The collation being ended, the general asked them what was now their desire. They answered, that the captain of the castle had given them written instructions, but had desired them to make their proposals to the Khan himself, who now resided at Gombroon, if they might be permitted to wait upon him. To this the general answered, that he durst not allow them, unless the Khan were first made acquainted with their desire. I could plainly perceive that this proceeded only from affected delays on both sides, to give time for attaining their several purposes. The Portuguese then proceeded to complain, as formerly, against Ruy Frere, as if he durst have presumed to seize and fortify Kismis without orders from the king his master. They alleged also that the affair was in itself of no moment, being only a barren island with a well or two. To this the Persian general replied, it was of no matter what might be its value, but they had gone to war against the king of Persia and his subjects, for which their castle of Ormus must make satisfaction; wherefore, if they would surrender the castle without any more bloodshed, they should have good quarter and kind usage. The Portuguese said they had no commission to treat of any such matter, and so the conference ended, and they were dismissed.

Notwithstanding of the Portuguese being refused leave to go to the Khan, they had licence that same night, and were sent over to treat with him at Gambroon. I could never know the certainty of the proposed treaty, but shall here insert what I heard reported on the subject. They proposed, in the first place, to the Khan, to raise the siege, and permit them to enjoy their city and castle of Ormus as formerly, in consideration of which, they offered to pay 200,000 tomans in hand, and the yearly rent they had formerly paid to the king of Ormus, from the revenue of the custom-house, which, as I have heard, was 140,000 rials of eight or Spanish dollars yearly. But some said, besides the 200,000 tomans in hand, they offered as much yearly. [306] It was reported that the Khan demanded 500,000 tomans in hand, equal to L172,418:10:7 sterling,[307] and an yearly rent of 200,000 tomans.

[Footnote 306: A toman, by the data in the text immediately following, is about seven shillings; hence 200,000 tomans are equal to L70,000 sterling.—E.]

[Footnote 307: At the former computation, this sum is equal to L175,000; and the conversion in the text gives 6s. 11-3/4d, and a small fraction more for each toman, being very near 7s. which is more convenient.—E.]

The 2d April, with the aid of the English, the Persians blew up two other mines, by which a fair and practicable breach was opened, through which the besiegers might have entered without much difficulty, yet was there no assault made. Having noticed this carefully, Captain Weddell went to the Persian general to learn his purposes; when, to excuse the backwardness of his people, he pretended that the breach was too difficult to be assaulted with any hope of success. Yet we knew the contrary, as an English youth, who was servant to the master of the Jonas, bolder than any of the Persians, had gone up the breach to the very top of the castle wall, and told us it was as easily ascendible as a pair of stairs, and broad enough for many men to go abreast. In representing this to the general, and asking what were his future plans of proceeding, he told us he would be ready with another mine in three days. This I believed to be true, for his mining is to procure gold, not to make breaches, unless breach of promise to us, which he can easily do; for of late they have not performed any of their engagements, yet will not this teach us to look to ourselves.

The greatest hurt done by the Portuguese to the Persians in the assault on the castle, was by means of powder-pots, by which many of the assailants were scorched and severely burned. To guard against this, the Khan has now sent over many coats and jackets of leather, as not so liable to catch fire as their calico coats, quilted or stuffed with cotton wool. Yet, according to the English proverb, The burnt child dreads the fire; notwithstanding their leathern coats, none of them are hardy enough to attempt this new breach, though much easier to enter than the former, any farther than to pillage certain bales of bastas and other stuffs which have fallen down from a barricade or breast-work, thrown up by the Portuguese for defending the top of the breach from the fire of the Persians.

On the 5th of April the Persian general had news that 100,000 maunds of powder were arrived from Bahrein. On the 12th, a Portuguese came to the Persian general, having escaped from the castle, and gave accounts of the great wants and weaknesses of the garrison, insomuch, that six or eight died daily of the flux, chiefly owing to their having nothing to drink, but corrupted brackish water, of which even they have so little as to be put on short allowance, so that several have died of thirst. Their only food consists of rice and salt fish, both of which would require a good allowance of drink. Notwithstanding all this, the Persian general wastes his time in constructing new mines, of which he has no less than three in hand at this time, as if he proposed to blow up the wall all round about, before making any fresh assault. On the night of the 12th, one of our frigates or barks, which belonged to the London, being on guard alone, to prevent the escape of the Portuguese frigates, was clapped on board by two of these at once, but beat them both off. I know not what might be the loss of the Portuguese on this occasion, but two of our men were slain, and seven wounded; yet, had not our black rowers forsaken them, our people might easily have taken the assailants.

The 14th, the Persians sprung another mine, by which a very assailable breach was made, yet no assault was attempted. On this occasion, the mine had to be sprung before it was quite ready, because the Portuguese had already come so near it with a counter mine, that the Persians were afraid of their mine being rendered useless before they could place their powder. Another deserter came from the castle on the 15th, who confirmed the report given by the former, and told us that the two frigates which had assailed ours had come from Muskat, with the son of the deceased Don Francisco de Sousa, late governor of the castle of Ormus, who had come on purpose to carry away his mother and other women from the castle.

At this time, the Moors who had surrendered to us from the castle of Kismis, were delivered up to the Persian general, at his earnest request, and partly with their own consent, on promise of being pardoned for having served under the Portuguese against their own king and country, and of being provided for and employed in the siege of Ormus. He seemed to ratify this promise, both to them and us, by entertaining some of their chiefs in our presence, with much apparent courtesy, even giving fine new vests to five or six of the principal officers. Yet next morning he caused eighty of their heads to be cut off, and sent the five or six newly-vested chiefs to the Khan at Gambroon, to receive their final doom, which was soon settled, as they were sentenced to the same fate with their fellows. Mir Senadine, their chief captain, was executed by the hands of Shere Alli, governor of Mogustan, who had married his daughter, and yet put his father-in-law to death with as much willingness as if he had been his mortal enemy.

The 17th of April, the Persians sprung another mine, closely adjoining their first. This did not produce the effect expected, as it burst out at the side, carrying part of the wall along with it, yet did little or no harm upwards, which was the point aimed at, on purpose to widen the former breach. Yet it encouraged the Persian general to try another assault, with at least 2000 soldiers. They ran up the breach with great resolution, into part of a bulwark or bastion, which they might easily have gained, had not their haste run their resolution out of breath; insomuch, that eight or ten Portuguese, assisted by a few blacks, armed only with rapiers, made them give ground and retire to the outer skirt of the bulwark, where there was not room for forty men to face the enemy. They here endeavoured, however, to entrench themselves; but, before they could establish a lodgement, the Portuguese plied two or three pieces of ordnance upon them from a flanking battery, which sent some scores of the Persians with news to their prophet Mortus Alli that more of his disciples would shortly be with them. This accordingly was the case, chiefly owing to their own ignorance and cowardice; for, had they not made a stand in that place, but rushed pell-mell along with the Portuguese into the castle, they might have carried it with less than half the loss they sustained that day to little purpose. Had I not been an eye-witness, I could hardly have believed the stupid ignorance of the Persian general on this occasion. He had two breaches, almost equally good, yet applied all his men to the assault of one only, instead of attempting both at one time. Besides, he had at least eighty or an hundred scaling-ladders, yet not one of them was brought near the castle walls. His soldiers hung clustering on the breach, like a swarm of bees, or a flock of sheep at a gap, none having the heart to enter, while the Portuguese gleaned away five or six at a shot, sometimes more, driving forwards their black soldiers to throw powder-pots among the Persians.

The assault was renewed on the 18th, but with more harm to the Persians than the Portuguese. During the intervening night, two blacks made signs to the Persians on the top of the breach, that they wished to come over to them, and were drawn up with ropes. By these it was learned that the captain of the castle had been wounded in the head by a stone; that there were not above an hundred men in the garrison able to handle their arms: and that their water grew daily more scanty and worse in quality, by which the mortality continually increased. They reported also that great difference in opinion prevailed among the Portuguese, some wishing to endeavour to escape by sea, while others held it more honourable to sell their lives at a dear rate, by defending the castle to the last extremity, and proposed, when they could no longer hold out, to put all their women and treasure into a house and blow them up, that the Persians might neither enjoy their wealth nor abuse their wives; and, when this was done, to rush upon the Persians, and so end their days.

In the evening of the 19th, the Persians made another effort to press forwards, and got possession of the entire bulwark, forcing the Portuguese to retire farther within the castle. In this conflict many of the Portuguese were wounded, and sore scalded with fire-pots, in the management of which the Persians had now become expert, though many of them had paid dearly for their instruction. In this conflict four Portuguese were slain, and their heads brought to the Persian general. In this art of cutting off heads, the Persians are particularly cunning, insomuch, that I do not think there is an executioner in all Germany that can excel them. No sooner does a Persian lay hold of an enemy, than off goes his head at one blow of his scymitar.[308] He then makes a hole in the ear or cheek with his dagger, by which he will sometimes bring three or four heads at once to his general. When it is proposed to send these heads taken in war to be seen by the king or the khan, they very adroitly flea off the skin of the head and face, which they stuff up with straw like a foot-ball, and so send them by whole sackfulls.[309]

[Footnote 308: This, however, is to the praise of the Persians, as good swordsmen, on which account the Turks fear coming to hand blows with them.—Purch.]

[Footnote 309: In Turkey they manage this barbarous trophy of success more conveniently, as the Grand Signior is satisfied with a display of the ears of his enemies preserved in salt.—E.]

This night, one of the frigates that came from Muskat for Douna de Sousa, made her escape, no doubt very richly freighted. Her consort, which likewise attempted to get away, was chased in again. That which escaped, being hailed by the Arab boats that lay in wait to intercept the passage, got off by using the watch-word usual between the English and Arabs, Ingres ingresses, which had not been once changed since the commencement of this enterprize, in which oversight both the Persians and English were highly blameable, as, by the continual use of this watch-word, it had come to the knowledge of the Portuguese, who thus used it to their great benefit.

During the night of the 20th April, the other frigate made an effort to escape, but was intercepted and taken by the frigate and pinnace belonging to the London. This frigate was employed to carry away the Portuguese almirante, named Luis de Brito, a kinsman to the viceroy of Goa, but the captain of the castle would not permit him to go away; and the men belonging to this frigate, being seven persons, fearing the capture of the castle and desirous to secure their own lives, stole away without leave.

The 21st, the Persians made a display of making themselves masters of the castle by storm; but, while we expected to see them put this bold measure in execution, I discovered that they and the Portuguese were engaged in a parley. While I was preparing to wait on the Persian general, to enquire the cause of this sudden change of measures, I met a messenger from our English commanders, informing me that a boat had come off to our ships from the castle, bearing a flag of truce, and desiring my presence on board to see what was the purpose of this communication. On my getting on board the London, I found two Portuguese there, with the following letters from the captain of the castle, and the almirante:

"There hath been such ancient friendship between the Portuguese and English nations, that, considering the present war at this place, we ought to come to a mutual good understanding. From what I see of the mines made by the Persians, by which one of my bulwarks is already won, I am of opinion these could not have been constructed without your aid. Wherefore, I request you would be the means of procuring peace for me with the Persians, if the same may be done with your and their good pleasure, yet so that I may not lose my credit, nor you fail to gain honour. Thus, not else, our Lord keep you," &c.

Simon de Mela Pereira.

"This castle is so hard pressed, that the Persians demand us to surrender by capitulation, but which we will not consent to: For, when reduced to that necessity, we will call upon your worships for that purpose, as it were not reasonable for us to capitulate with the infidels when you are present. We hold it more humane to deliver our innocent women, and other unnecessary people, to the rigour of our own weapons, than to the clemency of the Persians; and that you might know this our purpose, I have written these lines to accompany the letter from our captain. What else you may wish to know, you may learn from the bearer of these letters, to whom you may give the same credit as to myself. And so God keep your worships," &c.

Luis de Brito Dar.

Dated 1st May, 1622.[310]

Taking these letters into consideration, and commiserating their situation as Christians, it was resolved to give them a favourable answer, which was done accordingly in a letter to the Captain Simon de Mela, offering to become an intermedium for procuring them such conditions from the Persians as might save the lives of the Christians who still remained in the castle, which we had in our power to warrant, and were willing to shew them such farther courtesy as might tend to their relief, as far as we could see. We desired him therefore to put his demands in writing, and send them to us as soon as possible. A similar answer was written to the almirante, and with these the two messengers were sent back to the castle in one of our own boats. They soon returned with other letters from the captain and almirante, saying, "That they left themselves entirely in our hands, the necessity of their situation not allowing time for farther writing, lest the Persians might in the mean while break in and put them all to the sword."

[Footnote 310: The 1st of May, new style, was the 21st April, old style; the difference being then ten days.—E.]

Upon this we addressed ourselves to the Persian general, requesting him to grant a truce of two days to the distressed Portuguese, in which time we might treat with them for such conditions as might be at the same time beneficial for the Persians and ourselves. At length, a Persian officer and I were deputed to go into the castle to treat with the Portuguese, and they also desired our vice-admiral, Mr Woodcock, might accompany us. We all three went to the castle gate, but could not be allowed to enter; yet were met by Luis de Brito, the Portuguese almirante, and five or six other cavalieros, but did not see the captain, as the inferior officers and soldiers had mutinied against him, and detained him as a prisoner. Our whole conference, therefore, was with the almirante, who chiefly addressed himself to Captain Woodcock, our almirante, or vice-admiral.

Mir Adul Hassan, and Pulot Beg, had been sent for to the ship, where some persons had embezzled a portion of treasure, as we now wished them to be present at the conference on the part of the Khan. They came accordingly to the English house, when one of them made a long speech, saying how kindly the Khan esteemed the services and assistance given by the English in this war, which he should never forget, nor allow to pass unrewarded. They next declared that the Khan intended to proceed, after the surrender of Ormus, to besiege both Muskat and Sware, and therefore that the Portuguese ought on no account to be allowed to go to either of these places. Lastly, they insinuated basely and dishonourably, that we should betray the Portuguese captain, and five or six more of his principal officers, into their hands, as this would tend greatly to the honour and satisfaction of the Khan, by enabling him to present them to Shah Abas. On hearing this vile and dishonourable proposal, I left the room, that my ears might not be contaminated by such abominable conditions; saying, at my departure, to these Persians, that I would not be guilty of consenting to so infamous a business for a whole houseful of gold.

The Portuguese being reduced to such extremity as to be under the necessity of surrendering on any terms that might save their lives from the cruelty of the Persians, sent on the morning of the 23d, offering to put themselves into our hands, on condition that we furnished them with the means of being conveyed either to Muskat or India. We agreed to this proposal, on which Captain Blithe and I went as hostages into the castle, to see them safely set out; the Persian general promising that not one of his soldiers or men should enter the castle till all the Portuguese were gone out, and that only three of his people and three of ours should sit at the gate, to see that they did not carry away any thing of value. This the Persians watched so narrowly, that they most basely searched and abused the women. But the king of Ormus with his rich vizier, together with their women, treasure, and servants, were all conveyed over the breach in the wall, and not a single Englishman called or allowed to see what they carried out with them. Not only they, but all other Mahometans and Banyans, with their treasure and best things, were conveyed out of the castle in the same manner; whole bales of goods, with boxes and caskets full of treasure, to an unknown amount, were carried at the same time over the breaches. No sooner were the gates opened for letting out the Portuguese, but at least forty Persians got in and spread themselves about the castle, besides whom, some of the ruder sort among the English got in likewise, whose coming in I fear was the cause of the Persians doing the same, judging themselves as worthy of this liberty as our people.

Before mid-day of the 24th, both the Persians and English began to pillage in a most shameful manner, so that I was both grieved and ashamed, yet could see no means of remedy. The Persians drove out the poor sick, wounded, and scorched Christians, who were not able to help themselves, so that my heart yearned with compassion to see their woeful plight. In the evening, the Khan of Shiras came over, as if in triumph, to view the castle and its great ordnance, of which there were near three hundred pieces,[311] part of which belonged to the galleons, and the rest to the castle. This evening, the commanders and I, wishing to retain possession of the church in which we had placed a quantity of plate and treasure, for its better security against being embezzled, our design was utterly denied by Pulot Beg, who told our commanders, in plain terms, that they might lie out of doors. Being justly incensed at this, we all three left the castle, the two captains going on board their ships, while I went to the city; but, as the tide was up, and I could not get a boat, I had to remain at the castle wall till near midnight. At this time there came about sixty Persians, by their own report, sent by the Khan to prevent the Arabs from conveying away any of the ordnance which lay by the shore, but I suspect their real object was to cut the throats of the poor Christians who lay at the shore, for want of boats to carry them on board; but fortunately they were protected by an English guard. Our chief business the whole of this day was to see the poor Portuguese sent safely out of the castle, most of them so weakened by divers maladies, but chiefly by famine, and many of them so noisome by their putrified wounds, and scorchings with gunpowder, that their pitiful cries and complaints might have moved pity in a heart of stone; yet such was the cruel disposition of the Persians, that they drove them out of the castle like so many dogs, stripping many of them even of their shirts.

[Footnote 311: In a shorter relation of this siege, by Mr W. Pinder, the ordnance in the castle of Ormus are thus enumerated:—Fifty-three pieces mounted, of the following descriptions,—four brass cannons, six brass demi-cannons, sixteen brass cannons-pedro, nine brass culverins, two brass demi-culverins, three iron demi-culverins, ten brass basses, one iron minion, one iron culverin, one iron cannon-pedro. Besides ninety-two brass pieces not mounted, and seven brass bastels which they had landed from the ships that were sunk. In all, 152 pieces.—E.]

On the evening of the 27th, we allowed the Portuguese to depart for Goa, to the number of 2500 persons, including men, women, and children, to whom we gave our two prizes, the Robert and Shilling, for their transport, with victuals and water necessary for the voyage, and a pass to free them from any molestation, in case they met with any of our ships at sea. Besides these, there were upwards of an hundred persons, so maimed or sick as to be incapable of being sent off at this time, for want of room in these two ships.

The king of Ormus was very poor, and lived chiefly on a pension or allowance of 140,000 rees, allowed him by the king of Spain, with some small reserved petty customs. In rummaging among his papers, we found the copy of a letter from him to the king of Spain, complaining loudly of the injustice of the Portuguese, and charging them with the entire overthrow of the kingdom of Ormus.[312]

[Footnote 312: Besides this letter, too long and uninteresting for insertion, there are several other letters and documents in the Pilgrims at this place, so much in the same predicament as to be here omitted.—E.]

When we expected to have received 1200 tomans[313] from Pulot Beg, who was chief commissioner under the Khan of Shiras, as our pay for the time occupied in this enterprize, he contrived to make us a larger sum in their debt, under pretence of embezzling the plunder in the castle; while we, on the other hand, made counter demands of a much larger sum due to us from the Persians, in the same manner. At length, three months pay were allowed, and our other demands were shifted off, as he pretended to have no power to liquidate them without an order from the Khan. After business was ended, our misery began, occasioned by the insufferable heat of Ormus, and the disorders of our own people in drinking arrack, and other excesses no less injurious; through which such diseases arose among our people, that three-fourths of them were dangerously sick, and many died so suddenly, that the plague was feared to have got among them, although no symptoms of that dreadful malady as yet appeared. This extremity lasted for fourteen days, during which time, six or seven of our men died every day; but after this, it pleased God to stay the mortality, and the rest recovered. Ten pieces of ordnance belonging to the Portuguese, were taken into our ships, to replace that number of our own which had been broken or otherwise spoiled during the siege. Our fleet was detained till the 1st September, owing to the shifting of the monsoon, and waiting its return. Leaving Ormus on that day, we arrived in Swally roads on the 24th of that month, where the London, Jonas, and Lion, loaded for England, and sailed homewards bound on the 30th December. Before setting sail, news was brought of sinking three Portuguese carracks off the port of Masulipatam, by the English and Dutch in conjunction.

[Footnote 313: This must be a gross error, as by the value of the toman formerly given, the sum in the text very little exceeds L400. Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that he had heard the English received L20,000 for this service from the Persians.—E.]

* * * * *

In the Annals of the East India Company,[314] the English are said on this occasion to have received a proportion of the plunder acquired at Ormus, and a grant of the moiety of the customs at Gambroon, which place, in the sequel, became the principal station of their trade with Persia and other places in the Persian gulf. The treaty made in 1615 by Mr Connock was also renewed, and an additional phirmaund granted by the Sophi, allowing them to purchase whatever quantity of Persian silks they might think proper, in any part of his dominions, with the privilege of bringing their goods from Gambroon to Ispahan free of duties.

[Footnote 314: Vol. I. p. 236. The historiographer makes, however, a small mistake, naming Ruy Frere de Andrada as chief commander of the Portuguese at Ormus, who only commanded in a subordinate fortress at Kismis.—E.]

In consequence of the war of Ormus, a claim was set up in 1624 by the crown and the Duke of Buckingham, as lord high admiral of England, by which the Company was demanded to pay a proportion of the prize-money, which their ships were supposed to have obtained in the seas bordering on the countries within the limits of their exclusive charter. In order to substantiate these claims, Captains Weddell, Blithe, Clevenger, Beversham, and other officers of the Company's ships were examined, and particularly those who had been employed against Ormus. According to their statements, it appeared that the amount of this prize-money was calculated at L100,000 and 240,000 rials of eight, but without taking into view the charges and losses incurred by the Company on this occasion, and by their ships being called off from commercial engagements, to act as ships of war for the protection of their trade against the Portuguese, and in the assistance of the government of Persia, by which they had been compelled, either to engage in this war, or to relinquish a trade in which they had expended large sums, together with the loss of all their goods then in Persia. At last the Company was obliged to compound, by payment of L10,000 to the Duke of Buckingham in discharge of his claim, and received an order from the secretary of state, Sir Edward Conway, to pay a similar sum also to the crown.—E.



SECTION XIV.

ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE OF AMBOINA, IN 1623.[315]

In the preceding sections of this chapter, the early commercial voyages of the English East India Company have been detailed; and it is now proposed to conclude this part of our arrangement, by a brief narrative of the unjustifiable conduct of the Dutch at Amboina, in cruelly torturing and executing several Englishmen and others on false pretences of a conspiracy, but the real purpose of which was to appropriate to themselves the entire trade of the spice islands, Amboina, Banda, and the Moluccas. They effectually succeeded in this nefarious attempt, and preserved that rich, but ill-got source of wealth, for almost two hundred years; till recently expelled from thence, and from every other commercial or colonial possession in Asia, Africa, and America. A just retribution for submitting to, or seconding rather, the revolutionary phrenzy of French democracy; for which they now deservedly suffer, under the iron sceptre of the modern Atilla.

[Footnote 315: Purch. Pilgr. II. 1853. Harris, I. 877.]

In giving a short narrative of this infamous transaction, besides the original account of Purchas, abridged from a more extended relation published at the time by the East India Company, advantage has been taken of the account given by Harris of the same event, which is fuller and better connected than that of Purchas, who most negligently garbled this story, under pretence of abbreviation. Harris appears evidently to have used the authorised narrative published by the Company, in drawing up his account of the event. There are other documents, relative to this tragical event, both in the Pilgrims of Purchas and the Collection by Harris, particularly the Dutch justificatory memorial, in which they endeavour to vindicate their conduct, and to shew that the English merited the lingering tortures and capital punishments to which they were condemned; to which is added a reply or refutation, published by order of the English Company. But the abridged narrative contained in this section seems quite sufficient on so disgusting a subject, especially so long after the events which it records.—E.

* * * * *

After the fruitless issue of two several treaties, for arranging the differences that had taken place in eastern India, between the English and Hollanders respecting the trade of the spice islands, the first at London in 1613, and the second at the Hague in 1616, a third negociation was entered into at London in 1619, by which a solemn compact was concluded upon for settling these disputes, and full and fair arrangement made for the future proceedings of the servants of both Companies in the Indies, as well in regard to their trade and commerce, as to other matters. Among other points, it was agreed, in consideration of the great losses the Dutch pretended to have sustained, both in men and expence, in conquering the trade of the isles, namely, the Moluccas, Banda, and Amboina, from the Spaniards and Portuguese, and in the erection of forts for securing the same, that the Hollanders were to enjoy two-third parts of that trade, and the English one-third; the expences of the forts and garrisons to be maintained by taxes and impositions, to be levied ratably on the merchandize. In consequence of this agreement, the English East India Company established certain factories, for managing their share of this trade, some at the Moluccas, some at Banda, and others at Amboina.

The island of Amboina, near Ceram, is about forty leagues in circuit, and gives its name also to some other small adjacent isles. This island produces cloves, for the purpose of procuring which valuable spice, the English had five several factories, the head and rendezvous of all being at the town of Amboina, in which at the first, Mr George Muschamp was chief factor, who was succeeded by Mr Gabriel Towerson; having authority over the subordinate factories of Hitto and Larica on the same island, and at Loho and Cambello on a point of the neighbouring island of Ceram. On the island of Amboina and the point of Ceram, the Hollanders have four forts, the chief of all being at the town of Amboina, which is very strong, having four bastions or bulwarks, on each of which there are six great cannons, most of them brass. One side of this castle is washed by the sea, and the other is protected on the land side by a very deep ditch, four or five fathoms broad, always filled by the sea. The garrison of this castle consists of about 200 Dutch soldiers, and one company of free burghers; besides which there are three or four hundred mardykers, by which name the free natives are known, who reside in the town, and are always ready to serve in the castle at an hour's warning. There are likewise, for the most part, several good Dutch ships in the roads, both for the protection of this place by sea, and for the purposes of trade, as this is the central rendezvous of trade for the Banda islands, as well as for Amboina. At this place, the English factory was established in the town, under the protection of the castle, in a house of their own, where they lived as they thought in security, both in consideration of the ancient league of amity between the two nations, and in virtue of the firm compact of union, made by the late treaty of 1619, already mentioned.

The English factory continued here for about two years, trading conjunctly with the Hollanders under the treaty. During this period there occurred several differences and debates between the servants of the two companies. The English complained that the Hollanders not only lavished much unnecessary charges, in buildings and other needless expences upon the forts and otherwise, but also paid the garrisons in victuals and Coromandel cloths, which they issued to the soldiers at three or four times the value which they cost, yet would not allow the English proportion of the charges to be advanced in like manner, but insisted always on their paying in ready money: Thus drawing from the English, who only were bound to contribute one-third part, more than two-thirds of the just and true charges. Upon this head there arose frequent disputes, and the complaints of the English were conveyed to Jacatra, now called Batavia, in Java, to the council of defence of both nations, there residing. The members of that council not being able to agree upon these points of difference, the complaints were transmitted to Europe, to be settled between the two companies; or, in default of their agreement, by the king and the states general, pursuant to one of the articles of the before-mentioned treaty, providing against such contingencies. In the meantime, these, and other differences and discontents between the English and Dutch, daily continued and increased, till at length this knot, which all the tedious controversies at Amboina and Jacatra were unable to untie, was cut asunder by the sword, in the following manner.

About the 11th February, 1622, old style, or 21st of that month, 1623, new style, a Japanese soldier belonging to the Dutch garrison of Amboina castle, walking one night upon the wall, fell into conversation with a centinel, in the course of which he asked several questions respecting the strength of the fortifications and the number of its garrison. It is to be observed, that most of the Japanese in Amboina were actually soldiers in the Dutch service, yet not in these trusty bands which always lodged within the castle, but only occasionally called in from the town to assist in its defence. This Japanese, in consequence of his conference with the centinel, was soon after apprehended on suspicion of treason, and put to the torture by the Dutch, to extort confession. While suffering under the torture, he was induced to confess, that he and some others of his countrymen had plotted to take possession of the castle. Several other Japanese were consequently apprehended, and examined by torture; as also a Portuguese, who was guardian or superintendent of the slaves belonging to the Dutch. While these examinations were going on, which continued during three or four days, some of the English, then resident at Amboina, were several times in the castle on business, saw the prisoners, and heard of the tortures they had undergone, and of the crime laid to their charge; yet during all this time, never once suspected that this affair had any connection with themselves, being unconscious of any evil intentions, and having held no conversation with the prisoners.

At this time, one Abel Price, surgeon to the English factory at Amboina, was a prisoner in the castle, for having offered or attempted, in a fit of drunkenness, to set a Dutchman's house on fire. The Dutch shewed this man some of the Japanese whom they had tortured, telling him they had confessed that the English were in confederacy with them, in the plot for seizing the castle, and threatened him with similar or worse tortures, if he did not confess the same; and accordingly, on the 15th February, O.S. they gave him the torture, and soon made him confess whatever they were pleased to direct. That same morning, about nine o'clock, they sent for Captain Gabriel Towerson, and the other Englishmen belonging to the factory at Amboina, to come to speak with the governor of the castle; on which they all went, except one, who was left to take care of the house. On their arrival, the governor told Captain Towerson, that he and others of his nation were accused of a conspiracy to surprise the castle, and must therefore remain prisoners, until tried for the same. The Dutch, immediately after this, took into custody the person who had been left in charge of the English factory, sequestrated all the merchandize belonging to the English Company, under an inventory, and seized all the chests, boxes, books, writings, and other things in the English house.

Captain Towerson was committed prisoner to his own chamber in the English house, under a guard of Dutch soldiers. Emanuel Thomson was imprisoned in the castle. All the rest, namely, John Beaumont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsay, Timothy Johnson, John Fardo, and Robert Brown, were distributed among the Dutch ships then in the harbour, and secured in irons. The same day, the governor sent to the two other factories in the same island, Hitto and Larica, to apprehend the rest of the English residents, who were all brought prisoners to Amboina on the 16th; Samuel Colson, John Clark, and George Sharrock, from the former, and Edward Collins,[2] William Webber,[2] and John Sadler, from the latter. On the same day, John Pocol, John Wetheral, Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and John Beaumont,[2] William Griggs, and Ephraim Ramsay,[316] at Loho; and were all brought in irons to Amboina on the 20th of February.

[Footnote 316: These four persons are already named, as apprehended at Amboina.—E.]

On the 15th of February, the governor and fiscal began to examine the prisoners. John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson were first brought to the castle, John Beaumont being left in a hall under a guard, while Johnson was conducted into another room. Beaumont soon after heard him cry out very pitifully, then become quiet for a while, and afterwards cried out aloud. Abel Price, the surgeon, who was first questioned and put to the torture, was brought in to confront and accuse him; but as Johnson refused to confess any thing laid to his charge, Price was soon taken away, and Johnson again put to the question, when Beaumont heard him repeatedly roar under the torture. At the end of an hour, Johnson was brought out into the hall, weeping and lamenting, all cut and cruelly burnt in many parts of his body, and so laid aside in a corner of the hall, having a soldier to watch him, with strict injunctions not to allow him to speak to any one.

Emanuel Thomson was next brought in for examination, not in the same room where Johnson had been, but in one farther from the hall; yet Beaumont, who still remained in the hall, heard him often roar out most lamentably. After half an hour spent in torturing him, he was led to another place, but not through the hall where Beaumont was. Beaumont was then called in for examination, and asked many questions concerning the alleged conspiracy, all knowledge of which he denied with the most solemn oaths. He was then made fast on purpose to be tortured, having a cloth fastened about his neck, while two men stood ready with jars of water to pour on his head: But the governor ordered him to be set loose again, saying he would spare him for a day or two, being an old man.

Next day, being the 16th, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsay, and Robert Brown, were brought on shore for examination; and at the same time Samuel Colson, William Griggs, John Clark, George Sharrock, and John Sadler, from Hitto and Larica, were brought into the hall. Robert Brown, a tailor, was first called in, and being subjected to torture by water, confessed all in order, as interrogated by the fiscal. Edward Collins was next called in, and told that those who were formerly examined had accused him as accessory to the conspiracy for taking the castle. Denying all knowledge of or participation in any such plot, with great oaths, his hands and feet were made fast to the rack, and a cloth bound about his throat, ready to administer the water torture, upon which he entreated to be let down, saying that he would confess all. On being loosed, he again protested his entire innocence and ignorance of every thing laid to his charge; yet, as he knew they would make him confess any thing they pleased by means of torture, however false, he said they would do him a great favour by informing him what they wished he should say, which he would speak as they desired, to avoid the torture. The fiscal said he mocked them, ordered him to be fastened up again, and to receive the water torture. After suffering this for some time, he desired to be let down again to make his confession, devising as well as he could what he should say. Accordingly, he said that he, with Thomson, Johnson, Brown, and Fardo, had plotted about ten weeks before, to surprise the castle with the aid of the Japanese.

While making this contrived confession, he was interrupted by the fiscal, who asked whether Captain Towerson were privy to this conspiracy. He protested that Towerson knew nothing of the matter. "You lie," said the fiscal, "did not he call you all before him, telling you that the daily abuses of the Dutch had instigated him to devise a plot, and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy?" Then a Dutch merchant who was present, named Jan Igost, asked him, if they had not all been sworn to secrecy on the Bible? Collins declared with great oaths, that he knew nothing of any such matter. He was again ordered to be seized up again to the torture, on which he said that all was true they had said. Then the fiscal asked, if the English in the other factories were consenting to this plot? To which he answered, no. The fiscal then next asked, if the English president at Jacatra, or Mr Weldon the agent at Banda, were engaged in this plot, or privy to its contrivance? He again answered, no. The fiscal next enquired by what means the Japanese were to have executed their purpose? And, when Collins stood amazed, and devising some probable fictions to satisfy them, the fiscal helped him out, saying, "Were not two Japanese to have gone to each bulwark, and two to the door of the governor's chamber, to have killed him on coming out to enquire into the disturbance you were to have raised without?" Upon this, a person who stood by, desired the fiscal not to put words into the mouth of the witness, but to allow him to speak for himself. After this reproof, without waiting any answer to his former question, the fiscal asked what reward was to have been given the Japanese for their services? Collins answered 1000 dollars each. He was then asked, when this plot was to have been carried into execution? But, although he made no answer to this question, not knowing on the sudden what to say, he was dismissed, glad to get away from the torture, yet certainly believing they would put him to death for his confession.

Samuel Colson was next brought in; and, for fear of the tortures that Collins had endured, whom he saw brought out in a pitiable condition, with his eyes almost starting out of their sockets, he chose rather to confess all they asked, and so was quickly dismissed, yet came out weeping and lamenting, and protesting his innocence. John Clark was then taken in, and tortured with fire and water for two hours, in the same manner as had been done with Johnson and Thomson.[317]

[Footnote 317: The minute description of these tortures, in Purchas, and copied in Harris, are disgusting; insomuch, that Purchas exclaims at one place, I have no heart to proceed. They are here therefore omitted,—E.]

Finding that all their cruelties could not force him to any consistent confession of himself, they helped him along to particular circumstances of their own contrivance, by leading questions. Thus wearied out and overpowered, by terror of the tortures being renewed, he answered, yes, to whatever they asked, by which means they trumped up a body of evidence to this effect:—"That Captain Towerson, on new-year's-day last, had sworn all the English at Amboina to be secret and aiding in a plot he had devised for surprising the castle, by the aid of the Japanese, putting the governor and all the Dutch to death."

On the 17th, William Griggs and John Fardo, with some Japanese, were brought to examination. The Japanese were first cruelly tortured to accuse Griggs, which at last they did; and Griggs, to avoid torture, confessed whatever the fiscal was pleased to demand. The same was next done with Fardo and other Japanese. Fardo endured the torture for some time, but at length confessed all they pleased to ask. That same day, John Beaumont was brought a second time to the fiscal's chamber, when one Captain Newport, the son of a Dutchman, but born and educated in England, acted as interpreter. Griggs was also brought in to accuse Beaumont of being present at the consultation for surprising the castle. Beaumont denied all, with great earnestness, and many oaths; but, on enduring the torture, was constrained to confess every thing laid to his charge.

George Sharrock was then brought in and examined. He fell on his knees, protesting his innocence, telling them he was at Hitto on new-year's-day, when the pretended consultation was held, and had not been at Amboina since the preceding November, as was well known to several Dutchmen who resided at Hitto along with him. Being ordered to the rack, he told them he had often heard John Clark say that the Dutch had done insufferable wrongs to the English, and was resolved to be revenged on them; for which purpose he had proposed to Captain Towerson to allow him to go to Macassar, to consult with the Spaniards about sending some gallies to plunder the small factories of Amboina and Ceram in the absence of the ships. Being asked what Captain Towerson had said to all this? he answered, that Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the proposal, and could never abide him since. The fiscal then called him a rogue and liar, saying, that he wandered idly from the matter, and must go to the torture. He craved favour again, and began another tale, saying, that John Clark had told him at Hitto of a plot to surprise the castle of Amboina, with the participation of Towerson. He was then asked, when this consultation was held? which he said was in November preceding. The fiscal said that could not be, for it was on new-year's-day. The prisoner urged, as before, that he had not been in Amboina since last November, till now that he was brought thither in custody. "Why, then," said the fiscal, "have you belied yourself?" To this he resolutely answered, that all he had confessed respecting a conspiracy was false, and merely feigned to avoid torment.

Sharrock was then remanded to prison, but was brought up again next day, when a formal confession, in writing, of his last-mentioned conference with Clark, respecting the plot for surprising the castle of Amboina, was read over to him, after which, the fiscal asked, if it were all true. To this he answered, that every word of it was false, and that he had confessed it solely to avoid torture. The fiscal and the rest then said, in rage, that he was a false liar, for it was all true, and had been spoken from his own mouth, and therefore he must sign it, which he did accordingly. Having done this, he broke out into a great passion, charging them as guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest, which they should have to answer for at the judgment-seat of God. He even grappled with the fiscal, and would have hindered him from carrying in the confession to the governor, but was instantly laid hold of, and carried away to prison.

William Webber was next examined; being told by the fiscal that Clarke accused him of having sworn to Towerson's plot on new-year's-day, with all the other circumstances already mentioned; Webber strenuously denied all this, declaring, that he was then at Larika, and could not possibly be present in Amboina on that day. But, being put to the torture, he was forced to confess having been present at the consultation, with all the other circumstances in regular order, as asked. He also told of having a letter from Clark, in which was a postscript excusing his brief writing at this time, as there was then a great business in hand. But a Dutch merchant, named Kinder, who was present, told the governor that Webber and he were together making merry at Larika, on new-year's-day, the time of this pretended consultation. The governor then went away, but the fiscal held on with him respecting the letter and postscript, promising to save his life if he would produce these.

Captain Towerson was next brought in for examination, and was shewn what the others had confessed concerning him. He deeply professed his innocence, on which Colson was brought in to confront him, being assured he should be again tortured unless he made good his former confession against Towerson. On this he repeated what he had said before, and was then sent away. Griggs and Fardo were next brought in, and desired to justify to his face what they had before confessed. Captain Towerson seriously admonished them, as they should answer at the day of judgment, to speak nothing but the truth. They then fell upon their knees, beseeching him to forgive them for God's sake, and declared openly that all they had formerly said was utterly false, and spoken only to avoid the torture. The fiscal then commanded them to be led to the torture, which they were unable to endure, and again affirmed their former extorted confessions to be true. When Colson was required to subscribe this confession, he asked the fiscal, upon whose head he thought the sin would rest, whether on his who was constrained to confess falsely, or upon the constrainer? After a pause on this home-question, the fiscal went out to speak with the governor, and returned again shortly, commanding him to subscribe. Colson did so, yet with this remark,—"You force me to accuse myself and others of that which is as false as God is true; for I call God to witness that I and they are as innocent as the child unborn."

Having thus examined all the servants of the English company in the several factories of the island of Amboina, they began on the 21st of February to examine John Wetheral, factor at Cambello, in Ceram. He acknowledged being at Amboina on new-year's-day, but declared he knew of no other consultation but about certain cloth belonging to the company, which lay spoiling in the factory, which they considered how best to get sold. The governor said he was not questioned about cloth, but treason; and protesting his innocence, he was dismissed for that day. Next day he was again brought in, and Captain Towerson was produced to confront and accuse him, as he had formerly emitted something in his confessions against him. But Towerson only desired him to speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as God should put into his heart. Mr Towerson was then removed, and Mr Wetheral tortured by water, with threats of fire being applied if he did not confess. At length, they read over to him the confessions of the others, asking him leading questions from point to point, to all of which he answered affirmatively, to free himself from torture.

John Powel, assistant to Mr Wetheral, was next called; but he proved that he had not been at Amboina since November; and being likewise spoken for by Jan Joost, his old acquaintance, was dismissed without torture. Thomas Ladbrook, servant to Wetheral and Powel at Cambello, was then brought in; but he, too, was speedily dismissed. Ephraim Ramsay, proving that he was not in Amboina on new-year's-day, and being likewise spoken for by Joost, was also dismissed, after hanging up some time ready for being tortured. Lastly, John Sadler, servant to William Griggs at Larika, was brought in for examination; and as he was not in Amboina on new-year's-day, he too was dismissed.

On the 25th of February, all the prisoners, English, Portuguese, and Japanese, were brought into the great hall of the castle, and there solemnly condemned to die, except John Powel, Ephraim Ramsay, John Sadler, and Thomas Ladbrook. Next day, they were again brought into the hall, except Captain Towerson and Emanuel Thomson, to be prepared for death by the Dutch ministers. That same night, Colson and Collins were taken into the room where Emanuel Thomson lay, when they were told the governor was pleased to grant mercy to one of the three, and desired they might draw lots, when the free lot fell to Edward Collins, who was then carried to the chamber of the acquitted persons before-named. John Beaumont was soon after brought to the same place, and told that he owed his life to Peter Johnson, the Dutch merchant of Loho, and the secretary, who had begged his life. The condemned, who still remained in the hall, were afterwards joined by the Dutch ministers, and received the sacrament, protesting their innocence. Samuel Colson, on this occasion, said, in a loud voice, "O Lord, as I am innocent of this treason, do thou pardon all my other sins; and, if in the smallest degree guilty thereof may I never be a partaker in the joys of thy heavenly kingdom." To these words all the rest exclaimed, Amen! for me, Amen! for me, good Lord!

After this, each, knowing whom he had accused, went one to another, craving forgiveness for their false accusations, as wrung from them by the pains or dread of torture. They all freely forgave their comrades; for none had been so falsely accused, but that he also had accused others with equal falseness. In particular, George Sharrock, who survived to relate the scene exhibited at this time, knelt down to John Clark, whom he had accused, as before related, earnestly begging forgiveness. Clark freely forgave him, saying, "How shall I look to be forgiven of God, if I do not forgive you? as I have myself falsely accused Captain Towerson and others!" After this, they spent the rest of this doleful night in prayer and psalm-singing, comforting each other the best they could. The Dutch who guarded them offered them wine, of which they desired them to drink heartily, to drive away sorrow, as is the custom of their country in like situations, but this the English refused.

Next morning, the 27th February, William Webber was again called before the fiscal, and offered his life if he would produce the letter and postscript he confessed to have received from John Clark, which he could not do, as it never had existed: Yet, at last, they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest of those who were freed, and Sharrock with him, whom they also pardoned. That morning, Emanuel Thomson, learning that John Beaumont was pardoned, contrived to have him allowed to visit him, which was allowed with much difficulty. Beaumont found him in a most miserable condition, the wounds or sores occasioned by the torture bound up, but the blood and matter issuing through the bandages. Taking Mr Beaumont by the hand, he conjured him, when he came to England, to offer his duty to the Honourable Company, and others of his friends whom he named, and to assure them he died innocent, as was well known to Beaumont.

It is needless to dwell upon the minute circumstances of the catastrophe of this bloody tragedy: Suffice it to say, that ten Englishmen, one Portuguese, and eleven Japanese, were publicly executed; of whom the following is a list:

English.

Capt. Gabriel Towerson, agent for the English at Amboina. Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto. Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboina. Timothy Johnson, assistant at the same place. John Wetheral, assistant at Cambello. John Clark, assistant at Hitto.

William Griggs, factor at Larika. John Fardo, steward of the factory at Amboina. Abel Price, surgeon to that factory. Robert Brown, tailor.

The only Portuguese was Augustine Perez, born in Bengal, who was superintendant of the slaves in the employment of the English at Amboina.

Japanese. Hititso, Tsiosa, and Sinsa, natives of Firando. Sidney Migial, Pedro Congie, Thomas Corea, from Nangasaki. Quinandaya, a native of Coaets. Tsabinda, a native of Tsoncketgo. Zanchae, a native of Fisien.

Besides these, there were two other Japanese tortured, who both confessed a participation in the pretended plot, but were not executed, or even condemned, for reasons which the surviving English did not learn. The executions were all by cutting off the heads of the condemned with a scymitar; and the Dutch prepared a black velvet pall for Captain Towerson's body to fall upon, which they afterwards had the effrontery to charge in account against the English East India Company.

SECTION XV.

OBSERVATIONS DURING A RESIDENCE IN TISLAND OF CHUSAN, IN 1701, BY DOCTOR JAMES CUNNINGHAM; WITH SOME EARLY NOTICES RESPECTING CHINA.[318]

Among the early voyages of the English to the East Indies, none have been preserved that were made to China, nor have we been able to discover any satisfactory account of the commencement of the trade of our East India Company with that distant country, now said to be by far the most profitable branch of the exclusive commerce. In the Annals of the Company,[319] several references are made to the China trade, but more in the nature of notices or memoranda for the purpose of after investigation, than as conveying any actual information on the subject. In this singular paucity of materials, we are reduced to the following short "Observations and Remarks, by Doctor James Cunningham, made during his Residence as Physician to the English Factory at the Island of Chusan, on the Coast of China." Doctor Cunningham is stated by Harris to have been a fellow of the Royal Society, distinguished by his natural talents and acquired accomplishments, well versed in ancient and modern learning, and to have diligently used these advantages in making judicious remarks on the places where he resided in the service of the Company. Yet all that has been recorded by Harris of these remarks, give only a very imperfect account of Chusan and of China. This short article consists of extracts from two letters written by Cunningham from Chusan, and a brief supplement by Harris respecting two unfortunate factories at Pulo Condore and Pulo Laut.—E.

[Footnote 318: Harris. I. 852.]

[Footnote 319: Annals of the E.I. Co. vol. II. and III. passim.]

Sec.1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island.[320]

In my last letter, from the island of Borneo, I gave you an account of our arrival at that island on the 17th July. We only remained there two days, as the season of the year was already far advanced, and made the best of our way from thence through the Straits of Banda,[321] with favourable winds and weather. We got upon the coast of China on the 13th August, when we had variable winds, which carried us abreast of Emoy[322] by the 19th following. The wind then set in fresh at N.E. so that we were in great fear of losing our passage, and were now obliged to beat up all the way against both wind and current; yet the weather remained so favourable that we were never obliged to hand our top-sails, otherwise we must have lost more way in a single day than we could have recovered in eight. On the 31st August we came to anchor under the Crocodile islands,[323] both for shelter from the bad weather, usual on this coast at new and full-moon, which has been fatal to many ships, and also to procure fresh water, now scarce with us, as we had not recruited our store since leaving the Cape of Good Hope. These are three small islands in lat. 26 deg. N. about six leagues from the river of Hokien, [Fo-kien] on two of which we found very good water, with a convenient landing-place on the S.W. side of the innermost island. By the assistance of some Chinese fishers, we procured also some fresh provisions from the main land, not thinking it safe to venture there ourselves, lest we may have been brought into trouble by the governor of that part of the country. While here, on the 5th September, we had a sudden short shift of the monsoon from the S.W. blowing with great fury; which was also experienced by other vessels then coming on the coast of China. We again put to sea on the 18th September, turning to windward night and day on the outside of all the islands, which are very numerous all along this coast, but with which we were unacquainted after passing beyond Emoy. Besides, the hydrography of this coast is hitherto so very imperfect, that we could not trust in any degree to our draughts, owing to which our navigation was both difficult and dangerous.

[Footnote 320: From a letter to a member of the Royal Society, dated in September, 1701.—Harris.]

[Footnote 321: This must have been the straits of Macasser, as Banda is far out of the way between Borneo and China.—E.]

[Footnote 322: Emoy or Amoy, was on the coast of China, opposite to the island of Formosa, and appears, from the Annals, to have been the first port frequented by the ships of the India Company for the Chinese trade.—E.]

[Footnote 323: The islands of Pe-la-yang are, in the indicated latitude, off the estuary of the principal river of the province of Fo-kien.—E.]

On the 1st October, we got into the latitude of 30 deg. N. where we came to anchor near the land, and found our way by boat to Chusan,[324] about twelve leagues within the islands, whence we got a pilot, who brought our ship safely to that place on the 11th of the month. The Chinese government have granted us a settlement on that island, with the liberty of trade; but do not allow us to go up to Ning-po,[325] which is six or eight hours sail to the westwards, all the way among islands, of which this of Chusan is the largest, being eight or nine leagues from E. to W. and four or five from N. to S.

[Footnote 324: Tcheou-chan, an island about twenty English miles in length from E. to W. in lat. 30 deg. 23' N. long. 121 deg. 43' E. off the estuary of Ning-po river, in the province of Che-kiang, is obviously the Chusan of the text—E.]

[Footnote 325: The city of Ning-po stands at the head of a bay, stretching from the S. side of the estuary of the river of the same name, in lat. 30 deg. 10' N. long. 121 deg. E. It appears, from the Annals, that the English had been excluded from trading at Canton, by the influence of the Portuguese in Macao.—E.]

About three leagues from the point of land named Liampo by the Portuguese, and Khi-tu by the Chinese, there is a very safe and convenient harbour at the west end of this island, where the ships ride within call of the factory, which stands close to the shore in a low flat valley, having near two hundred houses built around for the benefit of trade. The town of Chusan, of which the houses are very mean, is about three quarters of a mile farther from the shore, and is surrounded by a fine stone wall, flanked at irregular distances by twenty-two square bastions or towers; and has four great gates, on which a few old iron guns are planted, seldom or never used. The chumpeen, or governor of the island, resides here, and the town contains about three or four thousand beggarly inhabitants, mostly soldiers and fishers; for, as the trade of this island has only been granted of late, it has not hitherto attracted any considerable merchants.

This island abounds in all sorts of provisions, as cows, buffaloes, deer, hogs, both wild and tame, geese, ducks, poultry, rice, wheat, calavanccs, cole-worts, turnips, carrots, potatoes, beets, spinach, and so forth. It has, however, no merchandise, except what comes from Ning-po, Stan-chew,[326] Nankin, and other inland towns and cities. Some of these I hope to see, when I have acquired a little of the Chinese language. Tea grows here in great plenty on the tops of the hills, but is not so much esteemed as that which grows on more mountainous islands. Although tolerably populous, this island is far from being what it was in the time of Father Martini, who describes it under the name of Cheu-xan. The superstitious pilgrimages mentioned by him, must refer to the island of Pou-to,[327] which is nine leagues from this place, and to another island three miles to the eastwards, to which the emperor proposes coming to worship at a pagoda greatly renowned for its sanctity, in the ensuing month of May, being his birth-day, and the fortieth year of his age. One of his bonzes is already come there, to get all things in order.

[Footnote 326: Probably Hang-tcheon, a city about forty miles W. from Ning-po.—E.]

[Footnote 327: Pou-teou, is directly E. from the eastern end of Tcheou-chan.—E.]

Sec.2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and of the coming of the English to reside there.[328]

In my former letter, I informed you that the emperor designed to have come to worship at Pou-to in May last, being the fortieth year of his age, but I ought to have said of his reign. After every thing was prepared for his reception, he was dissuaded from his purpose by some of his mandarins, who made him believe that the thunder at that place was very dangerous. This Pou-to is a small island, only about five leagues round, and at the east end of Chusan. It has been famous for the space of eleven hundred years, for the superstitious pilgrimages made to it, and is only inhabited by bonzes to the number of three thousand, all of the sect of Heshang, or unmarried bonzes, who live a Pythagorean life. They have built four hundred pagodas, two of which are considerable for their size and splendour, and were lately covered with green and yellow tiles, brought from the emperor's palace at Nankin. They are adorned within by stately idols, finely carved and gilded, the chief of these being an idol named Quonem. To-these two pagodas there are two chief priests, who govern all the rest. They have many walks and avenues cut in different directions through the island, some of which are paved with flag-stones, and overshaded by trees planted on both sides. The dwellings of the bonzes are the best I have seen in these parts, all of which are maintained by charitable donations. All the Chinese junks which sail from Ning-po and Chusan touch at Pou-to, both outwards and homewards-bound, making offerings for the safety of their voyages. There is another island named Kim-Tong,[329] five leagues from hence, on the way towards Ning-po, where a great many mandarins are said to live in retirement, after having given up their employments. On that island there are said to be silver mines, but prohibited from being opened. The rest of the circumjacent islands are either desert, or very meanly inhabited, but all of them abound in deer.

[Footnote 328: The sequel of these observations is said by Harris to have been taken from another letter to the same correspondent with the former, and dated in November, 1701; but, from circumstances in the text, it would appear to have been written in 1702.—E.]

[Footnote 329: Probably that named Silver-island in modern maps.—E.]

It is not long since this island of Chusan began to be inhabited. Yet in the days of Father Martini, about fifty years ago, it was very populous for three or four years; at which time, in the fury of the Tartar conquest, it was laid entirely desolate, not even sparing the mulberry trees, which were then numerous, as they made a great deal of raw silk here. It continued in this desolate condition till about eighteen years ago, when the walls of the present town were built by the governor of Ting-hai, as a strong-hold for a garrison, in order to expel some pirates who had taken shelter on the island. As the island began to grow populous, a chumpeen was sent to govern it for three years, to whom the late chumpeen succeeded, who continued till last April, and procured licence to open this port to strangers. On the last chumpeen being promoted to the government of Tien-ching-wei[330] near Pekin, he was succeeded by the present governor, who is son to the old chumpeen of Emoy. They have no arts or manufactures in this island, except lacquered ware; the particulars of which I cannot as yet send you. They have begun to plant mulberry-trees, in order to breed up silk-worms for the production of raw silk; and they gather and cure some tea, but chiefly for their own use.

[Footnote 330: Probably that called Tien-sing in modern maps, on the river Pay, between Pekin and the sea.—E.]

Sec.3. Of the Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan.

The three sorts of tea usually carried to England are all from the same plant, their difference being occasioned by the soils in which they grow, and the season of the year at which they are gathered. The bohea, or vo-u-i, so called from certain mountains in the province of Token,[331] where it is chiefly made, is the very bud, gathered in the beginning of March, and dried in the shade. The tea named bing is the second growth, gathered in April, and siriglo is the last growth, gathered in May and June; both of these being gently dried over the fire in taches or pans. The tea shrub is an evergreen, being in flower from October to January, and the seed ripens in the September or October following, so that both flower and seed may be gathered at the same time; but for one fully ripened seed, an hundred are abortive. There are the two sorts of seeds mentioned by Father Le Compte, in his description of tea; and what be describes as a third sort, under the name of slymie pease, consists merely of the young flower-buds, not yet open. The seed vessels of the tea tree are three-capsular, each capsule containing one nut or seed; and though often two or one of these only come to perfection, yet the vestiges of the rest may easily be discerned. It grows naturally in a dry gravelly soil on the sides of hills, without any cultivation, in several places of this island.

[Footnote 331: Fo-kien is almost certainly here meant—E.]

Le Compte is mistaken in saying that the Chinese are ignorant of the art of grafting; for I nave seen many of his paradoxical tallow-trees ingrafted here, besides trees of other sorts. When they ingraft, they do not slit the stock as we do, but slice off the outside of the stock, to which they apply the graft, which is cut sloping on one side, to correspond with the slice on the stock, bringing the bark of the slice up on the outside of the graft, after which the whole is covered up with mud and straw, exactly as we do. The commentator on Magalhen seems doubtful as to the length of the Chinese che or cubit. At this island they have two sorts, one measuring thirteen inches and seven-tenths English, which, is commonly used by merchants; the other is only eleven inches, being used by carpenters, and also in geographical measures. Though Father Martini is censured by Magalhen for spelling a great many Chinese words with ng, which the Portuguese and others express with in, yet his way is more agreeable to our English pronunciation and orthography; only the g may be left out in Pekin, Nankin, and some others.

Having made enquiry about what is mentioned by Father Martini of sowing their fields at Van-cheu with oyster-shells, to make new ones grow, I was told, that after they have taken out the oysters, they sprinkle the empty shells with urine, and throw them into the water, by which means there grow new oysters on the old shells.[332] Martini says he could never find a Latin name for the Tula Mogorin of the Portuguese; but I am sure it is the same with the Syringa arabica, flore pleno albo, of Parkinson. Martini also says that the kieu-yeu, or tallow-tree, bears a white flower, like that of the cherry-tree: But all that I have seen here bear spikes of small yellow flowers, like the julus of the Salix. The bean-broth, or mandarin-broth, so frequently mentioned in the Dutch embassy, and by other authors, is only an emulsion made of the seeds of sesamum with hot water.

[Footnote 332: This strange story may possibly be thus explained. At certain seasons, numerous minute oysters may be seen sticking to the shells of the old ones; and the Chinese may have thrown the emptied shells into the sea, in the highly probable expectation of these minute oysters continuing to live and grow. The circumstances in the text are absurd additions, either from ignorance or imposition.—E.]

The chief employments of the people here are fishing and agriculture. In fishing, they use several sorts of nets and lines as we do; but, as there are great banks of mud in some places, the fishermen have contrived a small frame, three or four feet long, not much larger than a hen-trough, and a little elevated at each end, to enable them to go more easily on these mud banks. Resting with one knee on the middle of one of these frames, and leaning his arms on a cross stick raised breast high, he uses the other foot on the mud to push the frame and himself forwards.

In their agricultural operations, all their fields on which any thing is to be cultivated, whether high or low, are formed into such plots or beds as may admit of retaining water over them when the cultivator thinks proper. The lands are tilled by ploughs drawn by one cow or buffalo; and when it is intended to sow rice, the soil is remarkably well prepared and cleared from all weeds, after which it is moistened into the state of a pulp, and smoothed by a frame drawn across, when the rice is sown very thick, and covered over with water, only to the height of two or three inches. When the seedling plants are six or eight inches long, they are all pulled up, and transplanted in straight lines into other fields, which are overflowed with water; and, when weeds grow up, they destroy them by covering them up in the interstices between the rows of rice, turning the mud over them with their hands. When they are to sow wheat, barley, pulse, or other grain, they grub up the surface of the ground superficially, earth, grass, and rook, and mixing this with some straw, burn all together. This earth, being sifted fine, they mix with the seed, which they sow in holes made in straight lines, so that it grows in tufts or rows like the rice. The field is divided into regular beds, well harrowed both before and after the seed is sown, which makes them resemble gardens. The rice grounds are meliorated merely by letting water into them; but for the other grains, where the soil requires it, they use dung, night-soil, ashes, and the like. For watering their fields, they use the machine mentioned by Martini in the preface to his Atlas, being entirely constructed of wood, and the same in principle with the chain-pump.

In order to procure salt, as all the shores are of mud instead of sand, they pare off in summer the superficial part of this mud, which has been overflowed by the sea-water, and lay it up in heaps, to be used in the following manner: Having first dried it in the sun, and rubbed it into a fine powder, they dig a pit, the bottom of which is covered with straw, and from the bottom a hollow cane leads through the side of the pit to a jar standing below the level of the bottom. They then fill the pit almost full of the dried salt mud, and pour on sea-water till it stands two or three inches above the top of the mud. This sea-water drains through the mud, carrying the salt along with it from the mud as well as its own, and runs out into the jar much-saturated with salt; which is afterwards procured by boiling.

Sec.4. Of the famous Medicinal Root, called Hu-tchu-u.

Having last year seen, in a newspaper, some account of a singular root, brought from China by Father Fontaney, I shall inform you that I have seen this root since my arrival at Chuaan. It is called Hu-tchu-n[333] by the Chinese, and they ascribe to it most wonderful virtues, such as prolonging life, and changing grey hair to black, by using its infusion by way of tea. It is held in such high estimation as to be sold at a great price, as I have been told, from ten tael up to a thousand, or even two thousand tael-for a single root; for the larger it is, so much the greater is its fancied value and efficacy: But the price is too high to allow me to try the experiment. You will find it mentioned in the Medecina Sinica of Cleyer, No. 84; under the name of He-xeu-ti, according to the Portuguese orthography. It is also figured in the 27th table of the plants which Mr Pettier had from me. The following is the story of its discovery, which I will not warrant for gospel.

[Footnote 333: This is probably the ginseng, so famed for its fancied virtues.—E.]

Once upon a time, a certain person went to gather simples among the mountains, and fell by some accident into a vale of which the sides were so steep that he was unable to get out again. In this situation, he had to look about for some means to support life, and discovered this root, of which he made trial, and found that it served him both as food and cloathing; for it preserved his body in such a temperature, that the injuries of the weather had no evil influence upon him during a residence of several hundred years. At length, by means of an earthquake, the mountains were rent, and he found a passage from the vale to his house, whence he had been so long absent. But so many alterations had taken place during his long absence, that nobody would believe his story; till, on consulting the annals of his family, they found that one of them had been lost at the time he mentioned, which confirmed the truth of his relation.—This is a fable, not even credited among the Chinese, invented merely to blazon forth the virtues of this wonderful root.

Sec.5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo Condore, with an Account of the Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory.[334]

The English factory at Chusan was broken up in the year 1702, so that Dr Cunningham had very little time allowed him for making his proposed observations respecting China. From this place he removed to another new settlement at Pulo Condore, in a small cluster of four or five islands, about fifteen leagues south of the west channel of the river of Camboja, usually called the Japanese river.[335] I am unable to say what were the advantages proposed from this factory; but, from the memoirs I have seen on the subject, this place seems to have been very ill chosen, and much worse managed. The person who had at this time the management and direction of the affairs belonging to the East India Company in this distant part of the world, was one Mr Katchpole, who, according to the usual custom of the Europeans in eastern India at this period, took into the service a certain number of Macassers or native soldiers, by whose assistance he soon constructed a small fort for the protection of the factory. So far as I can learn, the most indispensable necessaries of life, water, wood, and fish, were all that these islands ever afforded.

[Footnote 334: This and the subsequent subdivision of the section are related historically by Harris.—E.]

[Footnote 335: Pulo Condore is in lat. 8 deg. 45' N. long. 106 deg. 5' E. and the object of a factory at this place was evidently to endeavour to secure a portion of the trade of China, from which the English at this time were excluded by the arts of the Portuguese at Macao, as we learn from the Annals; as also to combine some trade with Siam, Camboja, Tsiompa, Cochin-China, and Tonquin.—E.]

The Macassers are a brave, industrious, and faithful people, to such as deal fairly with them; and on this account are highly esteemed in the Eastern Indies, more especially by the Dutch. They are, however, daring, cruel, and revengeful, if once provoked. Mr Katchpole had contracted with these men to serve for three years, at the end of which period, if they pleased, they were to receive their wages and to depart: But he, though they strictly performed their part of the agreement, broke faith with them, keeping them beyond their time against their will. In addition to this great breach in morality, he added as notorious an error in politics; for, after provoking these men so egregiously by refusing to fulfil his engagement, he still confided to them the guard of his own person and the custody of the factory. This gave them ample opportunity of revenging the ill usage they had met with, and with that ferocity which is so natural to untutored barbarians. They rose in mutiny one night, and murdered Mr Katchpole, and all who were at the time along with him in the factory. A few, who happened to lodge on the outside of the fort, hearing the cries of their friends within during the massacre, fled from their beds to the sea-shore; where, by a singular interposition of Providence, they found a bark completely ready for sea, in which they embarked half naked, and put immediately to sea, just in time to escape the rage of the Macassers, who came in search of them to the shore, precisely when they had weighed anchor and pushed off to sea.

Dr Cunningham was one of the number who escaped on this occasion. Their navigation was attended with excessive difficulty, being exposed at the same time to incredible fatigue, and to the utmost extremity of hunger and thirst: But at length, after a tedious and difficult course of an hundred leagues, in the most wretched condition, they reached a small creek in the dominions of the king of Johor, where they were received with kindness.

Sec.6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo Laut, with the Overthrow of that Factory, and of the English Trade to Borneo.

A year or two after this ruin of the factory at Pulo Condore, the Company thought fit to order the establishment of a new factory on the coast of the great island of Borneo. On the south of that vast island, there is a small isle called Pulo Laut, having an excellent harbour. The country here is but thinly peopled, and yields nothing except rice; but, as it lies near the mouth of the great rivers which come from the pepper countries in the interior; it is extremely well situated for trade. Between this island and the great island of Borneo, there is a channel about two miles wide in most places, narrower in some and broader in others, and having from seven to five fathoms water the whole way through. On the coast of this channel there are several rising grounds fit for building on, and which were therefore extremely proper for the situation of a factory, which, it may be presumed, induced those who had the direction of the Company's affairs, to make choice of this place.

One Captain Barry, who is said to have been a very ingenious gentleman, had the charge of establishing this new factory, in which he is reported to have acted with much skill and prudence. But he died before the works were completed; and the direction of the factory devolved upon Doctor Cunningham, who came to this place after the ruin of the factory at Pulo Condore. He is said to have given himself so entirely up to his studies, that he left the care of the Company's concerns too much to the people who were under him, who were unequal to the trust, and proved the ruin of the factory. Before the fort was half finished, these people began to insult the natives of the country; and, among other wanton acts of folly, they very imprudently chose to search one of the boats belonging to the king, which was carrying a female of rank down the river. This so provoked the Bornean sovereign that he determined upon the utter destruction of the English; for which purpose he collected his forces together, amounting to about three thousand resolute men, which he embarked in above an hundred proas, and sent them down to attack the factory and unfinished fort.

There happened at this time to be two ships belonging to the Company in the river, besides two merchant vessels of inconsiderable force; and as Cunningham and his people had received advice of the preparations making against them, they left their factory, taking refuge aboard the ships, thinking themselves in greater security there than ashore. When all things were in readiness for the intended assault, the native armament came down the river in the night; and, while some landed and destroyed the factory and fortifications, others attacked the ships, which were fortunately prepared for their reception, the English having made fast nettings along both sides of their ships, about two fathoms high above the gunnels, to prevent the enemy from boarding, and were in readiness to use their blunderbusses and pikes, to prevent them from forcing their way to the decks.

On seeing the approach of the proas towards the ships, the English plied their great guns, loaded with double, round, and partridge shot, and made great carnage among the Borneans, yet this did not deter them from pushing forwards and using their utmost endeavours to board. But, having got up to the gunnels, they were unable to get over the netting, and so were slaughtered with great ease by the English from the decks. Some of the assailants got in at the head doors of one of the ships and killed a few of the English on the forecastle, but were soon overpowered and slain. Thus, after a long and sanguinary contest, the two large ships beat off the enemy with small loss; but the two little vessels were both burnt with most of their men, among whom was one Mynheer Hoogh Camber, a Dutch gentleman who had been ambassador of the king of Persia, and had fled from Batavia in one of these small vessels. Some say that the English killed above fifteen hundred of the assailants in two hours, for the heat of the assault continued during that space, besides many others wounded and maimed. But the English were under the necessity of abandoning the settlement at Pulo Laut.

The Bornean king or rajah thought his revenge had gone far enough in driving the English from their factory: And, finding his revenue considerably diminished by the loss of trade with the English, he sent notice to such of them as traded to Johor, and other places in the neighbourhood of Borneo, that he would still admit them to trade in his dominions on the old footing, but would never allow them or any other nation to erect forts in his territories. Several English vessels have been there since to load pepper, and were civilly treated. The Dutch also sent a ship there from Batavia in the year 1712; but the natives refused to have any dealings with them.

END OF THE NINTH VOLUME.