On the 10th we had sight of some small islands, one of which, rising in form of a sugar-loaf, bore from us W.N.N. about eight leagues off.[284] We this day hoisted out a small boat, built by our carpenters upon the forecastle, by which we made trial of the current, and found it to set E.N.E. At eight this evening, we anchored in 28 f. having made no way at all this afternoon but with the current, which went at the rate of about a mile an hour N.E. The 11th we weighed, and drove away with the current to the N.E. having no wind. This day at noon we had sight of the high land of Formosa above the clouds, the highest part bearing S.E. by E. about eighteen leagues off, the nearest island on the coast of China bearing seven leagues from us N.W. We here saw great numbers of fishing boats all round about us, which sent little boats to us with fish, for which we gave them double the value to encourage them to come back. At six this evening, the wind sprung up at N.N.E. by which, and some help of the current setting N.E. by E. we made our way nine leagues E. to the 12th at noon. Our latitude was then 25 deg. 20' N. The high land of Formosa being S.E. and the nearest port eight leagues off; the northern point ten leagues E. by N. and the depth 46 fathoms on ooze. The 13th the northern point of Formosa bore E.S.E. ten leagues off, being then in lat. 25 deg. 40' N.

[Footnote 284: These appear to have been the Poughoy, or Pescadores islands, off the western coast of Tai-ouan, or Formosa.—E.]

The 22d of July at noon, we were in lat. 32 deg. 40' N. the great sound of Langasaque, [Nangasaki,] being E. nine leagues off, and the S.E. of the Gotto isles W. by N. ten leagues off. The 23d, we arrived in a port of the island of Firando named Cochee, [Coetch,] which is about 4 1/2 English miles to the southwards of Firando haven.[285] On the 25th, Captain Cox sent a great number of funnies, or toe boats, to our assistance, by the help of which we got safe in the afternoon into the harbour of Firando, where we found the Swan and Expedition, sent hither, as I suppose, by the Dutch, for the disgrace of our nation in this remote part of the world. This day, before we got in, the Elizabeth brought in with her into Coetch, a frigate, containing silks and hides, and some sugar, her mariners being Japanese with some Portuguese, a part of whom were friars. Captain Adams, the admiral of the united fleet, arrived in the same place about three hours after me in the Moon, as likewise William Johnson in the Trow.

[Footnote 285: Coetch, about 17 miles W. by N. from Firando, the former on the western, and the latter on the eastern side of the island.—E.]

The 26th, a general council was held of all the English and Dutch, in the English house at Firando, when it was resolved to call in the ships that lay nearest the coast of Sashma, because we were certainly informed that the Portuguese frigates were just arrived from Macao at Nangasaki. The 30th, the king of Crats came aboard the James, appearing much delighted to see such a ship, demanding of the jurabassa if this were one of the English frigates; whence we concluded the Dutch had reported we had only small ships like frigates. The 1st of August we held another council at the English factory, to make choice of two men, an Englishman and a Hollander, to carry a present to the emperor. As I could not be spared so long from the James, nor Captain Adams from his fleet, we made choice of Mr Charles Cleavengar, commander of the Palsgrave, and Mr Joseph Cockram, Cape merchant of the fleet, to go on the part of the English, and Jasques le Febre of the Harlaem, and Mathias de Brooke, were chosen on the part of the Dutch.

On the 6th the Palsgrave arrived in Coetch roads. The Bull arrived there on the 7th, having cut away all her masts by the board, as they said to save the ship and goods. This day Captain Adams and I paid a visit to the king of Firando, carrying a small present, which was well received, and we were courteously entertained. On the 9th the king invited the English and Dutch to dine with him, shewing respect to our nation by placing us on his right hand, while the Dutch sat on his left, and the first dish of every course was offered to us.

The 4th September we had a great tuffoon from the north, which forced the Moon on shore, and overset the Expedition, which instantly went down. The Trow had likewise been overset, had not her master veered out the cable, and allowed her to go on shore, stern foremost. The 5th I sent all my men aboard the Moon to help her off when we all strove a long time to no purpose; but she was again got off on the 13th, having fortunately received no damage by lying so long ashore. Having every thing taken out of the James Royal, except some bars of lead to help in trimming her over, she was hove down on the 19th almost halfway to the keel. The 21st we brought her down so low as to see part of her keel, and then began to sheath her with all expedition, and in four days the carpenters sheathed the whole of one side, from the keel up to her lower bends. The 27th I sent a cooper, two quarter-masters, and a butcher, to Nangasaki, to kill and salt such meat as was provided for us.

On the 12th October, we got the James hove down on the other side to the keel, and on this side we found four very dangerous places, where the main plank was eaten quite through by the worms. Into each of these we graved a piece of plank, and in one of them we drove a trunnel where none had been before. We also nailed a piece of lead on the end of the bolt, which had been formerly driven through the keel to stop our great leak. Our ship was then righted, both sides being finished up to the lower bends. The Moon was likewise finished on the 21st on both sides. The 24th we had news that Nangasaki was greatly injured by a fire which began in the Portuguese street, and consumed four or five of the richest streets in the city.

The 7th of December we departed from Firando, and anchored the same evening in the bay of Coetch. The 16th, Captain Cleavengar and Captain Le Febre returned to Firando from the court of the emperor, bringing the joyful news of having succeeded in their business. I took my leave of them on the 17th; and the wind being fair, with favourable weather, I set sail from the road of Coetch.

Sec.6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England.[286]

The 18th December at noon, the islands of Mexuma bore from us N.W. four leagues off, our course from Pomo being S.S.W. twenty-five leagues. At noon on the 19th, our latitude was 31 deg. 32'N. the isles of Mexuma bearing N.E. by N. nine leagues off. The 12th January, 1621, we stood in for the coast of Sumatra, and anchored at midnight in the river of Palembangan in twelve fathoms. We weighed again in the morning of the 13th, steering along the Sumatra shore through the straits of Banka; and past midnight of the 14th we got to anchor near Pulo Paniang. The 16th, seeing four ships in Bantam roads, we weighed and stood a little way within Pulo Paniang, when the Pepper-corn's boat came to us with the master, Mr Morton, who told me there were two Dutch ships in the road and one French ship, the pangran having consented to grant trade, and that it had been agreed to share the pepper in thirds among them. I also learnt from him, that most part of our loading was already prepared for us at Jacatra. I set sail, therefore, in the morning of the 17th, and arrived that evening near Antilaky; and in the evening of the 18th we arrived in the bay of Jacatra, [now Batavia bay,] where we found the Charles, the Gift, and the Clove, as also two Dutch ships, the Leyden and the Sun. The Globe and the Bee were at Hector island.

[Footnote 286: In the former subdivision of this voyage a sufficient sample has been given of dry nautical detail of courses, bearings, winds, and soundings, and it does not seem necessary to insert the minute uninteresting detail of the return voyage to Bantam, which was along the coast of China, Cochinchina and Camboja, nearly retracing the former course.—E.]

I here found the master of the Unicorn with several of his ship's company, having come over in a junk, after losing his ship on the coast of China.[287] The James here discharged her lading, and was ready to reload for England, there being here at this time, in the Charles, Clove, and Gift, about 600 tons of pepper and other goods, and the Bear daily expected from Jambee with 200 more, so that we had good hope of soon making up our loading with pepper, benzoin, cloves, and silk. Having taken in our whole loading of pepper, except fifty-five pekuls, and a few sapetas of silk and some cloves, I departed in the morning of the 26th February from the road of Jacatra, and set sail for England.

[Footnote 287: Purchas, II. 1700, informs us, that the Unicorn being wrecked on the coast of China, the company saved themselves and part of their goods on shore. At first the rude Chinese would have assaulted and rifled them; but they stood on their defence, till a magistrate came and rescued them from the hands of the vulgar, after which they had kind usage and just dealing. They were allowed to purchase two vessels, with all necessary provisions, for their departure, and in these, part of the company went to Japan, and the other to Malacca.—Purch.]

In the afternoon of the 20th May, we arrived in the road of Saldanha, [Table-bay,] at the Cape of Good Hope. We here found the Ann Royal and the Fortune, two ships belonging to the honourable Company, and three Dutch ships, the Gowda, Black Bear, and the Herring, all bound for Bantam and Jacatra. We trimmed our ship on the 21st, and on the 22d we sent some water-casks on shore, and set up a tent for our sick men and coopers, landing twenty-five men as a guard for their protection. This night I sent out sixty men, along with sixty Dutchmen, in quest of cattle, but they returned without procuring any.

We left Saldanha bay in the morning of the 6th June, with the wind at S.S.E. The 21st, at six in the morning, we got sight of St Helena, and about ten in the forenoon of the 22d, we anchored in Chappel Bay, half a mile from the shore, in twenty-six fathoms. The 25th, we changed to the valley leading to the lemon-trees, being the best in all the island for refreshments. Having remained seven days at this island, where we filled our water-casks, and got at least fifty goats and hogs, and above 4000 lemons, we weighed anchor on the 29th, at nine a.m. The 16th of August we saw the high land of Pico, E.N.E. about 15 leagues off. The 15th September we got sight of the land's end of England; and on Tuesday the 18th of that month we arrived in the Downs, having been absent on this voyage, four years, seven months, and fourteen days.

SECTION XI.

VOYAGE OF THE ANN ROYAL, FROM SURAT TO MOKHA, IN 1618.[288]

The Ann Royal belonged to the fleet commanded by Martin Pring, of which an ample relation has been given in the foregoing section. The present section gives an account of a subordinate voyage, arising out of the former, and intended for settling a trade in the Red Sea. The Ann Royal was commanded by Captain Andrew Shilling, and this narrative is said by Purchas, to have been extracted from the journal of Edward Heynes, who appears to have been second merchant in the Ann.—E.

[Footnote 288: Purch. Pilgr. I. 622.]

* * * * *

Sir Thomas Roe, lord ambassador from his majesty to the Great Mogul, having given certain articles of instruction to Captain Andrew Shilling, commander of the Ann Royal, and Joseph Salbank, Edward Heynes, and Richard Barber, merchants in that ship, for establishing and conducting trade at Dabul or other places in the Red Sea, as they might see convenient, it was thought meet by Captain Martin Pring the general, Thomas Kerridge, and Thomas Rastell, on the 12th March, in a consultation on board the James Royal, that we should sail direct for the Red Sea, as the season was already too far gone for going to Dabul.

Sailing therefore from the road of Swally, we got sight of Aden on the 10th of April. The 13th, about seven in the morning, we passed the Bab, or straits of Bab-al-Mandub, so named from an island at the entrance, or mouth, of the Red Sea, and forming one side of the straits. About five in the evening we came in sight of Mokha; and as night was coming on, we cast anchor. Shortly after, a canoe came on board, sent by the governor to enquire who we were, and what were our intentions; and having given them an answer, they departed, having first begged a few biscuits. Next morning we weighed, and came again to anchor a league and half from the shore, when we saluted the town with nine guns. The water-bailey, or shahbander, brought off, as a present from the governor, a young bullock, two goats, with mangoes, limes, cucumbers, and water-melons. He welcomed us in the name of the governor, and desired us to send some persons on shore to inform the governor of the purpose of our arrival. About three in the afternoon, there came aboard a Jew born in Lisbon, together with an old renegado Venetian, who was in great favour with the governor, and in his name assured us of meeting with good usage to our content.

The 15th, Ali Asgee, the chief scrivano, sent a present of goats and fruits, with a message of welcome, by two old men of good condition, who were sent by the governor to remain aboard in pledge for such of us as were to go on shore, with many protestations of good usage. Accordingly, Mr Salbank and I went ashore, accompanied by two linguists and an attendant, carrying as a present for the governor, six yards of stammel broad cloth, six yards of green, a fowling-piece and a looking-glass. Above a thousand people were on the shore expecting our arrival, and several officers were in waiting to conduct us to the governor. His house was large and handsome, built of brick and stone, having a fair gate of entrance with a porter's lodge, and several servants in waiting. From the gate, we went into a great court, whence a winding stair of thirty steps led to a square terrace, from which we were conducted into a large room, at one end of which was a great bow-window looking towards the sea. The governor sat in this window, and there were others on the sides of the room, which looked to the wharf or landing-place. The floor of this room was all covered with fine mats, and towards where the governor sat, with fine Turkey carpets and Persian felts. Where he sat, there lay a party-coloured sattin quilt, with several rich cushions of damask and others of velvet. He was dressed in a violet-coloured vest of sattin, under which were garments of fine India muslin or calico, having on his head a sattin cap, wreathed round by a white sash. He was attended by the chief scrivano, the principal officers of the customs, some Turks of importance, many Indian merchants, and about an hundred servants. He seemed about fifty years of age, and his name was Mahomet Aga.

On our approach, and doing reverence, he bowed to us, and desired us to sit down, demanding who we were, and what was our business. We answered that we were Englishmen and merchants from London, who, by command of the ambassador of the king of England to the Great Mogul, with whom we had a league of peace and amity, had come to this place to treat for liberty of trade. That we were in friendship with the Grand Signior, and had free trade at Constantinople, Aleppo, and other places in the Turkish dominions, and hoped to enjoy the same here; for which purpose we were come to desire his and the pacha's phirmauns, giving us such privileges as we already had in other parts of the dominions of the Grand Signior, both for the present time and in future, as we meant to visit his port yearly with plenty of English and Indian commodities. We said likewise that we were commanded to say by the lord ambassador, that hearing there were sundry pirates, English, Dutch, French, Portuguese, Malabars and others, who infested the trade of this port, and principally that carried on by the Guzerats, who were our friends, we had his orders to free the seas of all such incumbrances, protecting all honest merchant ships and junks from injury. These, we said, were the true causes of our coming here.

The governor then rose up and bid us welcome, applauding our declared purposes, but asked why we were so fearful as not to come on shore without pledges. We answered, that about six years before, some of our countrymen being here, were enticed on shore by fair promises of good usage, who were betrayed and imprisoned by the then governor, and several of them murdered. For these reasons, we were under the necessity of being careful of our safety. We said moreover, that he would shortly be certified we were exactly what we professed, by means of two junks of Guzerat, one of which had not come this year, but for the pass and promise of the ambassador that they were to be protected in the voyage home by our ship, against the enterprizes of any pirates who might be in these seas, as one had been last year by some of our ships, which came opportunely to their rescue, and conducted her safely to their port, and had sent the chief commanders to England, to be tried and punished for their wrongs against the friends of our sovereign.

The governor acknowledged the friendly conduct of our nation in that affair, promising that we should live as safely on shore, and conduct our business with as much freedom and security, as in our own country, for which we should have his phirmauns, which he would procure to be confirmed by the pacha to our entire contentment. He said likewise that the former governor was a bad man, long since deposed, and now living at Constantinople in disgrace; and swore by his beard, and by Mahomet, that not a hair of our heads should be diminished, nor any wrong offered to us, as he should make proclamation of our liberties, that no one might pretend ignorance and do us harm or discourtesy. He desired us, therefore, to look out for a house for ourselves and our goods, commanding two of his chiauses to attend upon us, and recommended us to lodge with the Jew merchant till we could fit ourselves better, desiring him to assist us in all things.

After giving many thanks for his kindness, and delivering the present as from our captain, we went, by the advice of the Jew, to visit the scrivano, who is likewise chief customer or shahbander; and as he was not at home, his servant received and entertained us with much civility. They conducted us into an handsome room, not much inferior in building and furniture to that of the governor, where we had left their master, who soon came home and welcomed us with much politeness, assuring us that all the governor had promised should be faithfully performed, as he himself should see all executed, and had also power to see us righted. We were informed that this man's power was as great in Mokha as that of the governor, who was directed by him in all matters of importance. This officer seemed a hearty old man. After making us drink coffee and sherbet, we took our leaves, and remained all night with the Jew.

Next morning we spent an hour in viewing the town, and observing the countenances of the people towards us, whom we found gentle and courteous, especially the Banians and Guzerats, many of whom reside here as merchants, shopkeepers, and mechanics, having neatly-built shops and warehouses. Their market or bazar seemed well furnished with all manner of necessaries, among which were plenty of fruits, which are brought daily from the country. Most of the town is built of brick and stone, neatly plastered over with Paris plaster, some of the houses being two stories high, and all flat-roofed, with terraces on the top, on which in summer they construct lodges of canes and mats, in which they sleep and spend the first quarter of the day, having at that time a fresh breeze from the sea. All the rest of the day at that season is so hot that they can hardly endure even a shirt. Mokha lies quite level along the sea-shore, being about two miles from north to south, and contains many good-looking houses, with three principal mosques. The streets are kept clean, every person having to sweep and water before his door every morning and evening, so that they resemble sandy alleys for bowling, more than streets. No filth is allowed to be thrown into the streets, but must all be carried to an appointed place, where it is scoured out by the sea. In fine, I have never seen a sweeter, cleaner, or better ordered town any where.

The wharf is situated between the governor's house and that of the scrivano, and is about twelve score square.[289] Near this, and adjoining the governor's house, there is a platform or fort, built of hewn stones, having battlements towards the sea, being about forty paces square, in which there are thirteen or fourteen pieces of ordnance of little value. Over against the landing-place two fair brass cannons are planted, above five feet long. At the other end, is the Alfandica, where there is a brass gun six feet long, carrying a large ball. Besides these defences, there is a stone house at the north end of the town, built like a sconce or redoubt, with a few pieces of ordnance; but they trust little in their ordnance, relying mostly on their soldiers, of whom they have always 200 in the town, and about 300 more in the country, within a day or two days march, who are all constantly in readiness for service.

[Footnote 289: This is obscure, as it is not said whether it be 240 feet, yards, or paces.—E.]

The son of Cojah Nassan, the principal India merchant of the town, whom we waited upon at his house, promised us all kindness, and regaled us with tobacco and coffee, as is usual among these people. We went afterwards to wait upon the governor before we returned on board. He rose up at our entry to meet us, causing us to sit down by him, and repeated all the fair promises of free trade he had given the day before, declaring that he would deny us nothing that was reasonable. He then told us there was another governor shortly to succeed him, who was as his brother, and honester even than himself, who would faithfully perform every thing he had promised. At our request, the governor ordered the water-bailiff to furnish us at all times with boats, either for our conveyance, or to carry water to the ship. From the governor, we again went to visit the scrivano, who received us with much civility, promising to come aboard to visit our ship, and compliment our captain. After treating us with coffee, we took leave, and returned to the ship, when the pledges were dismissed, acknowledging the good treatment they had received, and were saluted on going ashore with five guns.

On the 17th, the scrivano, with our two pledges, our Jew friend, and twenty other persons, came aboard, bringing a bullock, with bread, quinces, and other fruits, a great round cake or pasty, like puff-paste, in which were several fowls and chickens, well seasoned and baked, and most excellent eating. We also, with a large quince pye, and many crabs, together with sack and cordials, added our best welcome. The scrivano was so well pleased with his reception, that he insisted upon becoming the sworn brother of our captain, which was accordingly celebrated with a cup of sack; and, after much mirth, and having taken a view of our ship, he departed highly gratified.

We were well supplied with water by several poor people of Mokha, who brought it off to the ship at a reasonable rate. Also, with the concurrence of the governor and scrivano, we made every junk that arrived anchor under our guns, and to ride in that situation till they discharged their cargo; which indeed the governor wished us to do, because some junks passed by that port to trade at others, to the injury of Mokha At six in the evening of the 21st of April, we had a violent storm of wind off the land, accompanied by much thunder and lightning, but no rain, which continued for half an hour, all the rest of the night being extremely hot. Although we rode above a league from the shore, this tempest brought great quantities of dust, and even sand on board. The 25th, we had a message from the scrivano, saying that the governor and he had received letters from the pacha at Sinan, commanding them to entertain us with all manner of kindness, and to give us free trade, with liberty to reside among them in all quietness and security.

On the 27th the new governor arrived, when the ordnance of the town, and of our ship and the several junks in the road, all fired to welcome his arrival. He sent the former pledges on board to return thanks for our salute, accompanied by a present of plantains, limes, mangoes, melons, and bread, with one bullock, promising, in the name of the pacha, as free trade as our nation had in Constantinople. The pledges remained all night aboard, and went ashore with us next day, when we found the new and the old governors sitting together at the end of a large room, much in the same way as we had found the old one at our first arrival. The new governor was named Regib Aga, and was accompanied by several principal Turks, and by all the principal merchants from Surat, Diu, Dabul, Scindy, Calicut, and Cananore. On our approach, he and the other Turks only moved their bodies, but all the merchants rose up to salute us. He made us sit down beside him, and told us that the pacha had commanded him to give us satisfaction in all things; and that he knew besides, we were of a nation in friendship with the Grand Signior, and had free trade in Constantinople, Aleppo, and other parts of the Turkish empire, being a nation of a friendly and honest disposition, and we should therefore always find him disposed to give us free trade, and every other courtesy In reply, we told him we proposed, at our next coming to Mokha, if our reasonable requests of a free trade were granted, to settle a permanent factory at this place, and to come yearly to the port, with plenty of English and India goods, and should defend the trade against pirates. We even distantly hinted, that it was needless to deny us a free trade, being in a condition to force it if refused, and to hinder all others from coming hither, the fear of which had already caused some junks to pass by Mokha to Jidda, the port of Mecca, a town of great trade, 150 leagues farther up the Red Sea, and to other places.

The new governor replied, that we should be made as welcome as in any place of our own country; and swore by God, and Mahomet, and by his own beard, that we should live as free from all injury as in our own land. We asked what security he would give us besides his word, when he said we should have his phirmaun under his chop, or seal, and would procure us the same from the pacha. With this we seemed satisfied, and gave him many thanks; and indeed they all seemed perfectly willing to give us every satisfaction, yet, in my opinion, not from good-will or justice, but from fear, as they knew we were able to intercept their whole trade. After some conversation about our ambassador, who now resided at Constantinople, and about the Portuguese and Spaniards, whom Rajib said were proud and faithless nations, we spoke of Sir Henry Middleton, asking the cause of their treacherous conduct to him and his people. He answered, that the then Vizier was a bloody, cruel, and ill-minded man, and made worse by the instigation of the Turks and Arabs of Mokha, who were enraged by the uncivil behaviour of our people, who made water at the gates of their mosques, forced their way into the houses after the citizens wives, and being daily drunk in the streets, would fight and quarrel with the people,[290] things hateful in their eyes. These were only in part the cause, for the covetousness of the governor, hoping to have got their ship and goods, was the main cause of that scandalous conduct, for which he was soon afterwards sent to Constantinople to answer for his crimes.

[Footnote 290: Let English Christians read, blush, and amend—Purch.]

We dined that day with the scrivano, and hired a house of Hassan Aga, one of our pledges, at seventy dollars the monsoon, or yearly rent, it being all the same. The scrivano insisted to swear himself our friend on his Koran, yet denied the present governor to be the person who captured Sir Henry Middleton, which we afterwards found to be Turkish faith, or absolute falsehood. We now agreed to pay at the rate of three in the hundred, ad valorem, both inwards and outwards, though the scrivano swore that all others paid five; all money, with silver and gold in bullion, to pass free of duty. We remained this night with the scrivano to supper, and gave him a present.

On the 29th of April we expected to have had our phirmaun publicly read before all the merchants, and proclaimed to the people; but most part of the day was spent in ceremony by the governor and other chiefs at the mosque, on account of the death of Sultan Achmet, the Grand signior, and the accession of his brother to the throne. They came riding past our house while we were sitting at a window which opened to the street, whence we made our obeisance to them, and they bowed in return. They were all in grand gala, having their horses richly caparisoned. At four in the afternoon we were sent for, but our linguist had got to a Jew house and was drunk with arrack, so we sent an apology, under pretence that Mr Salbank was indisposed, and promised attendance next day. On the 31st, the governor sent for us, and made our welcome known to all the merchants, causing his scrivano draw up a phirmaun as full as we could have wished, which he signed with his chop or seal in the afternoon at the house of the principal scrivano, entirely according to what was before agreed upon, by which we were to pay three per cent. for all we landed, excepting money, and the same for all we took on board, except victuals. We got afterwards a similar phirmaun from Mahomet, the pacha of Sinan: and Rejib Aga gave us a particular safe conduct for Mr Salbank and the rest.[291]

[Footnote 291: Copies, or translations rather, from the Arabic, are given in the Pilgrims of all these three phirmauns, which it was not thought necessary to insert.—E]

It was now agreed among ourselves that Mr Salbank and I were to remain ashore to conduct the business of sales and purchases, while Mr Barber staid on board to prepare and send such goods as we required. The 5th of May we went to the scrivano to get leave to make arrack for the use of our sick men; because, since our linguist and several of our people had got drunk in the house of a Jew, we had complained, and procured an order prohibiting the Jews from selling them any, and the governor had even strictly enjoined the Jews and Turks not to sell any more arrack or wine in the town. At our request through the scrivano, the governor granted leave for a Jew, nominated for the purpose to brew arrack at our house, but forbid any to be made elsewhere.

In the afternoon of the 8th, learning that the governor and principal men were sitting in form at the Alfandica, to receive the Surat captain who was then coming on shore, we went also to see the ceremonial of his reception. We found the governor at the upper end of a long room, sitting on a stone bench spread with carpets, having on the same bench with him various merchants and Turks of quality, to the number of about twenty. Opposite to him sat about as many in chairs, forming a lane down the room to a square platform raised three steps from the floor, railed in and matted, in which the scrivano and other officers of the customs sat on carpets. The governor bid us welcome, saying he had given orders to the chief broker to examine our goods and promote their sale. He then desired us to sit down, two merchants offering us their places, and called for coffee and tobacco to regale us.

About half an hour after, the nokhada, or captain of the Surat ship, came ashore. His boat was curiously painted, having a tilt of red silk, with many streamers, and sails of fine white calico. He was rowed by twenty of his servants, all dressed in fine white calico, and he was accompanied by a wretched band of music, consisting of drums, waits, and bad trumpets, the noise from which was augmented by the discharge of guns from his own great junk and those belonging to the town. Attended by a few slaves, decked out in silks and coarse sattins, he entered the lone room where we were, when the governor rose and saluted him, and placed him next himself on the stone bench. Many compliments of welcome passed between the nokhada and the other merchants; but in the height of his pride he overlooked us, and we him accordingly. Yet we thought he might have shewn us more respect, considering that Captain Shilling had sent his long-boat and men to free his junk of 400 or 500 tons, when aground, and had entertained him with much civility aboard our ship.

After some time spent in compliments, coffee was again brought in for all the company; after which six vests were produced, two of which were given to the Surat captain, and one each to his four principal merchants. When these were put on, and mutual salams or reverences given, they again sat down, like so many painted images, dressed up in coats of coarse gold and silver velvet. We here observed one usual custom of this town, at the arrival of any junk, and the landing of her nokhada or captain, that free liberty is given to all the mariners and passengers to bring ashore as much goods as each man can carry on his back, without payment of any duty; accordingly, at this time, about 300 persons belonging to this junk passed with their luggage to the captain's residence, unmolested.

On the 9th, our landlord and the scrivano told us that three junks from Diu, and four Malabar vessels, were at Aden, whence they were afraid to proceed without our pass or licence. Accordingly we sent them a free pass, signed by our captain and three merchants. In this, after reciting that we had found good usage from the governor and merchants at Mokha, we engaged to give them all freedom to pass quietly, assuring them of kind usage, provided they were not enemies to our sovereign or his subjects. A more general pass was afterwards granted by us for the quiet and free departure of all junks and other vessels, with their cargoes, mariners, and passengers.

On the 10th, the captain of the Dabul junk invited us to a banquet at his house, where we found the governor with about fifty principal persons, besides attendants, all of whom rose up to bid us welcome. Coffee, sherbet, and tobacco, were served round, with various fruits, as plums, apricots, and mangoes, and thinking these had been the feast, we were about to depart; but the governor and the Dabul captain desired us to remain, that we might eat bread and salt with them, which we did. The feast at last made its appearance, though late, being about sixty dishes of meats, baked, roasted, broiled, stewed, and boiled, but all mingled with rice and various kinds of sallads, in the fashion of India.

Our cargo consisted mostly of bad wares, which had lain in India till they were nearly spoiled, and so hung long upon our hands; wherefore we importuned the governor to dispeed our sales, which he charged the broker to do with all expedition. We also had leave granted to come and go between the ship and the shore at our pleasure, without demanding leave, contrary to the usual custom of the port, the water bailiff being ordered to give us no molestation. On the 20th, it was noticed that the monsoon had changed. The 24th, the scrivano observed to us that our sailors, on coming ashore, were in the custom of selling baftas and sword-blades in the bazar. He said the governor had promised liberty for the goods of these poor fellows to pass free of custom, and therefore they might freely bring them ashore for sale, but must sell them at our house, and not in the public bazar, which was a disgrace to us and our nation.

On the 31st, our ship was in great danger of being burnt. Some one happened to be smoking on the spritsail yardarm, when the burning tobacco fell out unobserved into a fold of the sail, where it burnt through two or three breadths, and was long smelt before it could be found. After this, smoking was strictly prohibited, except in the cook-room or the captain's cabin. At this time, for the recovery of our sick men, the exploration of the coast, and procuring ballast instead of lead taken out of the ship for sale, it was concluded to send the ship over to Assab; on the African coast, on which occasion Mr Baffen, the master's mate, was sent before to sound and discover the passage.

On the 10th of June we had a conference with the governor, and, among other discourse, he told us that he was governor of Aden when the Ascension was there, when he imprisoned the captain and Mr Joseph Salbank for two days, suspecting them to be freebooters, and not merchants, as he alleged. He said also that he was governor here at Mokha when Sir Henry Middleton was apprehended, but laid the whole blame of that transaction on the then pacha, whose servant he was, and who had given orders for that and much more, which he called God to witness was much contrary to his inclination, and declared that these things were past, and we had now nothing to fear. By this avowal, we had a clear evidence how far he and the scrivano were to be trusted. The governor sent for us again on the 13th, saying that he had acquainted the pacha with our purpose of sending to him for his phirmaun, and that he had promised a hearty welcome and full contentment, whether we went personally or sent a messenger; but the governor advised that one of us should go up to Sinan, for which purpose he would provide us with horses, camels, and attendants, and should write in our behalf to the pacha.

The 19th a junk arrived from Jiddah, with many passengers from Mecca, bringing camblets, bad coral, amber beads, and much silver, to invest in spices and India cotton goods. She brought news of a ship, laden last year from Mokha for Grand Cairo, which had lost her monsoon, and was forced to wait till next year, at a place only a little way beyond Jiddah. By this ship, the governor had letters informing him that the Grand Signior had sent various state ornaments to the pacha of Sinan, whom he had confirmed in his government for seven years longer, and appointing himself to continue governor of Mokha for the like time, of which he seemed not a little proud.

As I was constantly indisposed, it was thought fit that Mr Salbank should go up to Sinan to wait upon the pacha with a present, and to carry up some goods also with him for sale at that place. On this occasion, the scrivano offered him his own mule to ride upon, which he thankfully accepted. He was furnished with two camels, a cook, a horsekeeper, and three servants belonging to the governor, all of whose wages he agreed to pay at certain fixed rates, and was also accompanied by a linguist named Alberto. Taking leave of the governor, who gave him letters for the pacha, he departed from Mokha about six in the evening of the 23d June, the nights being the accustomed time of travelling.

In the morning of the 23d, we had a letter from our captain; then at Assab, informing of his safe arrival there, and the good health of the people, and that he had procured ballast and provisions to his satisfaction. On the 26th, the governor sent me a horse by one of his servants, inviting me to accompany him to his banqueting house, about half a mile out of town, there to spend the day in mirth along with other merchants. About half an hour after, the chief scrivano came to accompany me, with whom I went, joining the governor by the way, and rode with him to the place. It was a fair house, in the middle of a grove of date trees, beside a large tank or pond, having several rooms handsomely fitted; up for sitting. After a little while, the governor and several others went into the tank to bathe, where they sported themselves for half an hour. Coffee was then handed round to the company, after which grapes, peaches, and both musk and water; melons, were brought in, together with blanched almonds and great quantities of raisins, as there were between fifty and sixty guests, besides, attendants; and always between whiles coffee, sherbet, and tobacco were handed round. Thus, and with indifferent music, we spent the forenoon. After prayers, the governor, went again into the tank, where he spent an hour sporting with his company. In the sequel, the time was spent in cards and chess, and in looking at various; jiggling tricks, till four in the evening. At this time above an hundred dishes were served up, all of good meat, but; cold, and ill dressed, each dish being sufficient to have satisfied four hungry men. He treated me with much kindness, and was earnest to have me go with him into the tank, but I excused myself; on account of my late indisposition. He then said, if at any time I was inclined to bathe, I might come to this place when I pleased, and he would give orders to the keeper to admit me and use me well.

The 12th July, the Surat captain made a fine display of many artificial fire-works before the governor, it being then new moon. The governor sent for me to see them, and placed me in a chair beside himself, telling me he had letters that day from Sinan, informing him that the Pacha had granted a phirmaun for us before the arrival of Mr Salbank, but hearing of his coming, had delayed sending it, and had since granted another, according to his instructions, and had delivered it to Mr Salbank with his own hand.

On the 13th there passed by the roads a junk of four or five hundred tons from Jiddah, bound for Kitchine, a day's sail within the entrance of the Red Sea, which I suppose is not far from Cape Guardafui, on the coast of Africa.[292] She is said to contain great sums in gold and silver, with much valuable merchandize. This ship comes yearly to Mokha at the beginning of the western monsoon, bringing myrrh, and boxes for coho seeds, [coffee] and goes from hence to Jiddah or Aliambo, [Al Yambo] where she sells her coffee and the India goods procured at Kitchine; which last are brought thither by Portuguese barks from Diu and other places. Her outward lading consists of indigo, all manner of India cotton goods, gum-lac; and myrrh.[293] She is freighted by the Portuguese, and the governor of Mokha wished much we had met with her, which we had probably done, had not our ship been absent, which returned into the road of Mokha on the 21st. I went aboard, and was told that the king of Assab and his brother had been aboard, and were kindly entertained, in return for which he promised to supply them with abundance of beeves and goats; but that same evening, in consequence of a signal of fire, he and all his people fled into the mountains, pretending they were threatened by an attack from their enemies, and never even gave thanks for their entertainment.

[Footnote 292: The only place resembling this name is Kissem, on the oceanic coast of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, nearly due N. from Cape Guardafui.—E.]

[Footnote 293: This must refer to her homeward lading, called outward in the text in respect to India.—E.]

Before day of the 27th July, Mr Salbank returned from Sinan in perfect health, and much satisfied with his phirmauns. He gave me an account of his whole journey, having been respectfully treated every where; always before entering any town, being met both by horse and foot to conduct him to the different governors, by whom he was kindly received. All his provisions were provided by their officers, but at his own expence; and the servant of the governor of Mokha caused him every where to be well used. He was met a mile from Sinan by forty or fifty Turks, well mounted, sent by the Pacha to escort him to a well-furnished house prepared for his reception. He was there kindly received and entertained by the xeriffe and the pacha's chief treasurer, who were both deputed to give him welcome in the name of the pacha. Two days afterwards, he had audience of the pacha, from whom he received courteous entertainment, receiving two phirmauns of the same tenor, one of which was much more ornamentally written than the other, and intended for being shown to the Grand Signior, if necessary.

According to his report, the city of Sinan and its neighbourhood will give vent yearly for a good quantity of English cloth, as the weather there is cold for three quarters of the year; and even while he was there, though the height of summer, a person might well endure a furred gown. Besides, there is a court at that place to which belongs forty or fifty thousand gallant Turks,[294] most of whom wore garments of high-priced Venetian cloth. Not far from thence there is a leskar, or camp, of 30,000 soldiers,[295] continually in the field against an Arab king in the adjoining mountains, not yet conquered; all of which soldiers are said to wear coats of quilted India chintzes, which are dear, and of little service to defend them from the cold of that region, which is there excessive. To this I may add the city or Teyes, near which there is a leskar of thirty or forty thousand soldiers, commanded by a German renegado under the pacha of Sinan. That place, though only about five days journey from Mokha, is very cold, and much cloth is worn by the people about that place.

[Footnote 294: This is probably a vast exaggeration, though in words at length in the Pilgrims; and we ought more likely to read four or five thousand Turks.—E.]

[Footnote 295: A similar reduction to 3000 is probably needful for this army.—E.]

On the 2d of August the governor sent a rich vest to our captain by the chief shabander, attended by drums and trumpets, his boat being decked out with flags and streamers. This was delivered with great ceremony, and reverently received. The Dabul nokhada, Melic Marvet, and Roswan, the nokhada of the Chaul ship, sent us letters of recommendation to their kings, on the 11th August, according to our desire, certifying the friendly usage they had experienced from us at Mokha, and our kind offer to protect them on the homeward voyage, from pirates, and entreating therefore for us freedom of trade and friendly usage in their dominions. The 14th, as we had formerly done to others, we gave our passes to two Malabar captains, Amet ben Mahomet of Cananore, under Sultan Ala Rajah, and Aba Beker of Calicut, under the Zamorin.

This day there came a galley into the road from Cairo, having many Turks and Jews as passengers, bringing great store of dollars, chekins, coral, damask, sattin, camblet, opium, velvets, and taffetas. She had come down the whole length of the Red Sea in thirty days. I had a conference with the Jews, one of whom I had formerly known in Barbary. They reported that the brother of the former Grand Signior, on being made emperor, had imprisoned his two nephews, and put to death several of the grandees, and had otherwise given great offence to the great men at Constantinople, whereupon he was deposed and imprisoned, and his eldest nephew made emperor in his stead. They said likewise that an army of 200,000 men was sent against the Persians, for the conquest of Gurgistan, adding various other particulars, some of which turned out true, and others false, like merchants news in general. Some Turks and Jews desired to have passage for themselves and goods in our ship to Surat; and it is likely, when they know us better, much profit may be made in this way, as their junks are usually pestered with rude people.

Having sold and bartered our goods as well as we could have expected, considering our cargo, and dispatched all our business, we visited the governor, and desired to have his testimonials to the lord ambassador, which he gave us. We took leave of him on the 19th of August, and of the scrivano and other chief men of the town, from whom we received protestations of continued kindness on all future occasions. We went aboard that same day, proposing to sail the next day for India, taking the Surat junk under our convoy, according to our instructions.



SECTION XII.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SURAT AND JASQUES, IN 1620.[296]

"According to the title of this journal in the Pilgrims, the fleet which sailed on this voyage consisted of the London, of 800 tons, William Baffin master, on board of which was Captain Andrew Shilling, chief in command, or general; the Hart, of 500 tons, Richard Blithe master; the Roebuck, of 300 tons, Richard Swan master; and the Eagle, of 280 tons, Christopher Brown master. The account of the voyage in Purchas is said to consist of extracts from the journal written by Richard Swan, the master or captain of the Roebuck."—E.

[Footnote 296: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 723.]

Sec.1. Voyage from England to Surat.

We sailed from Tilbury-hope on the 26th of February, 1620, and anchored in Saldanha road [Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope] on 24th of June, where we found the Lion homewards-bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for Bantam, commanded by a gentleman named Nicolas van Baccum, who Was said to have studied seven years at Oxford. Next morning the Lion and the Dutch fleet departed, each their several way; and in the evening arrived the Schidam belonging to Deft, outward-bound, which being suspected by both admirals, the master was sent for, and producing Us commission, gave satisfaction. On the 3d of July we made a solemn proclamation of the right and title of his majesty King James to Saldania, and on the 7th King James's mount was erected.[297]

[Footnote 297: It thus appears that the first fortified station at the Cape of Good Hope was erected by the English, to whom that colony now belongs. It would surely be a better appellation for this important colony, which may be called the key of India, to restore its old name-of Saldania, than to continue its present awkward denomination, The Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.—E.]

We sailed from the Cape of Good Hope on the 25th of July, and 26th of October we put into Dabul roads, where we remained till the 2d of November to refresh our men, and to provide the two ships bound for Persia. The 6th November, the Hart and Eagle took leave of us and the 9th we anchored in Swally roads, where we found the Wappen van Zeland, of 1000 tons, which at our arrival took in her colours, and saluted the London with three guns, and the Roebuck with two. I was sent on shore, and brought off Mr Thomas Kerridge, the president of the factory at Surat, with Mr James, and Mr Hopkinson. Next day, in a consultation, it was determined to dispatch us speedily after the Hart and Eagle, as we had intelligence that four Portuguese galleons were waiting at Ormus, or in Jasques roads, to intercept them.

Sec.2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques.

The 19th November, having dispatched our business at Swally with all expedition, we set sail towards Jasques. The 21st we chased a ship, which surrendered without resistance, being the Nostra Sennora de Merces, of 200 tons, bound from Muscat for Chaul, having on board forty-two Arabian horses, her principal loading, and for which trade she was built. The residue of her cargo consisted of dates and raisins. The name of her captain was Francisco de Mirando.

The 5th December, when in latitude 24 deg. 55' N. we met the Hart and Eagle coming from Jasques for Surat, because not of sufficient strength to encounter the Portuguese force which was waiting for them with the intention of ruining our Persian trade. Thus happily rejoined to our former consorts, we shaped our course for Jasques to accomplish our purpose. The 8th, at the earnest desire of the Portuguese and Moors taken in the prize, we set them on shore, except some Moor seamen whom we detained in our service, and the Portuguese pilot, who entreated to stay, as he feared some hard usage from his own people. On the 12th, certain volunteers who had engaged to set fire to our prize, and run her aboard the Portuguese admiral, were put on board of her, and she was fitted as a fire-ship. The 15th we had sight of the east point of Jasques roads, having upon it a tomb or old square flat-roofed house, which bore W.N.W. by compass, twelve miles off. From Diu head to this point, I make the longitude, by the ordinary plain chart, 9 deg. 55' 36" W. but by Mercator's projection, 10 deg. 51'. From where we were, we could see the Portuguese men of war sent from Lisbon to oppose our trade with Persia, consisting of two Portuguese galleons, one of which was larger than the London, and two Dutch ships, one as large as the Hart, while the other was less than the Eagle. Their general was Don Ruy Frere de Andrado; the vice-admiral, Joam Boralio; and the two Dutch ships were commanded by Antonio Musquet and Baltazar de Chaves.[298]

[Footnote 298: According to a special account of this and the succeeding sea-fight, appended to the present relation in Purchas, the Portuguese fleet on the present occasion, besides the four galleons, consisted of two gallions and ten frigates or armed barks, none of which are here mentioned except the four galleons.—E.]

Sec.3. Account of the first Fight with the Portuguese.

In the morning of the 16th December, our admiral and all the masters of our squadron went on board the prize, carrying two barrels of powder, some tar, and other combustible materials, to fit her up as a fire-ship, intending to lay her on board the Portuguese admiral athwart his hawse, that both might burn together. After she was fitted, we bore up for the Portuguese squadron, but it fell calm, and the current set us so near them, that they reached us with their shot. We kept under sail all night, and in the morning of the 17th, being to leeward of them in consequence of the land breeze, they weighed and made toward us, when we waited their approach, although they preserved the advantage of the weather-gage. The fight began about nine in the morning, and continued without intermission for nine hours. In the afternoon, a fine gentle sea-breeze sprung up from the westwards, which gave us the weather-gage; and the Portuguese admiral anchored, either of necessity to repair some defect about his rudder, or of policy to gain some expected advantage. His vice-admiral and the large Dutch ship anchored to the eastwards, and the lesser Dutch ship to leeward of them all, stopping his leaks. We were now in great hopes of putting our fire-ship to a good purpose; but being too soon fired and forsaken by those who had her in charge, she drove clear of them all, to their joy and our disgrace. Seeing them remain at anchor, and keeping to windward of them, we turned to and again close a-head of them as they rode at anchor, raking them as we passed, through and through, fore and aft, especially the admiral, receiving only in return their prow and bow-chases. By these, as I passed to the north, two unfortunate shots cut asunder the weather leech ropes of the Roebuck's foresail and fore-topsail, in the middle depth of both sails; owing to which we could not bring her into stays, and were forced, for repairing these sails, to bear down to leeward, between the enemy and the shore; in which course, the three great ships plied their whole broadsides against us, but with less hurt than I could have imagined, God be praised. Having compassed the three large ships, I luffed up to rejoin our squadron, which still held the advantage of the wind, and plied their great guns on the Portuguese like so many muskets. When I had got to windward of the smaller Dutch ship, which stood off as I did till he had our fire-ship directly between him and me, he turned tail, and steered right before the wind along shore to the eastwards, with all the sail he could carry. The other three now set sail to his rescue, and were now so tame, that as the Hart passed along their broadsides, she received only a few shots great and small from any of them, and from some none at all. The night now coming on, and our people being all wearied by the long continuance of the fight, we all desisted from any farther chase, and came to anchor in our usual road.

In this fight, the London and Hart had very little harm in their hulls and tackling, and less, or rather none, in their men. The main-mast of the Eagle was hurt in five places, four of which were quite through, and one of her men lost his right arm. In the Roebuck, I had one man slain by a cannon ball striking his head. A piece of his skull and some splinters of the ball wounded one of my mates in the forehead, and destroyed his left eye; and two others of my men lost the use of their right hands. God be praised for our good fortune; for I never heard of so small loss in so long a fight as we now sustained. I cannot truly state the loss of the enemy: but, by the report of our merchants, their vice-admiral and another captain were slain, and thirty or forty men in the admiral's ship alone, the rest as yet unknown. As to their Moors, they do not count them among the num her of their men.

In the morning of the 18th, the day after the action, we could see the Portuguese at anchor ten miles to the east of us, having the wind fair to have come down, but they did not. We then held a consultation, whether it were better for us to take the first of the sea breeze, which usually begins about noon, to stand towards them and try it out for the mastery, before they could receive supplies from Ormus, Muskat, or Goa, or else to make sail for Jasques roads, on purpose to land our goods and money, in case of the worst, these being the prize they sought to obtain and we to defend. Accordingly, the London got that night into Jasques road, but the rest could not get in before the 20th, by reason of contrary winds. On the 21st and 22d most of our goods were landed.

Sec.4. Second Sea Fight with the Portuguese.

On the 22d, seeing the Portuguese galleons open the road of Jasques, and supposing they might intend to come in with the sea breeze, we set sail and stood off for them. At first, they made a shew of giving us battle, but soon afterwards made off upon a tack; and till the 28th, they were either to windward, or so favourably placed at anchor, that we could not attempt to attack them without manifest disadvantage. During this time, they were joined by two or three frigates, or barks, from Ormus, bringing them a supply of men and ammunition. We made one attempt on Christmas day, but were forced back by a sudden flaw of wind; on which occasion, some blacks aboard of us, said the Portuguese had brought a witch from Ormus, to supply them with favourable winds.

On Innocents day, 28th December, perceiving the drift of our Portuguese Fabius cunclator, to protract and avoid fighting, that by delays and the advantage of his frigates, he might hinder us from prosecuting your business in Persia, we determined to attempt closing with him. About one o'clock there sprung up a favourable east wind for our purpose, on which we immediately weighed and put every thing in order for battle. The London and Hart came to anchor within a cable's length and half of their broadsides, and so endured the main brunt of this second fight; for, no sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calm and so continued all day, insomuch that the Roebuck and Eagle, which had steered nearer to the shore, with the intention of coming to anchor, one on the bow of their admiral, and the other on the bow of their vice-admiral, got astern, and could not with all our diligence be of any service for a full half hour after the action began. At length we got within point-blank shot of them, and then were forced either to anchor or drive farther off with the current, as there was not a breath of wind.

We now brought our broadsides to bear, and our whole squadron plied their ordnance upon them so fast, that had the knowledge of our men equalled their resolution, not one of them had escaped from us. Not willing to endure such hot entertainment, they cut their cables about three o'clock, and drove from us with the tide to the westwards, till out of our reach. Then came their frigates, which the day before had made a bravado along shore with drums, trumpets, flags, and streamers, and, now employed in a fitter task, towed them away all mangled and torn. Their admiral, in the very hottest of the fight, was under the necesity of giving his ship a heel to stop his leaks, his main-top-mast and the head of his main-mast having fallen overboard. The great Dutch ship had both his top-masts and part of his boltsprit shot away, and the smaller lost all his shrouds and top-masts. Their vice-admiral escaped best this day, having commonly one or other of their own ships between him and us.

We kept them company all night, in hope of being able next morning to give them their passports; but having taken a survey of our shot, which we found scanty, and considering the importance of the voyage we still had to perform, we thought it best to give over the chase and return to Jasques; leaving them glad of our absence, their two great ships towing the two smaller. We have had no account of their loss in this action. All your worships ships remain serviceable, God be praised, and only five men slain outright in these two long and severe engagements. Our worthy admiral and kind commander, Captain Andrew Shilling, received a great and grievous wound by a cannon ball through his left shoulder, which he bore with such wonderful courage and patience, that we were in great hopes of his much-wished-for recovery: But he had likewise two of his uppermost ribs broken on the left side, and died on the 6th January, 1621, shewing himself a resolute commander in the action, and an assured Christian in his death. We intended to have carried his body to Surat, to have there performed his funeral rites according to his great merit, and oar surgeons undertook to preserve his body by means of embalming and cere-cloth, but it became so noisome that we were forced to bury him at Jasques, which was done on the 7th, with all the solemnity and respect in our power.

In this engagement, the London expended 1382 great shot of several sorts, the Hart 1024, the Roebuck 815, and the Eagle 800, in all 4021. In consequence of the death of our worthy admiral, the white box, No. I. was opened; and according to your worships appointment, Captain Richard Blithe succeeded to the supreme command of the London, I was removed into the Hart, Christopher Brown into the Roebuck, and Thomas Taylor was made master of the Eagle.[299]

[Footnote 299: This account does not agree with an accompanying official letter, dated 13th January, 1621, giving a similar account of the two engagements, often in the very identical words used by Swan, in which the name of Thomas Taylor is omitted, instead of whom William Baffin is the last in the list of signatures; and the Christian name of Swan is made Robert instead of Richard.—E.]

Sec.5. Sequel of the Voyage.

The 14th January, 1621, having had forty-eight hours continual and excessive rain, which, or much wind, is usual at Jasques for three or four days at the full and change of the moon, and having finished our business at Jasques, we set sail on our return to Surat, where we arrived on the 1st February. Nothing material occurred on the passage, except that, on the 27th January, between Diu and the sand-heads, we surprised a small ship of war, called Nostra Senaora de Remedio, of 100 tons, commanded by Francisco de Sylva, manned by thirty-five Portuguese and twenty-five Moors, sent out by the governor of Diu to protect their small merchant ships against the Malabar rovers. We dismissed the men and kept the ship for our use, calling her the Andrew, after our late excellent general. She had in her neither meat, money, nor commodities, and scarcely as many poor suits of clothes as there were backs.

The 27th of February we began to take in our loading. The 5th of March, the, Eagle was sent down to keep guard over the junk belonging to the prince, and to hinder her from any farther loading, till they granted free passage for our carts with goods and provisions, which had been restrained for six or seven days by the vexatious procedure of the governor of Olpar, a town near Surat. By this means, no cotton wool was allowed to come down till our ships were fully laden. On the 16th of March, having notice that the Camla, from Agra, had been robbed by the Deccan army, we resolved to seek restitution upon the ships of the Deccan prince and his confederates in this transaction, as we intended wintering in the Red Sea. The 19th, the governor of Surat having given us satisfaction in regard to the carts, and a supply of powder and shot for our money, and promise under his hand for redress of other injuries, we dismissed the junk belonging to the prince from duress.

From the 25th of March to the 6th of April, 1621, the winds have been S. and S.S.W. or W. and blowing so hard from noon till midnight, raising so great a surf on the shore, that no business could be done except on the last quarter of the ebb and first of the flood tide. We sailed on the 7th April. The 9th, the Eagle and a Dutch pinnace, called the Fortune, parted company, being consigned to Acheen and Bantam. The London, Hart, Roebuck, and Andrew, were intended for the Red Sea, if not too late.

The 1st May, the Andrew and our boats surprised a Portuguese ship of 200 tons called the St Antonio, which we named the May-flower. Her principal lading consisted of rice taken in at Barcelor, whence she had gone to Goa, and sailed from thence for Ormus and Muskat on the 8th of April. We learnt from this prize, that Ruy Frere de Andrada was busy in repairing his ships at Ormus, and that Don Emanuel de Azeredo had departed from Gor fifty days before for Ormus, to reinforce Andrada with two galleons, one of these being the same in which the viceroy was personally, when he engaged our fleet under Captain Downton. During a calm on the 7th, we captured a small frigate-built ship called the Jacinth, which we named the Primrose, which had come from Mozambique and was bound for Goa. Thence to the 13th, we had variable winds, with calms and much rain. Finding the May-flower delayed us much, and that our pilots were either ignorant or malicious, we resolved to trust to our own endeavours for finding an anchoring place, for our safe riding till the strength of the adverse monsoon was over, for which purpose we determined upon going to Macera.[300]

[Footnote 300: From the latitude of this place, mentioned afterwards in the text, this seems to refer to Mazica, an island about sixty miles long and fifteen or twenty in breadth, a few miles from the oceanic coast of Arabia, in lat. 20 deg. 48' N. and long. 57 deg. 3O' E. from Greenwich.—E.]

We descried land on the 2d June, and anchored in seventeen fathoms three miles offshore, in lat. 20 deg. 20' N. variation 17 deg. W. We found plenty of water in four or five pits, three quarters of a mile from the shore. I had forty tons from one well, which we rolled in hogsheads to the beach. The people were tractable, but we got little else besides water. A tuft of date trees by the watering place bore N.W. by W. from our anchorage, and the other end of the island N.E. 1/2 E. five leagues off. The 12th we sailed for the N.E. end of the island, and in the afternoon came to anchor in a fair bay, having seven fathoms on clean ground, a black oozy sand, the N.E. point bearing S. 1/2 a league off, the landing place W.S.W. two miles off, and the north part of the bay N. by W. four miles off. The latitude of this bay is 20 deg. 30' N. and the variation 17 deg. W.[301] In this bay you may ride safely in any depth between five and twelve fathoms. It is an excellently healthy place, cold and hungry, affording no refreshments except water, enough of which is to be had by digging pits; but it is ill to boat except at the usual landing place. This place afforded us no better supplies than the former, except that we got a few goats and lambs in exchange for canikens. Though good anchorage, this bay was much troubled by a tumbling rolling sea, yet we resolved to remain here with the Hart and Roebuck till the fury of the monsoon were past.

[Footnote 301: The north end of Mazica is in lat. 21 deg. 12", and its south end in 20 deg. 15', both N.—E.]

Having separated some time before from the London, our admiral, we sent on the 19th of June, one Abdelavie, an inhabitant of this island, as far as Zoar with letters in quest of the London. He returned on the 6th July with letters in answer, informing us that the London was at Zoar, seven leagues within Cape Rasalgat, having watered with difficulty at Teve, where their surgeon, Mr Simons, and the chaplain's servant, were surprised on shore by the Portuguese and Arabs. The Hart and Roebuck sailed from Macera, [Mazica,] on the 6th of August, and anchored in the evening of the 8th beside the admiral in the port of Zoar. This road differs from that in which we were in, being cairn, but the air was so hot as to take away our appetites.

We sailed from Zoar on the 15th of August and returned to Swally roads. The 21st September, our whole fleet sailed from Swally, and on the 27th we took leave of the fleet bound for Jasques, consisting of the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard, and Robert. The 1st January, 1622, we were between Johanna and Mayotta, two of the Comoro islands. The 29th we anchored in Saldanha roads, [Table Bay,] having come thither from Surat in nine weeks and three days, blessed be God for our safe and speedy passage. We here watered, bathed in the river, caught fish, and buried our letters; purchasing three cows, one calf, and four sheep, all unsavoury meat.

We sailed again on the 3d February, and anchored on the 19th at St Helena, where we found the Wappen and the Hollandia, two Dutch ships, the latter of which caught fire on the 22d, owing to her cloves, which had been taken in too green at Amboina. There was likewise a third small Dutch ship. They arrived eleven days before us, and it will take them at least ten days more to discharge and reload their damaged cloves. We sailed from St Helena on the 28th February, and anchored in the Downs on the 7th June, 1622.



SECTION XIII.

RELATION OF THE WAR OF ORMUS, AND THE TAKING OF THAT PLACE BY THE ENGLISH AND PERSIANS, IN 1622.[302]

"In the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. II. pp. 1785-1805, there is a long confused account of this business, contained in four several sections; to which many letters and certificates on the subject are subjoined. The first is a brief historical memoir of the foundation of Ormus, from a chronicle in the Arabic, said to have been composed by Pacha Turunxa, perhaps Pacha Turun Shah, one of the kings of that petty sovereignty. The second is a relation of the Ormus war, by Mr W. Pinder, who appears to have served under Andrew Shilling, during the preceding voyage, and sailed as master of the Andrew on this occasion. The third is an account of the earlier part of this war of Ormus, written by T. Wilson, a surgeon serving in the expedition. The fourth is a more particular relation of the whole events of this expedition, extracted by Purchas from the journal of Mr Edward Monoxe, agent for the East Indian merchants trading in Persia. This last has been chosen, as best adapted to give a distinct view of the expedition, but some freedoms have been assumed with it, by assisting the narrative from the other documents in Purchas, already specified."—E.

[Footnote 302: Purch. Pilgr. II. 179s.]

* * * * *

At a consultation held in Swally roads on the 14th November, 1621, a commission was given by Mr Thomas Rastell, president, and the rest of the council, of our factory at Surat, to Captains Richard Blithe and John Weddell, who were bound for Jasques, with five good ships and four pinnaces. The ships were the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, and Lion, and the pinnaces the Shilling, Rose, Robert, and Richard. They were directed to sail with the earliest opportunity for Jasques, keeping together for their mutual defence against the enemy; and, as the Portuguese had disturbed the trade, and made sundry assaults on our ships, killing, maiming, and imprisoning our men, they were authorized to chase and capture any vessels belonging to the ports or subjects under the viceroy of Goa; as likewise, if they met any ships belonging to Dabul, Chaul, or other ports of the Deccan, or to the subjects of the Zamorin of Calicut, to arrest them, in replacement of goods robbed and spoiled by these powers, without embezzling any part of their cargoes, that restitution might be made, after due satisfaction rendered on their parts. A sixth part of the goods taken from the Portuguese were to be distributed as prize, the ship and the rest of the goods to remain to the company; and all the prisoners to be retained, that they might be exchanged for our countrymen, held by them in miserable bondage. They were directed to hasten their business and dispatch at Jasques, if possible within thirty days. And as our enemy under Ruy Frere de Andrada, was reinforced to six galleons, with other small vessels, waiting on the coast of Persia in all likelihood to attack our fleet, they were authorized, both defensively and offensively also, to use all opportunities or advantages against the Portuguese fleet, even in their own ports, if approved by a general council of war.

We arrived in Costack roads on the 23d December, about twenty-seven leagues from Jasques, Ormus being in sight about ten leagues W.N.W. by a meridional compass. Our factors here informed us, that after our sea-fight in the former year, the Portuguese governor of Ormus had erected a fort on Kismis, an island within sight of Ormus, to which the Persians had laid siege for seven or eight months ineffectually, and had lost eight or nine thousand men in the siege; wherefore the Khan or prince of Shiras had, by his ministers, demanded the aid of our ships against the common enemy, the Portuguese, otherwise threatening to detain all the goods and money belonging to the company in Persia. In a consultation held on the 26th December on board the Jonas, in which were present, Captain Richard Blithe, John Weddell, Edward Monoxe, William Baffin, and many others, articles of agreement for giving our aid to the Persians against the Portuguese were drawn up, and being translated into the Persian language, were forwarded by the governor of the province of Mogustan to the Khan of Shiras, then on his way towards Mina, near the mouth of the Persian gulf.

In this consultation, it was considered, as it was required of us by the Persians, that we should give them aid with our ships and people in this war, not only for the purpose of vanquishing the Portuguese navy, but for conquering the island and castle of Ormus; and as we were confident they would endeavour to force us into this service, by embargoing our goods, the governors having already refused to give us camels for their carriage from Mina to the ports: Wherefore, the foresaid proposition being maturely considered, together with the commission from the factors at Surat, warranting us to right ourselves for the great losses and hindrances suffered from the Portuguese, by interrupting our trade both in India and Persia, and their attack last year against the fleet under Captain Shilling; we therefore agreed to proffer the following articles to the Khan, for the public benefit and the securing a peaceable and profitable trade.

First.—In case of conquering the island and castle of Ormus by the Persians with our aid, one half of the spoil and purchase of both to belong to the English, and the other half to the Persians. Secondly—The castle of Ormus shall be delivered up to the English, with all the ordnance, arms, and ammunition thereunto belonging; and the Persians to build another fortress there for themselves, at their own charges. Thirdly.—The customs of Ormus shall be equally divided between the English and the Persians, and the English shall be for ever free from customs. Fourthly.—All Christians made prisoners in this war shall be given up to the disposal of the English, and all Mahomedan prisoners to the Persians. Fifthly.—The Persians shall be at half the charges of the ships employed in this enterprize, in victuals, wages, wear-and-tear, and shall furnish all necessary powder and shot at their sole expence.

These were the chief articles, besides which several others were agreed upon, to be proposed to the Khan. After his arrival at Mina, Mr Bell and Mr Monaxe were sent to wait upon him, on the 8th January, 1622, and were entertained at a sumptuous banquet. A great feast and triumph was also made, in consequence of intelligence that the Shah had conquered a great country in Arabia, with its capital Aweiza.[303] Next day, the Khan sent his vizier and two other principal officers to give an answer to our proposed articles. The first was granted. For the second, it was substituted that the castle of Ormuz was to be occupied by both nations till the King's pleasure was known. The third was granted, provided also, that the goods from India belonging to the king and the Khan were to pass free of duty. In regard to the fourth, reservation was made as to the two principal Portuguese captains, Ruy Frere, captain of Kismis Castle, and Simon de Mela, governor of Ormus, till the king's pleasure were known. Other articles were agreed upon; such as that no change was to be made in regard to religion, and the expence of military stores was to be divided. The Khan and Mr Bell signed these articles; and presently our goods were laden upon the Khan's own camels at free cost, which could not be procured before for any money.

[Footnote 303: This assuredly alludes to Ahwas in Khosistan, to the N.W. of the lower Euphrates, opposite to Bussrah, which, though not in Arabia, is in its immediate neighbourhood, and principally inhabited by people of Arabian origin.—E.]

The 10th of January we returned to Costack, and going on board, acquainted our commanders with the success of our mission. When the news of this agreement became known among the several ships companies, they consulted among themselves, and with one voice refused to take any share in the business. This broke out first in the London, in which ship fifty or sixty of her crew took part in refusing to have any thing to do with this warlike measure; but, after taking much pains to reconcile them to the propriety and necessity of joining with the Persians, Captain Blithe at last prevailed with them, and they promised to go with him wherever he chose to lead them. In a day or two, the flame of discontent and opposition spread among the other ships, alleging that it was no mercantile business, and that it might lead to a breach of the peace between our nation and Spain; but formal protests being taken against the crews, what with the fear of forfeiting their wages, and a promised gratification of a month's pay, they all at last yielded.

We set sail for Ormus on the 19th of January, and anchored on the night of the 22d before the town, about two leagues from the castle, expecting that the enemy's armada would come out to fight us, consisting of five galleons, and some fifteen or twenty frigates, or armed barks; but they hauled in so near the castle, that we could not get nigh them. For which reason, and because our avowed enemy, Ruy Frere de Andrada, was in his newly-erected castle of Kismis, we sailed to that place, where we arrived the next day, and were just in time to save the lives of the Portuguese, who were no longer able to hold out against the Persians, and were willing rather to yield to us than them. After many meetings and treaties, they yielded up both themselves and their castle into our hands on the 1st February, it being concluded that the whole garrison was to depart with their private property to any place except Ormus, their commander only remaining in our hands as a pledge for the fulfilment of the capitulation. In this service two of our people were slain, one of whom was Mr Baffin.[304]

[Footnote 304: Mr Baffin was a mathematician and mariner, to whom our northern and north-western voyages are much indebted.—Purch.

Hence almost certainly the person to whom Baffin's bay, in the north-east of America, owes its name.—E.]

There were about a thousand persons of all sorts in this castle, of whom the Portuguese and some Mahometans were sent away: But the Khan required certain Mahometans to be given up, who he pretended had revolted from him. They were accordingly delivered up, and, though he had formerly promised them mercy, he put them all to death. This castle had seventeen pieces of ordnance, one of which was a brass pedro, two iron demiculverins, four brass sackers, two iron minions, and six iron falcons.[305]

[Footnote 305: On a former occasion, we have given an account of the various kinds of ordnance used about the 17th century. The pedro was probably a gun of large calibre for throwing stone bullets. In modern times, cannon are designated by the weights of their respective balls, in combination with their being long or short, land or sea, field or garrison, single or double fortified, iron or brass.—E.]

Leaving some Englishmen to assist in keeping possession of this fortress along with the Persians, according to agreement, we set sail on the 4th February for Gambroon, on the mainland of Persia, within three leagues of Ormus, and directly opposite. Ruy Frere de Andrada, the late commander of Kismis, was sent off for Surat, in the Lion, accompanied by the Rose and Richard. The London, Jonas, Whale, and Dolphin, with the two prizes of 250 tons each, remained to transport the Persians in safety to Ormus. We were royally feasted at Gambroon by the Khan, who was much dissatisfied that Andrada and some of the Moors had not been delivered up to him, yet dissembled his discontent, in regard of his farther need for our ships in the enterprise against Ormus. After the feast, all the English gentlemen present were presented with vests, each according to his rank.

On the 9th of February we set sail for Ormus, having about two hundred Persian boats of all sizes, besides two frigates or barks, and our ships, having in them about 2500 or 3000 Persian soldiers, of various sorts. We anchored that night about two leagues from the castle; and next forenoon all the Persians were landed on the island of Ormus, a little way from the town, to which they marched in a confused manner, penetrating as far as the Meidan, or market-place, without resistance. The market-place was barricadoed and defended for some time by the Portuguese with shot and pikes; but the Persians soon made way, with small loss, and drove the Portuguese before them into the castle, like so many sheep. One Persian only, who first entered, was slain by a pike, and he who slew him soon lost his head, his heels being too heavy to carry it away.

On first entering the city, the Persian general, named Einam Culi Beg, placed captains with detachments of soldiers in various quarters, proclaiming that each officer was to be answerable for the safety of the quarter assigned to him, and threatening death to all who were found pillaging. Some infringing these orders were severely punished, some being hanged, others having their ears or noses cut off, and others bastinadoed even for trifles. Yet, in two or three days after, the shops and houses were forced open, and every man so wearied with carrying away plunder all day long, and sleeping so securely at night without any proper military precautions, that the Portuguese might easily have slain many, if they had ventured upon making a sally.

On the night of our landing, I took possession of a very commodious house for a factory, which, for convenience and goodness of its rooms, exceeded, as I think, any factory belonging to the Honourable Company. But it proved too hot for me on the 13th, in the night, as one of the master's mates of the Whale, with others of his companions, after I was in bed, by carelessness of candles, while searching for plunder, set a room on fire in which were some goods given me in charge by the general. Fortunately the wind favoured us, so that the house was not consumed. Considering the strength of this city, and that every house was as it were a little castle, I was astonished the Portuguese should have abandoned it so soon. But it seems they were afraid of being intercepted by the Persians in their retreat to the castle, and dreaded that the Mahometan inhabitants might have betrayed them.

The Persians began presently to throw up trenches, and daily approached nearer the castle, and, with our help, erected batteries for ordnance, and sconces or redoubts for securing their men, and protecting the trenches. With the cannon from our ships, we sore galled the Portuguese ships, forcing them to haul in as close as possible to the castle. On the 24th of February, four of our boats set fire to the San Pedro, formerly admiral of Andrada's fleet, which put all the rest in great danger, but the tide carried her out to sea, and her relics were towed on shore at Gambroon by the Arab and other country boats, some iron ordnance and shot being got out of her burnt carkass. The Khan was much rejoiced at this exploit.

The Persians having succeeded in constructing a mine under one of the bastions, which was charged with upwards of forty barrels of powder, it was exploded on the 17th of March, by which a practicable breach was made in the salient angle of the bastion. The Persians made immediately a fierce assault, and Shah Culi Beg got possession of the bastion with 200 of his bravest men, and maintained himself there for at least three hours; but the Portuguese made a brave defence, and with powder-pots, scalding lead, and other devices of fire, did much hurt to the assailants, burning, scalding, and slaying many of them, so that the Persians were at last driven out with considerable loss, most of them being wounded, scalded, or scorched. On the same day, the city was set on fire in several places, by the command of the Persian general, as was reported, because his Arab soldiers lurked among the houses, and could not be got forth to do any service in the siege.

To the number of four or five thousand men, we were now cooped up in a barren island without shelter, producing nothing in itself except salt; and I know not by what mistaken policy the general had been induced to send away all the rice and other victuals, by which means we were reduced to depend upon the continent for a daily supply of provisions, and even water; so that, if a fleet of Portuguese frigates had come, as was expected, we must have been famished, as the country boats durst not have ventured to us from the main. The rain water in the open cisterns was daily wasted, and became brackish, no care being taken to fill the jars and private cisterns in almost every house, while it remained good. The Persians are quite ignorant in the art of war, for they entered the breach without fear, precaution, or means of establishing themselves; and they lost with shame what they might have defended with honour. I observed other defects in their management, even of the very sinews of war; and I am astonished that Shah Abbas, the wonder of our age, should have sent his army on this expedition so weakly provided with money, arms, ammunition, ships, and all other necessaries. I am even satisfied that all the money belonging to the khan was consumed in one month's pay to our ships, and I fear we shall have to wait for the rest till the plunder is converted into money. In regard to arms and ammunition, they have only small pieces, with bows and arrows, and swords, some of their chiefs having coats of mail. They were so scarce of powder, that after blowing their mine, they had hardly enough to supply the small arms for entering the breach, though furnished with twenty or twenty-five barrels from our ships. They had not a single scaling-ladder to assist their entry. Were we to forsake them, they would soon be completely at a stand, yet they have already broken conditions with us in several things, and I much fear, when all is done, we shall be paid with reversions, and what else they themselves please.

Our ordnance so galled the Portuguese ships from the shore, that a galleon was sunk on the 19th of March, and two more on the 20th and 23d. The last come ship from Goa, which was their admiral, and one of the others, were, I think, sacrificed by the policy of the governor, that the garrison might have no means of escape, and might therefore defend themselves manfully to the last, in hopes of relief from Goa, though some thought they went down in consequence of injuries from sunken rocks, in hauling them so near the castle to get them out of the range of our battery.

On the 27th, news was brought me that some of the Portuguese were come from the castle to treat of peace, upon which I repaired to the general's tent, where I could well perceive, by the countenances of our two English commanders, that I was by no means welcome: But, to requite them in their own coin, both they and I soon saw that none of us were acceptable to the Persians, for they long delayed bringing in the Portuguese messenger, in hopes we would have gone away, but at length, seeing we remained, he was brought in. The drift of his speech was to the following effect:—"His captain had sent him to kiss the hands of the general, and to ask the reason of making war upon the Portuguese, who were friends to the Persians, and thought it strange, considering their ancient league and friendship, that so great a war should be made only for one or two wells of water. Besides, that the governor and people of Ormus were not to blame for what had been done at Kismis by Ruy Frere de Andrada; yet were they willing, so far as might consist with the honour of their sovereign, to purchase peace, which they needed not to do either from fear or weakness, having above a thousand able-bodied men in the castle, with provisions and water for many months; besides which, they were in daily expectation of succours from Goa. He concluded by saying, that the Persians would find it a hard matter to win the castle, as they were resolved to defend themselves to the last man."

The latter part of this speech, consisting of bravado, was by no means pleasing to the Persian general, who desired the messenger to declare the purpose of his coming. On which he said, the governor wished to know what the Persian general would have? To this the general answered, that he would have the castle; and with that answer the messenger was dismissed, without even the offer of a cup of wine, if I had not caused one to be given him. I suspect he brought a more substantial message, which was omitted on account of our presence, having been so instructed by Shah Culi Beg, in whose house he was at least for an hour before he was brought before the general. I fear therefore some sinister designs of the Persians, which a few days will discover.

Our captains, by means of their interpreters, now moved their own affairs with the general, to which he gave no great heed, but desired that business might be deferred for some time; yet had he that very day earnestly entreated them to send him a quantity of powder from the ships, meaning that night to attempt blowing up the castle, for which the mines were all ready, and he wanted nothing but powder. They had accordingly sent him thirty-four barrels, for which forwardness I fear the Company at home will give them little thanks.

The 28th March, understanding that two chief men of the Portuguese garrison were in Shah Culi Beg's house, where they had been four or five hours in conference with the Persian general, without sending to us, which increased our suspicions that the Persians meant to deal fraudulently with us; the two English commanders and I went together to the tent of the Persian general, and expressed our dislike of this underhand manner of proceeding. We stated, that we were partakers with them in this war, in which we had hazarded ourselves, our ships, and our goods, besides the hindrance we sustained by losing the monsoon, and that we ought to be equal participators in all treaties and proceedings, as well as in the war, and desired therefore to know what they had concluded, or meant to conclude, with the Portuguese. To this he answered, that nothing had been done, neither should any thing be concluded without acquainting us. This was a mere empty compliment, which all his actions belied. We must, however, be content to suffer all with patience: Yet, were it not for our merchants and woods in Persia, we could easily have remedied this affair, and have brought the Portuguese to such terms as we pleased. As matters stand, however, we are so tied down, we must be patient, and I fear things will turn out very ill, though they pretend all things shall be done to our contentment.

About noon this day, seeing many Arabs in the Meidan armed with pikes and guns, whom I did not usually see so armed, I at length observed them ranged upon both sides of the market-place, and presently afterwards two Portuguese gentlemen passed, attended by six or eight pages and servants, one of whom carried an umbrella over their heads. They were accompanied by Shah Culi Beg, and other chief Persians, who conducted them to the house of Agariza of Dabul. Though uninvited, I went there also, and intruded into their company, where I found the Persian general and other chiefs, his assistants and counsellors. The general gave me a kind welcome, and made me sit down next himself, which I did not refuse, that the Portuguese might see we were in grace and favour. Having made my obeisance to the Persians, I then saluted the Portuguese officers, who returned the compliment, after which I had some general conversation with them, not pertaining to the great purpose in hand, of which I did not presume to speak, till the general gave me occasion, which was not until after a collation of pilaw, and other dishes, after the fashion of Persia.