by his servant, to whom I shewed the commodities he enquired after, referring him for others till the return of our general, but gave him an answer, of which I kept a copy. The man chose two pieces of fine Semian chowters and eight pieces of white bastas, paying seven tayes each for the chowters, and two tayes each for the bastas. A Spanish friar or Jesuit came in the boat along with the ambassador's servant, and asked to see our ship, which the master allowed him at my request, and used him kindly; for the old saw has it, That it is sometimes good to hold a candle to the devil. This day Mr Eaton, Hernando, and I dined with Unagense, and were kindly entertained.

About ten o'clock of the 6th November, 1613, our general and all his attendants arrived at Firando from the emperor's court, accompanied by Mr Adams. Immediately after his arrival, he sent me, with John Japan, our jurebasso, to visit both the kings, and to thank them for their kindness, for having so well accommodated him with a barge or galley, and for the care they had taken of the ship and every thing else during his absence. They took this message in good part, saying they would be glad to see our general at their houses. At this time certain merchants of Miaco came from Nangasaki to our house to look at our commodities, and among the rest took liking to ten pieces of cassedy nill, for which they agreed to give three tayes each. As had been done by other merchants, I sent the goods to their lodging, expecting to receive the money as usual; but they only sent me a paper, consigning me to receive payment from Semidono, who was newly gone from Firando on a voyage, and was met by our general. I sent back word to the merchants that I must either have payment or the goods returned, to which they answered, I should have neither one nor the other; and as the person with whom they lodged refused to pass his word for payment, I was forced to apply to both the kings for justice; but I first sent word aboard our ship, if the boat of Miaco weighed anchor to go away, that they should send the skiff to make her stay, which they did, and made her come to anchor again. In the mean time I went to the kings. The younger king said that Semidono was able enough to pay me; but when I asked him if Semidono refused to pay, whether he would, he answered no. While we were talking about the matter, the old king came in, and told me he would take order that I should be satisfied; so in the end the person with whom the merchants lodged passed his word for payment of the thirty tayes; yet the orders of old Foyne Same had come too late, if our skiff had not stopt the Miaco merchants. This day Captain Brower and all the merchants of the Dutch factory came to visit our general, and Nobisone sent him a young porker as a present, with a message saying he would come to visit him in a day or two.

Sec.11. Occurrences at Firando after the Return of Captain Saris.[40]

The 7th of November, 1613, I sent in the first place some presents to the two kings of Firando, and afterwards went to visit them. On the 8th, Andrew Palmer, the ship's steward, and William Marnell, gunner's mate, having been ashore all night and quarrelled in their cups, went out this morning into the fields and fought. Both are so grievously wounded, that it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and that Marnell will be lame of his hands for life. The 9th I went aboard ship early, and called the master and all the officers into my cabin, making known to them how much I was grieved at the misconduct of some of them, particularly of Palmer and Marnell, who had gone ashore without leave, and had so sore wounded each other, that one was in danger of his life, and the other of being lamed for ever; and besides, that the survivor ran a risk of being hanged if the other died, which would necessarily occasion me much vexation. I also said, I was informed that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat going ashore to have fought, and that John Dench and John Winston had appointed to do the like. John Dench confessed it was true, and that he had seen Palmer and Marnell fighting, and had parted them, otherwise one or both had died on the field. I told them these matters were exceedingly distressing to me, and I trusted would now be remedied, otherwise the ship would be unmanned, to the overthrow of our voyage, and the vast injury of the honourable company which had entrusted us. After much contestation, they all engaged to amend what was amiss, and not to offend any more, which I pray God may be the case. I told them also, that old king Foyne had complained to me, threatening, if any more of them went ashore to fight and shed blood, contrary to the laws of Japan, he would order them to be cut in pieces, as he was determined strangers should have no more licence to infringe the laws than his own subjects.

[Footnote 40: We here resume the narrative of Captain Saris. Purch. Pilgr. I. 378. The observations of Mr Cockes, contained in the three preceding sub-sections, break off abruptly in the Pilgrims, as above.—E.]

At my return ashore, old Foyne Same came to visit me at the English house, and told me that the piece of Poldavy, and the sash I gave him, were consumed when his house was burnt down. This was in effect begging to have two others, which I promised to give him. I likewise got him to send some of his people aboard, along with John Japan, our jurebasso, to intimate to our men that if any of them went ashore to fight, he had given strict orders to have them cut in pieces. This I did in hopes of restraining them in future from any more drunken combats. Towards night, Juan Comas, a Spaniard, came from Nangasaki, bringing two letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for Mr Cockes, together with three baskets of sugar as a present to me, and a pot of conserves, with many no less sugared words of compliment in his letters, saying how sorry he was that our seven fugitives had gone away during his absence, excusing himself and the Jesuits, who he pretended had no hand in the matter, and pretending they had never spoken against us, calling us heretics. He said our men had gone from Nangasaki, three of them in a Chinese or Japanese soma for Manilla, and four in a Portuguese vessel. Yet I esteem all these as vain words to excuse themselves, and throw the blame on others; for the Spaniards and Portuguese mutually hate each other and the Japanese, as these last do them.

The 11th I visited Nobesane, who used me kindly, and would have had me dine with him next day, but I excused myself on account of the press of business in which I was engaged, and the short time I had to stay. I met old king Foyne at his house, who requested to have two pieces of English salt beef, and two of pork, sodden by our cook, with turnips, radishes, and onions, which I sent him. The 12th, the governors of the two kings came to visit me at our factory, whence they went aboard the Clove, accompanied by Mr Cockes, to signify to our crew that they should beware of coming ashore to fight and shed blood; as, by the law of Japan, those who went out to fight and drew weapons for that purpose, were adjudged to death, and all who saw them were obliged to kill both offenders, on pain of ruining themselves and all their kindred if they neglected putting the combatants to death.

The 14th I sent Mr Cockes and our jurebasso to wait upon the kings, to entreat they would provide me twelve Japanese seamen who were fit for labour, to assist me in navigating the ship to England, to whom I was willing to give such wages as their highnesses might deem reasonable. The kings were then occupied in other affairs, so that my messengers spoke with their secretaries, who said they needed not to trouble the kings on that business, as they would provide me twelve fit persons; but that there were several vagrant people about the town who would be willing enough to go, yet were very unfit for my purpose, as they would only consume victuals, and of whom the Dutch made use without making any request on the matter, and it was not known what had become of these men or of the ship; but, as the matter was now referred to them, they would look out for such as were fit for our purpose.

The 18th, Foyne sent me word he would visit me, and meant to bring the dancing girls of the country along with him, which he did soon after, accompanied by three courtezans, and two or three men, who all danced and made music after their fashion, though harsh to our ears. The 19th, the Chinese captain, and George Duras, a Portuguese, came to visit me, requesting me to send to Semidono to procure pardon for two poor fellows who were like to lose their lives for bidding a poor knave flee who had stolen a bit of lead not worth three halfpence; and though the malefactor was taken and executed, these men were in danger of the same punishment, had I not sent Mr Cockes to Semidono with my ring, to desire their pardon for my sake, which he engaged to procure, and did in effect.

The 20th, Samedon, king of Crats,[41] sent me word he meant to go on board our ship, so I went there to meet him, and he came along with both the kings of Firando, when we saluted them with five pieces of ordnance; and we afterwards fired three with bullets at a mark, at the request of Samedon, who gave me two Japanese pikes, having cattans or sables on their ends. At their departure we again saluted them with seven guns, one being shotted and fired at the mark. The 22d I sent a present to the king of Crats, which was delivered to him at the house of Tomesanes the young king, where he was at breakfast. Samedon accepted it very kindly, sending me word by Mr Cockes that he was doubly obliged to me for his kind entertainment aboard, and for now sending him so handsome a present of such things as his country did not produce, all without any desert on his part, and the only recompence in his power was, if ever any of the English nation came into his dominions, he would give them a hearty welcome, and do them all the service in his power.

[Footnote 41: This personage must have been governor of one of the provinces, islands, or towns of Japan; but no place in that eastern empire bears a name in modern geography which in the smallest degree resembles Crats.—E]

The 25th, the purser and Mr Hownsell came ashore, and told me that Andrew Palmer, the steward, had died the night before, Thomas Warner, our surgeon, affirming that he owed his death to his own obstinacy, his wound being curable if he would have been ruled. I desired that he might be buried on an island as secretly as possible, as we were about to get some Japanese into our ship, who might be unwilling to embark if they heard of any one having died. On the 28th a Japanese was put to death, who some said was a thief, and others an incendiary. He was led by the executioner to the place of punishment, a person going before him carrying a board, on which the crime for which he was to be punished was written, and the same was exhibited on a paper flag carried over his head. Two pikemen followed the culprit, having the points of their pikes close to his back, ready to slay him instantly if he offered to resist.

The ship being ready to depart, several of the natives complained that the ship's company owed them money, and desired to be paid. To prevent greater inconvenience, I listened to these people, and wrote to the master to make enquiry aboard as to who were in debt, that I might satisfy their creditors, making deductions accordingly from their wages.

On the 26th I assembled my mercantile council to consult about leaving a factory here in Firando, upon these considerations. 1. The encouragement we had privately received at the Moluccas. 2. That the Dutch had already a factory here. 3. The large privileges now obtained from the emperor of Japan. 4. The certain advice of English factories established at Siam and Patane. 5. The commodities remaining on hand appointed for these parts, and the expected profit which farther experience might produce. It was therefore resolved to leave a factory here, consisting of eight Englishmen, three Japanese jurebassos or interpreters, and two servants. They were directed, against the coming of the next ships, to explore and discover the coasts of Corea, Tushmay, other parts of Japan, and of the adjoining countries, and to see what good might be done in any of them.

The 5th of December, 1613, Mr Richard Cockes, captain and Cape merchant of the English factory now settled at Firando in Japan, took his leave of me aboard the Clove, together with his company, being eight English and five others, as before mentioned. After their departure, we mustered the company remaining aboard, finding forty-six English, five swarts or blacks, fifteen Japanese, and three passengers, in all sixty-nine persons. We had lost since our arrival in Japan ten Englishmen; two by sickness, one slain in a duel, and seven who deserted to the Portuguese and Spaniards, while I was absent at the court of the emperor. The English whom we left in the factory were Mr Richard Cockes, William Adams, now entertained in the service of the company at a hundred pounds a year, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Saris, and William Nelson.

Sec.12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England.

That same day, being the 5th December, we set sail with a stiff northerly gale, steering S. by W. 1/2 a point westerly. By exact observation on shore, we found the island of Firando to be in lat. 33 deg. 30' N. and the variation 2 deg. 50' easterly.[42] We resolved to keep our course for Bantam along the coast of China, for which purpose we brought our starboard tacks aboard, and stood S.W. edging over for China, the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale and fair weather. The 7th it blew very hard at N.W. and we steered S.S.W. encountering a great current which shoots out between the island of Corea[43] and the main land of China, occasioning a very heavy sea. The 8th, being in lat. 29 deg. 40' N. we steered W.S.W, on purpose to make Cape Sumbor on the coast of China. The sea was very rough, and the wind so strong that it blew our main course out of the bolt ropes. The 9th, in lat. 28 deg. 23', we sounded and had forty-nine to forty-five fathoms on an oozy bottom. The weather was clear, yet we could not see land. The 11th we had ground in forty-nine, forty-three, thirty-eight, thirty-seven, and thirty fathoms, the water being very green, and as yet no land to be seen.

[Footnote 42: The town of Firando is in lat. 33 deg. 6' N. and even the most northern part of the island of that name only reaches to 33 deg. 17'. The town is in long. 128 deg. 42' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

[Footnote 43: Corea was long thought to be an island after the period of this voyage. Astl. I. 492. c.—It is now known to be an extensive peninsula, to the east of China, having the Yellow sea interposed.—E.]

The 12th, in thirty-five fathoms, and reckoning ourselves near the coast of China, we had sight of at least 300 sail of junks, of twenty and thirty tons each and upwards, two of which passed us close to windwards, and though we used all fair means to prevail upon them to come aboard we could not succeed, and seeing they were only fishing vessels we let them pass. Continuing our course we soon espied land, being two islands called the Fishers islands.[44] At noon our latitude was 25 deg. 59' N. and we had ground at twenty to twenty-six fathoms. About seven p.m. while steering along the land, we came close by a rock, which by good providence we had sight of by moonlight, as it lay right in our course. When not above twice our ship's length from this rock, we had thirty fathoms water, on which we hauled off for one watch, to give the land a wide birth, and resumed our course S.W. after midnight. The wind was very strong at N.E. and continually followed as the land trended. The 13th, in lat. 24 deg. 35' N. and variation 1 deg. 30' easterly, having the wind strong at N.E. with fair weather, we steered S.W. keeping about five leagues off the islands along the coast of China. The 15th we came among many fisher boats, but had so much wind that we could not speak any of them, but they made signs to us, as we thought to keep to the westwards. At noon our lat. was 21 deg. 40' N. and having the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale, we steered W.N.W. northerly, to make the land, and about two hours afterwards had sight of it, although by our dead reckoning we ought still to have been fifty-six leagues from it. It is to be noted, that the islands along the coast of China are considerably more to the southward than as laid down in the charts. About three p.m. we were within about two leagues of an island called Sancha[45].

[Footnote 44: By the latitude indicated in the text, Captain Saris appears to have fallen in with the coast of Fo-kien, and to have passed through between that province and the island of Formosa, without discovering the existence of that island.—E.]

[Footnote 45: Probably the island of Tchang-to-huen, to the S.W. of the bay of Canton, the situation of which agrees with the latitude in the text, and the sound of the two first syllables of which name has some affinity with that given by Saris, evidently from Spanish or Portuguese charts. At this part, of his voyage, Saris entirely misses to notice the large island of Hai-nan.—E.]

The 18th, in lat. 15 deg. 43' N. we had sight of an island called Pulo-cotan, being high land, and is about twenty leagues, according to report, from the shoal called Plaxel. In the morning of the 19th the coast of Cambodia was on our starboard side, about two leagues off, along which we steered S.E. by E. easterly, our latitude at noon being 13 deg. 31' N. estimating the ship to be then athwart Varella. We have hitherto found the wind always trade along shore, having gone large all the way from Firando, the wind always following us as the land trended. The 20th at noon we were in latitude 10 deg. 53', and three glasses, or an hour and half after, we had sight of a small island, which we concluded to be that at the end of the shoal called Pulo-citi. We found the book of Jan Huyghens van Linschoten very true, for by it we have directed our course ever since we left Firando. The 22d we had sight of Pulo Condor about five leagues off, our latitude at noon being 8 deg. 20' N.

About four a.m. on the 25th we made the island of Pulo Timon, and two hours afterwards saw Pulo Tinga. The 28th at three p.m. we had oosy ground at twenty fathoms, having divers long islands on our starboard and sundry small islands on our larboard, forming the straits of China-bata, which we found to be truly laid down in a chart made by a Hollander called Jan Janson Mole, which he gave to Mr Hippon, who gave it to the company. Pulo Bata, one of these islands, is low land, and is full of trees or bushes at the S.W. end.

A little before noon on the 29th, we perceived the colour of the water a-head of the ship to change very much, by which observation we escaped an imminent danger. This shoal seemed of a triangular shape, the S.W. end being the sharpest, and is not far from the entrance into the straits of China-bata. At noon our latitude was 4 deg. 6' N. At eight p.m. we came to anchor in seven fathoms, the weather threatening to be foul in the night, the place very full of shoals, and our experience little or nothing. Before our anchor took hold, we had six 1/4, five 1/2, six, and then seven fathoms, soft sandy ground.

In the morning of the 30th we spoke the Darling, then bound for Coromandel, her company consisting of twenty-one English and nine blacks. By her we first learnt of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, the loss of the Trades-increase, and other incidents that had occurred during our voyage to Japan. In the night of the 30th God mercifully delivered us from imminent danger, as we passed under full sail close by a sunken ledge of rocks, the top of which was only just above water within a stone's throw of our ship; and had not the noise of the breakers awakened us, we had not cleared our ship. We instantly let go our anchor, being in a rapid current or tide-way, in seventeen fathoms upon oozy ground. When morning broke on the 31st we had sight of the high land of Sumatra, having an island a-stern, the ledge of rocks we had passed on our starboard, and three small islands forming a triangle on our larboard bow. We were about eight leagues off the high land of Java, but could not then get into the straits of Sunda, as the wind was quite fallen.

The 1st January, 1614, being quite calm, was mostly spent at anchor. The 2d, having a little wind, we set sail, and about eight o'clock fell in with the Expedition, homewards bound for England, laden with pepper, by which ship we wrote to our friends in England. The 3d we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, end to our great grief found no lading ready for us, for which neglect I justly blamed those I had left to provide the same, while they excused themselves by alleging they did not expect us so soon back. I questioned Kewee, the principal Chinese merchant, who came to visit me on board, as to the price of pepper. He answered, that it was already known ashore I was homewards bound, and must necessarily load pepper; and, as my merchants had not provided any before hand, I might be assured it would rise. He said the price was then at twelve dollars for ten sacks, but he could not undertake to deliver any quantity at that price. I offered him twelve dollars and a half the ten sacks, but he held up so high, that we had no hope of dealing for the present. Of the ten persons left by us in the factory when we departed for Japan, we found only five alive at our return, while we only lost one man between Firando and Bantam.

I went ashore on the 4th to visit the governor of Bantam, to whom I presented two handsome cattans, or Japanese swords, and other articles of value; and this day I bargained with Kewee for 4000 sacks of pepper at thirteen dollars the ten sacks, bating in the weight 3 per cent and directed the merchants to expedite the milling thereof as much as possible. I employed the 5th in reducing the several English factories at Bantam under one government, settling them all in one house; also in regulating the expences of diet, that all might be frugally managed, to prevent extravagance in rack-houses abroad, or in hanger-on blacks at home, which had lately been the case. I directed also that there should be fewer warehouses kept in the town, and that these might be better regulated, and the goods stowed in a more orderly manner. Hitherto the multiplication of factories, having one for each voyage, had occasioned great expence, and had raised the price of pepper, as each outbid the other, for the particular account of their own several voyages, with great loss to the public.

The 6th was employed in re-weighing the pepper received the day before, most of the sacks being found hard weight, and many to want a part of what was allowed by the king's beam; wherefore I sent for the weigher, whom I used kindly, entreating him to take a little more care to amend this fault, which he promised to do, and for his better encouragement I made him a present to the value of five dollars. The 16th being Sunday, I staid aboard, and about 2 p.m. we observed the whole town to be on fire. I immediately sent our skiff ashore to assist the merchants in guarding our goods. The wind was so violent, that in a very short space of time the whole town was burnt down, except the English and Dutch factories, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserve.

Being ashore on the 20th, I procured two Chinese merchants, named Lackmoy and Lanching, to translate the letter which the king of Firando in Japan had given me to deliver to our king, James I. It was written in the Chinese character and language, which they translated into the Malay, and which in English was as follows:

_To the King of Great Britain, &c._ "Most mighty king, I cannot sufficiently express how acceptable your majesty's most loving letter, and bountiful present of many valuable things, sent me by your servant Captain John Saris, has been to me; neither the great happiness I feel in the friendship of your majesty, for which I render you many thanks, desiring the continuance of your majesty's love and correspondence. I am heartily glad at the safe arrival of your subjects at my small island, after so long a voyage. They shall not lack my help and furtherance to the utmost, for effecting their so worthy and laudable purposes, of discovery and commerce, referring for the entertainment they have received to the report of your servant, by whom I send to your majesty an unworthy token of my gratitude; wishing your majesty long life. Given from my residence of Firando, the sixth day of the tenth month. _Your majesty's loving friend, commander of this island of Firando in Japan,

FOYNE SAM-MASAM."_

My interpreters could not well pronounce his name, Lanching saying it was Foyne Foshin Sam, while Lackmoy said it was written as above. This comes to pass by reason of the Chinese characters, which, in proper names, borrow the characters of other words, of the same or nearest sound, and thereby occasion frequent mistakes.

The 22d, such houses as had escaped in the former fire of the 16th, were now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped, for which we were thankful to God. On the 26th, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons arrived from Holland, called the Flushing. At the island of Mayo, the company mutinied against the captain, whom they would have murdered in his cabin, had it not pleased God that a Scotsman revealed the plot when the mutineers were already armed to carry it into effect, so that they were taken between decks with their weapons in their hands. In this ship there were several English and Scots soldiers. She did not remain at Bantam, but sailed towards evening for Jacatra.

The 27th, our lading being fully procured, and several of our company fallen sick, I went ashore to hasten our merchants to get us ready for sailing. The 1st February, the Darling was forced back to Bantam; and order was taken by mutual consultation for the proper care of her goods, and for her immediate departure for Succadanea in the island of Borneo, and thence to Patane and Siam.

The 13th of February we got out from the straits of Sunda, in which the tide of flood sets twelve hours to the eastwards, and the ebb twelve hours to the westwards. On the 16th of May we anchored in the bay of Saldanha, where we found the Concord of London, being the first ship set out by the united company. We now found the natives of this place very treacherous, making us to understand by signs; that two of their people had been forcibly carried off. They had sore wounded one of the people belonging to the Concord; and while we were up in the land, they assaulted the people who were left in charge of our skiff, carried away our grapnel, and had spoiled the boat-keepers if they had not pushed off into deep water. The 19th a Dutch ship arrived bound for Bantam, the master being Cornelius van Harte.

We remained here twenty-three days, where we thoroughly refreshed the ship's company, and took away with us alive fourteen oxen and seventy sheep, besides good store of fish and beef, which we powdered there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days after leaving Saldanha, we had the wind N.W. and W.N.W. but after that we had a fine wind at S.W. so that we could hold our course N.W. On the 27th September, thanks be to God, we arrived at Plymouth; where, for the space of five or six weeks, we endured more tempestuous weather, and were in greater danger of our lives, than during the whole voyage besides.

Sec.13. Intelligence concerning Yedzo, or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there.[46]

Yedzo, or Jesso, is an island to the N.W. of Japan, from which it is ten leagues distant. The natives are of white complexions, and well-conditioned, but have their bodies covered all over with hair like monkies. Their weapons are bows and poisoned arrows. The inhabitants of the south extremity of this country understand the use of weights and measures; but those who inhabit the inland country, at the distance of thirty days journey, are ignorant of these things. They have much silver and gold-dust, in which they make payment to the Japanese for rice and other commodities; rice and cotton-cloth being of ready sale among them, as likewise iron and lead, which are carried there from Japan. Food and cloathing are the most vendible commodities among the natives of that country, and sell to such advantage, that rice often yields a profit of four for one.

[Footnote 46: This article is appended to the Voyage of Saris, in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 384.—E.]

The town where the Japanese have their chief residence and mart in Yetizo is called Matchma,[47] in which there are 500 households or families of Japanese. They have likewise a fort here, called Matchma-donna. This town is the principal mart of Yedzo, to which the natives resort to buy and sell, especially in September, when they make provision against winter. In March they bring down salmon and dried fish of sundry kinds, with other wares, for which the Japanese barter in preference even to silver. The Japanese have no other settled residence or place of trade except this at Matchma [48]. Farther northward in Yedzo there are people of a low stature like dwarfs.[49] The other natives of Yedzo are of good stature like the Japanese, and have no other cloathing but what is brought them from Japan. There is a violent current in the straits between Yedzo and Japan, which comes from the sea of Corea, and sets E.N.E. The winds there are for the most part like those usual in Japan; the northerly winds beginning in September, and ending in March, when the southerly winds begin to blow.

[Footnote 47: In modern maps, the southern peninsula of Yesso, or Yedso, is named Matsaki, apparently the same name with that in the text.—E.]

[Footnote 48: In our more modern maps, there are four other towns or residences on the western coast of the peninsula of Matsaki, named Jemasina, Sirekosawa, Famomoli, and Aria.—E.]

[Footnote 49: The island of Kubito-sima, off the western coast of Yedzo, is called likewise in our maps, the Isle of Pigmies.—E.]

Sec.14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan.[50]

Broad-cloths of all sorts, as black, yellow, and red, which cost in Holland eight or nine gilders the Flemish ell, two ells and three quarters, are worth in Japan, three, four, to five hundred.[51] Cloth of a high wool is not in request, but such as is low shorn is most vendible. Fine bayes of the before-mentioned colours are saleable, if well cottoned, but not such as those of Portugal. Sayes, rashes, single and double bouratts, silk grograms, Turkey grograms; camblets, Divo Gekepert, Weersetynen, Caniaut, Gewart twijne;[52] velvets, musk, sold weight for weight of silver; India cloths of all sorts are in request; satins, taffetas, damasks, Holland linen from fifteen to twenty stivers the Flemish ell, but not higher priced; diaper, damasks, and so much the better if wrought with figures or branches; thread of all colours; carpets, for tables; gilded leather, painted with figures and flowers, but the smallest are in best demand; painted pictures, the Japanese delighting in lascivious representations, and stories of wars by sea or land, the larger the better worth, sell for one, two, or three hundred. Quick-silver, the hundred cattees sell from three to four hundred.

[Footnote 50: This forms a part of the Appendix to the Voyage of Saris, Purch. Pilg. I. 394; where it is joined to the end of observations by the same author on the trade of Bantam, formerly inserted in this Collection under their proper date.—E.]

[Footnote 51: This account is very vaguely expressed; but in the title in the Pilgrims, the sales are stated to be in masses and canderines, each canderine being the tenth part of a masse. The information contained in this short subdivision is hardly intelligible, yet is left, as it may possibly be of some use towards reviving the trade of Japan, now that the Dutch are entirely deprived of their eastern possessions.—E.]

[Footnote 52: These articles, in italics, are unknown.]

The hundred cattees of vermilion are worth from three to six hundred. Paint for women's faces, the hundred cattees are worth twenty-eight. Cooper in plates, 125 Flemish pounds are worth from 90 to 100. Lead in small bars, the 100 cattees from 60 to 88. Lead in sheets is in greater request, the thinner the better, and 100 pounds Flemish sell for 80. Fine tin, in logs or bars, 120 pounds Flemish bring 350. Iron, twenty five Dutch ounces worth four. Steel, the 100 cattees, worth from one to two hundred. Tapestry. Civet, the cattee worth from 150 to 200. China root, the 100 cattees or pekul worth 40. China sewing gold, the paper worth three masse three. Powdered Chinese sugar, the 100 cattees or pekul worth forty to fifty. Sugar-candy, the pekul or 100 cattees, from fifty to sixty. Velvets, of all colours, eight ells the piece, from 120 to 130. Wrought velvets, from 180 to 200. Taffetas of all colours, and good silk, worth, the piece, from twenty-four to thirty or forty. Satin, seven or eight ells long, the piece worth from 80 to 100. Figured satin, from 120 to 150. Gazen, of seven pikes or ells, from forty to fifty. Raw silk, the cattee of twelve pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Untwisted silk, the weight of twenty-eight pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Twisted silk, from twenty-eight to forty.

Drinking-glasses of all sorts, bottles, canns, cups, trenchers, plates, beer-glasses, salt-sellers, wine-glasses, beakers, gilt looking-glasses of large size, Muscovy glass, salt, writing-papers, table-books, paper-books, lead to neal pots. Spanish soap is in much request, and sells for one masse the small cake. Amber beads, worth 140 to 160. Silk stockings, of all colours. Spanish leather, neats leather, and other kinds of leather used for gloves, worth six, eight, or nine. Blue candiques of China, from fifteen to twenty. Black candiques, from ten to fifteen. Wax for candles, 100 pounds Flemish worth from 200 to 250. Honey, the pekul, worth sixty. Samell of Cochin-China, the pekul, worth 180. Nutmegs, the pekul, twenty-five. Camphor of Borneo, or barous, the pound hollans, from 250 to 400. Sanders of Solier, the pekul, worth 100. Good and heavy Callomback wood, the pound, worth one, two, three, to five. Sapan, or red wood, the pekul, from twenty to twenty-six. Good and large elephants teeth, from 400, to 500, 600, 700, and even 800. Rhinoceros horns, the Javan cattee, worth thirty. Gilded harts-horns, the piece, worth 300, 400, 500. Roch allum in request, in so much that what cost only three gilders has sold for 100 gilders; but not in demand by every one.

The Chinese in Japan will commonly truck for silver, giving gold of twenty-three carats, at the rate of from fifteen to twenty times its weight in silver, according as silver is plenty or scarce.

The following commodities are to be bought in Japan, and at the rates here quoted. Very good hemp, 100 cattees, being 120 pounds of Holland, are worth from sixty-five to seventy. Eye-colours for dying blue, almost as good as indigo, made up in round cakes, and packed 100 cakes in a fardel, worth fifty to sixty. Dye-stuff for white, turning to red colour, made up in fardels of fifty gautins malios, worth five to eight. Very good white rice, cased, worth, the fares, eight three-fifths. Rice of a worse sort, the bale, worth seven three-tenths. At Jedo, Osaka, and Miaco, there is the best dying of all sorts of colours, as red, black, and green; and for gliding gold and silver, is better than the Chinese varnish. Brimstone is in great abundance, and the pekul may be bought for seven. Saltpetre is dearer in one place than another, being worth one and a half. Cotton-wool, the pekul, may be bought for ten.

Sec.15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the Departure of Captain Saris.[53]

"This subdivision consists entirely of letters from Japan, and conveys some curious information respecting the transactions of the English in Japan, whence they have been long excluded. They are now perhaps of some interest, beyond the mere gratification of curiosity, as, by the entire expulsion of the Dutch from India, there seems a possibility of the British merchants in India being able to restore trade to that distant country. In the Third PART of our Collection, various other relations of Japan will be inserted."—E.

[Footnote 53: These are appended in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 406—413, to the observations of Mr. Richard Cocks, already given in conjunction with the voyage of Captain Saris.—E.]

No. I. Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December, 1614.[54]

To this day, I have been unable to complete my old books of accounts, owing to the dispatching of our people, some to one place and some to another, and owing to the rebuilding of our house, and afterwards buying a junk, and repairing her. She is now ready to set sail for Siam, having been at anchor these ten days, waiting for a fair wind to proceed on her voyage, at Couchi, a league from Firando, where your ship rode at your departure from hence. She is called the Sea-Adventure, of about 200 tons burden, in which Mr Adams goes as master, with Mr Wickham and Mr Edward Sayers as merchants, in consequence of the death of Mr Peacock, slain in Cochin-China, and the probability that Mr Carwarden has been cast away in his return from thence, as we have no news of him or of the junk in which he sailed, as I have at large informed the worshipful company.