Many men devote their fortunes to works of charity, as in building serais, or lodging-houses for travellers, digging wells, or constructing tanks near highways, that the travellers may have water; and where such cannot be had, they will hire poor men to sit by the way-sides, and offer water to the passengers. The day of rest among the Hindoos is Thursday, as Friday is among the Mahometans, Saturday with the Jews, and Sunday with the Christians.[241] They have many solemn festivals, and they make pilgrimages, among which the most famous are Nagracut and Syba, formerly mentioned; where, if Mr Coryat may be believed, who says he carefully observed the same, people cut off part of their tongues out of devotion. It were easy to enlarge on this subject, but I will not any farther describe their stupid idolatry. The sum of the whole is, that both the Hindoos and Mahometans ground all their opinions on tradition, not on reason, and are content to perish with their fore-fathers, out of preposterous zeal and fond perverseness, never rightly considering the grounds of their belief.

[Footnote 241: Monday is the day of rest with the people of Pegu. In Java, each individual keeps that day holy on which he has begun some great work.—Purch.]

Both the Mahometans and Hindoos are under subjection to the Great Mogul, the term Mogul signifying a circumcised man, so that Great Mogul means the Chief of the Circumcision. The present king is the ninth in lineal descent from that famous eastern conqueror, whom we name Tamerlane, and who in their histories is named Timor. Towards the close of his life, he had the misfortune to fall from his horse, which made him halt during the remainder of his days, whence he was called Timur-lang, or Timur the lame. The emperor styles himself The King of Justice, the Light of the Law of Mahomet, and the Conqueror of the World. He himself judges and determines on all matters of importance which occur near his residence, judging according to allegations and proofs, by his own sense of right. The trials are conducted quickly, and the sentences speedily executed, culprits being hanged, beheaded, impaled, torn by dogs, destroyed by elephants, bitten by serpents, or other devices, according to the nature of the crimes; the executions being generally in the public market-place. The governors of provinces and cities administer justice in a similar manner. I could never hear of any written law, the will of the king and his substitutes being the law. His vicegerents are not allowed to continue long in one place, lest they acquire popularity, and are therefore usually removed yearly. They receive the letters of the king with every possible indication of respect. They look to receive presents from all who have occasion to apply to them; and, if not often gratified with these, will ask for them, and will even send back such as they do not approve, demanding better to be substituted. The cadi has power to imprison debtors and sureties, who are bound by written deeds; and men in power, for payment of debts due to them, will often sell the persons, wives, and children of their debtors, which is warranted by the customs of the land.

The king appears in public three times every day. His first appearance is at sun-rise, from a bow-window looking; towards the east, where great multitudes assemble to salute him, or give him the salam, calling out padishah salamet, which signifies Live, O King! At noon he again sits in public seeing his elephants fight, or some other pastimes. A little before sun-set, he shews himself a third time, at a window looking to the west, whence he retires amid the sound of drums and wind-instruments of music, the acclamations of the people adding to the noise. At any of these three appearances, all who have any suit to him hold up their petitions to be seen, and are heard in their own causes. Between seven and nine in the evening, he again sits in private, attended by his nobles.

No subject of this empire holds any lands by inheritance, neither have they any titles but such as depend on the will of the king. Owing to this, many of the grandees live up fully to the extent of their means. Merchants also, and others, are very careful to conceal their wealth, lest they be made spunges. Some small means of living are allowed by the king to the sons of his great men, which they can never make better, unless they succeed to the favour enjoyed by their fathers. His pensions are reckoned by the numbers of horsemen allotted to each; and of these he pays a million in the whole extent of his empire, to the amount of twenty-five pounds being yearly allowed for each horseman, which are drawn from lands, specified in the particular grants or commissions. There are about twenty of his courtiers who have each the pay of 5000 horse; others of 4000, 3000, 2000, and so downwards. He who has the pay of 5000, is bound to have 2000 always on foot ready for service, and so in like proportion for all others. This absolute dependence renders them dissolute parasites. When the Mogul gives advancement to any one, he adds a new name or title, as Pharaoh did to Joseph. These names or titles are very significant; as Mahobet Khan, the beloved lord; Khan Jahaun, the lord of my heart; Khan Allum, the lord of the world, &c.

The principal officers of state are, the treasurer, the master of the eunuchs, who is steward and comptroller of the household, the secretary, the master of the elephants, the tent-master, and the keeper of the wardrobe. The subordinate titles of honour are Khan, Mirza, Omrah or Captain, Haddee, which last is a soldier or horseman. Gorgeous apparel is in a great measure prohibited, owing to the great heat of the sun; even the Great Mogul himself being usually clothed in a garment of pure white calico or fine muslin. Blue, being the colour of mourning, may not be worn in his presence, neither the name of death pronounced in his hearing. This circumstance is usually expressed by some circumlocution, as that such a person has sacrificed himself at the feet of his majesty.

Owing to the great heat of this country, there is but little demand for English cloth, which is almost only employed for the housings of elephants and horses, and the linings of coaches. This sovereign assuredly exceeds all others in the splendour of his thrones, and the variety and richness of his jewels. In his palace at Agra, he has a throne upon a raised platform, to which he ascends by several steps, on the top of which are four figures of lions of massy silver, gilded and set with precious stones, and supporting a dome or canopy of pure gold. I may mention, that when I was at his court, he had a tame lion which went up and down at liberty, as harmless as a dog. The jewels with which he daily adorns his head, neck, and arms, and the hilts of his sword and dagger, are rich and valuable beyond all computation. On his birthday, which happens on the 1st of September, he being now sixty years of age, he is weighed, and an account thereof carefully noted down by his physicians, who thereby guess at his bodily condition.[242]

[Footnote 242: See of these and other things, formerly stated, in the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, and therefore here omitted. Purch.]

The following are parts of two letters from the Great Mogul to his majesty King James I. translated out of Persian, and sent through Sir Thomas Roe, one written a year before the other. What followed in both letters, was merely complimentary assurances of his love for the English. These letters were rolled up and covered with cloth of gold, the covering being sealed up at both ends, which is the fashion in that country. Copies were sent to the lord ambassador, from which these specimens were translated out of the Persian language.

* * * * *

"When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be fresh as a sweet garden. Let all people make lowly reverence at your gate, and may your throne be exalted among the kings of the prophet Jesus. May your majesty be the greatest of all monarchs; and may others draw counsel and wisdom from you, as from a fountain, that the law of the divine Jesus may revive and flourish under your protection. Your letters of love and friendship, and the tokens of your affection towards me, I have received by the hands of your ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, who well deserves to be your trusted servant, and who delivered them to me in a happy hour. Upon them mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them to any other object, and have accepted them with much joy," &c.—The other began as follows:

* * * * *

"How gracious is your majesty, whose greatness God preserve and prosper. As upon a rose in a garden of pleasure, so are mine eyes fixed upon your majesty. May God maintain your greatness, so that your monarchy may prosper and increase, that you may obtain all your desires, worthy the greatness of your renown. As your heart is noble and upright, so may God give you a prosperous reign, because you powerfully defend the majesty of Jesus, which may God render yet more flourishing, having been confirmed by miracles," &c.

* * * * *

We travelled two years with the Great Mogul, who was in progress through his dominions, moving only during the temperate months, between October and April. On this occasion, I am confident that the leskar, or camp, contained not less than 300,000 persons, including men, women, and children, besides elephants, horses, and other beasts, that were fed upon grain; yet we never experienced any scarcity of provisions, not even in our nineteen days journey through a wilderness, between Mandoa and Amadavar, [Ahmedabad.] On this occasion, a road was cut for us through the forest. The tents of the leskar were of various colours, being regularly arranged, and represented a large and splendid city. The king's tents were red, and raised on poles to a great height, being placed in the middle of the camp, and covering a great extent of ground; the whole of the royal quarter being encircled by canats, or walls, made of red calico, held up by canes at every breadth, and standing upright about nine feet high, which was guarded all round by soldiers every night.

The king removed ten or twelve miles every day, more or less according to the convenience of procuring water. His wives and women of all sorts, which are not less than a thousand, all lodged and provided for in his tents, were carried along with the leskar, some in palanquins, others upon elephants, or in cradles or panniers slung upon dromedaries, all closely covered up that they might not be seen, and attended upon by eunuchs. In the choice of his wives, the Great Mogul respects fancy more than honour, not seeking affinity with neighbouring princes, but to please his eye at home. Noormahal, the best beloved among his wives, whose name signifies the Light of the Court, was of mean origin, but has since advanced her friends to high rank and employments, and in a manner commands the commander of the empire, by engrossing his whole affections. The king and his great men continue to maintain their women, but little affect them after thirty years old.

Notwithstanding the multitude of his women, the Great Mogul has only six children, five sons and a daughter. All his sons are styled sultans, or princes. The eldest is Sultan Cursero, the second, Sultan Parrveis, the third, Sultan Caroon, the fourth, Sultan Shahar, and the youngest, Sultan Tauct.[243] The name of this last signifies a Throne; and he was so named by the king, because he was informed of his birth at the time when he got quiet possession of the throne. The eldest-born son of one of his legitimate wives has right to inherit the throne, and has a title signifying the Great Brother. Although the others are not put to death as with the Turks, yet it is observed that they seldom long survive their fathers, being commonly employed on some dangerous expedition.

[Footnote 243: These names seem to have been written by Terry from the ear. By others, they are respectively named Cusero, Parvis, Churrum, Shahar, and Taucht.—E.]

Akbar Shah, the father of the reigning Mogul, had threatened to disinherit him, for some abuse to Anar-Kalee, his most beloved wife, whose name signifies pomegranate kernel; but on his death-bed he restored him to the succession. Akbar was wont, upon taking any displeasure at one of his grandees, to give them pills to purge their souls from their bodies, and is said to have come by his death in the following manner. Intending to give one of these pills to a nobleman who had incurred his displeasure, and meaning to take at the same time a cordial pill himself, while he was cajoling the destined victim with flattering speeches, he, by mistake, took the poisoned pill himself, and gave the cordial to the nobleman. This carried him off in a few days, by a mortal flux of blood.[244]

[Footnote 244: Neque enim lex justior ulla est, quam necis artifices arte perire sua.—Purch.]

The character of Jehanguire, the reigning Mogul, seems strangely compounded of opposite extremes. He is at times excessively cruel, and at other times extremely mild. He is himself much given to excess in wine, yet severely punishes that fault in others. His subjects know not what it is to disobey his commands, forgetting the natural bonds of private life, even those between father and son, in the fulfilment of their public duty. He daily relieves numbers of the poor; and often, as a mark of his filial piety, is in use to carry the palanquin of his mother on his own shoulders. He speaks with much reverence of our Saviour, but is offended by his cross and poverty, deeming them incompatible with his divine Majesty, though told that his humility was on purpose to subdue the pride of the world.

All religions are tolerated, and even their priests are held in good esteem. I used often to receive from the Mogul the appellation of Father, with many other gracious words, and had a place assigned me among his nobles. The jesuits are not only admitted into his presence, but encouraged by many gifts, and are permitted to convert the subjects, who do not on that event lose their favour at court. On one occasion, the Mogul put the sincerity of a convert to a severe trial. Having used many threatenings to induce him to abandon his new faith, and finding him undaunted, he tried by flatteries and high promises to draw him back; but these also being unavailing, he bade him continue a Christian, and dismissed him with a reward; saying, if he had been able to terrify or cajole him from his religion, he would have made him a terrible example for all waverers.

When I was in this country, the chief jesuit residing at the court of the Mogul, was Francisco Corsi, a Florentine by birth, who acted likewise as agent for the Portuguese. I wish I could confirm the reports they have made of conversions; but the real truth is, that they have merely spilt the water of baptism on the faces of a few, working on the necessities of some poor men, who from want of means to live, with which the jesuits supplied them, have been persuaded to wear crucifixes, but who, for want of instruction, are only Christians in name. Of these few mendicants, or so called by Christians, I noticed that five of them would beg in the name of Maria, for one who asked in the name of Jesus. I also desired to have put my hands to the holy work, but found extreme difficulty in the way, owing both to the Mahometan laxity in regard to the use of women, and the debauched lives of some unchristian Christians.—May he who hath the key of David open their eyes, and in his good time send labourers into this vineyard. Amen.



SECTION VIII.

JOURNEY OF THOMAS CORYAT BY LAND, FROM JERUSALEM TO THE COURT OF THE GREAT MOGUL.[245]

INTRODUCTION.

Without proposing to follow this singularly bold English traveller and whimsical writer, in all his crudities, as he has quaintly termed his own writings, it has seemed proper to give some abbreviated extracts of his observations, which may serve in some measure to illustrate those of Sir Tomas Roe and the Reverend Edward Terry.—E.

[Footnote 245: Purch. Pilgr. I. 607. In regard to this short article, see introduction to the immediately preceding Section.—E.]

Sec.1. Letter from Ajimeer, the Court of the Great Mogul, to Mr L. Whitaker, dated in the Year 1615.

My last letter to you was from Zobah, as it is called by the prophet Samuel, B. II. ch. viii. v. 3. now named Aleppo, the principal emporium of all Syria, or rather of the eastern world; which was, I think, about fifteen months ago. I returned from Jerusalem to Aleppo, where I remained three months afterwards, and then departed in a caravan bound for Persia. Passing the river Euphrates, the chiefest of the rivers which irrigated the terrestrial paradise, when about four days journey from Aleppo, I entered into Mesopotamia, or Chaldea. Hence, in two days journey, I reached Ur of the Chaldees, where Abraham was born, a very delicate and pleasant city.[246] I remained here four days; and in other four days journey reached the Tigris, which I also passed, at a place where it was so shallow that it only reached to the calf of my leg, so that I waded over a-foot. I then entered into the greater Armenia; and thence into lower Media, and resided six days in its metropolis, formerly called Ecbatana, the summer residence of Cyrus the Great, now called Tauris. More woeful ruins of a city I never beheld, excepting those of Troy and of Cyzicum in Natolia.

[Footnote 246: Probably Orfa in Diarbekir is here meant.—E.]

From that place I went to Cashbin, called by Strabo, Arsacia, in higher Media, once the residence of the Tartar prince; four days journey from the Caspian Sea. From Cashbin, I went in twenty-three days to Ispahan in Parthia, the residence of the king of Persia; but while I was there, he was in Gurgistan, [Georgia,] ransacking the poor Christians of that country with fire and sword. I remained two months at Ispahan, whence I travelled with a caravan to the eastern India, passing four months and several days in travelling from that city, through part of Persia proper, and a large extent of the noble and renowned India, to the goodly city of Lahore. This is one of the largest cities in the world, being, at the least, sixteen miles in circuit, and larger even than Constantinople. Twelve days before coming to Lahore, I passed over the famous river Indus, which is as broad again as our Thames at London, having its original from the mountain of Caucassus, so ennobled by ancient poets and historians, both Greek and Latin.

When about midway between Ispahan and Lahore, just about the frontiers between Persia and India, I met Sir Robert Shirley and his lady, travelling from the court of the Mogul to that of Persia. They were gallantly furnished for their journey, and shewed me, to my great satisfaction, both my books, very neatly kept, and promised to shew them, especially my itinerary, to the king of Persia, and to interpret some of the principal contents to him in Turkish, that I may have the more gracious access to him at my return. Besides other rarities which they carried with them, they had two elephants and eight antelopes, being the first of either I had ever seen. But afterwards, when I came to the Mogul's, court, I saw many. They intended to present these animals to the king of Persia. Both Sir Robert and his lady used me with much respect; especially his lady, who presented me with forty shillings in Persian money; and they seemed joyful at meeting me, promising to bring me into good grace with the king of Persia, as I mean, with God's help, to return through Persia to Aleppo.

From Lahore, I travelled in twenty days to another goodly city named Agra, through such a beautiful and level country as I had never seen before. In this way, from the town's end of Lahore to the skirts of Agra, we had a row of trees on both sides of the road, the most incomparable avenue I ever beheld. Some ten days journey from Lahore towards Agra, but about ten miles off the road on the left hand, there is a mountain, the inhabitants of which have a singular custom, all the brothers of one family having but one wife among them, so that one women sometimes has six or seven husbands. The same is related by Strabo concerning the inhabitants of Arabia Felix. Agra is a very great city, but in every respect much inferior to Lahore. Here the Mogul used always to keep his court, till within these two years.

From Agra I went in ten days to the Mogul's court, at a town called Asmere, [Ajimeer,] where I found an English. Cape merchant with nine more of our countrymen, residing there in the way of trade for our East India Company. In. my journey from Jerusalem to the court of the Great Mogul, I spent fifteen months and some days, travelling all the way a-foot, having been so great a propatetic, or walker forwards on foot, as I doubt if you ever heard of the like; for the whole way, from Jerusalem to Ajimeer, contains 2700 English miles. My whole perambulation of the greater Asia is likely to extend almost to 6000 miles, by the time I have returned back through Persia, by Babylon and Nineveh to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, when I propose, with God's blessing, to embark for Christendom.

The reigning Great Mogul is named Selim.[247] He is fifty-three years of age, his birth-day having been celebrated with wonderful magnificence since my arrival. He was that day weighed in a pair of golden scales, which by great chance I saw that same day, the opposite scale being filled with as much gold as counterpoised his weight, and this is afterwards distributed among the poor. This custom is observed every year. His complexion is of an olive colour, something between white and black; being of a seemly stature, but somewhat corpulent. His dominions are very extensive, being about 4000 English miles in circumference, nearly answerable to the compass of the Turkish territories; or, if the Mogul kingdom be any way inferior in size to that empire, it is more than equally endowed with a fertile soil beyond that of any other country, and in having its territory connected together in one goodly continent, within which no other prince possesses one single foot of land. The yearly revenue of the Mogul extends to forty millions of crowns, of six shillings each, while that of the Turk does not exceed fifteen millions, as I was credibly informed in Constantinople, nor that of the Sophy five millions, as I learnt at Ispahan. It is said that the present Great Mogul is not circumcised, in which he differs from all other Mahometan sovereigns.

[Footnote 247: He was Sultan Selim before his accession to the throne, but was afterward known by the new name of Jehunguire.—E.]

The Great Mogul speaks with much revrence of our Saviour, naming him Hazaret Eesa, that is to say, the Great Prophet Jesus.[248] He likewise uses all Christians, and especially the English, with more benevolence than does any other Mahometan prince. He keeps many wild beasts, such as lions, elephants, leopards, bears, antelopes, and unicorns, [rhinoceroses,] of which I saw two at his court, the strangest beasts in the world. They were brought out of Bengal, a kingdom in his dominions of most wonderful fertility, above four months journey from this place, the mid-land parts of which are watered by various channels and branches of the famous river Ganges. I have not yet seen that country, but mean to visit it, God willing, before my departure, the nearest part of it being only about twelve days journey from hence.

[Footnote 248: The Persian word Hasaret, here erroneously rendered Great Prophet, seems to signify literally face or presence, and is metaphorically used as a term of highest dignity, of which an instance occurs in the present section, used by Coryat himself in addressing the Great Mogul—E.]

Twice every week elephants are made to fight before the Mogul, forming the bravest spectacle that can be imagined, many of them being thirteen feet and a half in height, and they jostle together as though they were two little mountains; and were they not separated in the midst of their fighting, by means of certain fire-works, they would exceedingly hurt and gore each other, by their murderous tusks. The Mogul is said to keep 30,000 elephants, at a most enormous expence; and in feeding them, together with his lions and other beasts, he expends an incredible sum of money, being at the least 10,000 pounds sterling daily. I have myself rode upon an elephant since I came to this court, meaning in my next book to have my effigies represented in that form. This king keeps a thousand women for his own use, the chiefest of whom, called Normal, (Noormahal) is his queen.

In my ten months journey between Aleppo and this court, I spent just three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonably every day; victuals being so cheap in some of the countries through which I travelled, that I often lived competently for one penny a-day. Of that three pounds, I was actually cozened out of ten shillings, by certain evil Christians of the Armenian nation; so that in reality I only expended fifty shillings in all that time. I have been in a city of this country called Detee,[249] where Alexander the Great joined battle with Porus king of India, and defeated him; and where, in memory of his victory, he caused erect a brazen pillar, which remains there to this day. At this time I have many irons in the fire, as I am learning the Persian, Turkish, and Arabic languages, having already acquired the Italian. I have been already three months at the court of the Great Mogul, and propose, God willing, to remain here five months longer, till I have got these three languages; after which I propose to visit the river Ganges, and then to return to the court of Persia.

[Footnote 249: This is obviously a misprint for Delee, meaning Delhi; but it is more probable that Alexander never was beyond the Punjab.—E.]

In the course of my journey, I was robbed of my money, but not of all, having some concealed in certain secret corners. This was done at the city of Diarbekir in Mesopotatamia, by a Turkish horse soldier, whom they call a spahee. Since my arrival here, there was sent to this king the richest present I ever heard of. It consisted of various things, the whole amounting to the value of ten of their lacks, a lack being L10,000 sterling. Part of this present consisted of thirty-one elephants, two of which were more gorgeously adorned than any thing I ever saw, or shall see in the course of my life. They had each four massy chains all of beaten gold, around their bodies, with two chains of the same about their legs, furniture for their buttocks of the same rich material, and two golden lions on their heads.

Sec.2. Letter from Agra, the Capital of the Great Mogul, to his Mother, dated 31st October, 1616.

Most dear and well-beloved Mother,

This city is the metropolis of the whole dominions of the Great Mogul, and is at the distance of ten days journey from Ajimeer, whence I departed on the 12th September this year, after having abode there twelve months and sixty days. This my long stay in one place, was for two principal causes; one being to learn the languages of these countries through which I am to pass between this country and Christendom, namely, Persian, Turkish, and Arabic, which I have competently attained to by labour and industry, being as available to me as money, and the chiefest, or rather the only means to get me money if I should happen to be in want; and, secondly, that, by the help of the Persian, I might get myself access to the Mogul, and be able to express my mind unto him about what I proposed to lay before him. During all this time, I abode in the house of the English merchants, my dear countrymen, not expending any money at all for lodging, diet, washing, or any other thing.

I attained to a reasonable skill in the Persian tongue, by earnest study in a few months, so that I made an oration to the king in that language, before many of his nobles; and afterwards discoursed with him very readily. The copy of this speech I have sent you, as a novelty, though the language may seem strange and uncouth to an Englishman; and I have sent you herewith a translation, which you may shew along with the Persian original to some of my learned friends of the clergy, and also of the laity, who may take some pleasure in reading so rare and unusual a tongue. The Persian is this that follows:

Hazaret Aallum-pennah, Salamet: fooker Darceish, ce jehaun-gesht hastam; ke mia emadam az wellageti door, yanne as muik Ingliz-stan, ke kessanion pesheen mushacar cardand, ke wellageti mazcoor der akeri magrub bood, ke mader hamma jezzaereti dunia ast, &c.[250]—The English of it is this:

"Lord protector of the world, all hail! I am a poor traveller and world-seer, who am come here from a far country called England, which ancient historians thought to have been situated in the farthest bounds of the west, and which is the queen of all the islands in the world. The causes of my coming hither are four. First, that I might behold the blessed countenance of your majesty, whose great fame has resounded over all Europe, and through all the Mahometan countries. When I heard of the fame of your majesty, I made all possible haste hither, and cheerfully endured the labour of travelling, that I might see your glorious court. Secondly, I was desirous of seeing your majesty's elephants, which kind of beasts I have not seen in any other country. Thirdly, that I might see your famous river the Ganges, the captain of all the rivers in the world. Fourthly, to entreat your majesty, that you would vouchsafe to grant me your most gracious phirmaund, that I may travel into the country of Tartaria to the city of Samarcand, to visit the blessed sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners,[251] whose fame, by reason of his wars and victories, is published over the whole world, so that perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartary as in England. I have a strong desire to see the sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners for this cause, that, when in Constantinople, I saw a notable old building in a pleasant garden near the said city, where the Christian emperor, Emanuel, made a sumptuous banquet to the Lord of the Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet in a great battle near the city of Brusa, when the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in golden fetters, and put him into an iron cage. These causes have induced me to travel thus far from my native country, having come a-foot through Turkey and Persia into this country, my pilgrimage having extended so three thousand miles, with much labour and toil, such as no mortal man hath ever yet performed, to see the blessed countenance of your majesty, since the first day of your being inaugurated in your imperial throne."

[Footnote 250: The whole discourse, of which the following paragraph in the text is the translation, is contained in the Pilgrims: But doubting its accuracy, as that book is most incorrectly printed throughout, the editor requested the favour of the late learned professor of oriental languages in the University of Edinburgh, Dr Alexander Murray, to revise and correct this first sentence, which he most readily did, adding the following literal translation: "Presence, [or face.] of the world—protector, salutation to thee: A poor dervish and world-wanderer I am; that I have come from a kingdom far, to-wit, from the kingdom of Ingliz-stan, which historians ancient, relation have made, that kingdom said, in the end of the west was, which the mother of every island of the world is," &c.]

[Footnote 251: This is the title given to Tamerlane in this country, in the Persian language, meaning that he was lord over the four corners of the earth, that is, the highest and supreme monarch of the world.—Purch.]

When I had ended my speech, I conversed with him for a short space in Persian, when, among other things, he told me that he could do me no service in regard to my proposed journey to Samarcand, as there was no intimacy between him and the princes of the Tartars, so that his commendatory letters would avail me little. He also added, that the Tartars bore so deadly a hate against all Christians, that they would certainly kill any who might venture into their country, wherefore he earnestly dissuaded me from this proposed journey, as I valued my life and welfare. At last, he concluded his discourse by throwing down to me, from a window in which he stood, that looked into the street, an hundred pieces of silver, worth two shillings each or ten pounds in all, which were thrown into a sheet hanging by the four corners.

I had conducted this affair so secretly, by the help of the Persian which I had learnt, that neither our English ambassador, nor any other of my countrymen, excepting one special and private friend, knew any thing at all about the matter till I had thoroughly accomplished my design. For I well knew, if the ambassador had got the smallest notice of my purpose, that he would have counteracted me, as indeed he signified to me after I had effected my purpose, alledging that this might redound to the discredit of our nation, for one of our country to present himself in that poor and beggarly manner before the king, to crave money from him by flattery. But I answered our ambassador so resolutely, that he was glad to let me alone. Indeed, I never had more need of money in all my life than at this time, having only to the value of twenty shillings remaining, owing to my having been stripped of almost all my money by a miscreant Turk, in a city called Imaret, in Mesopotamia.

After my interview with the Mogul, I went to visit a certain noble and generous Christian of the Armenian nation, two days journey from court, to observe certain remarkable matters at that place; and, by means of my knowledge of the Persian language, he made me very welcome, entertaining me with much civility and kindness; and, at my departure, gave me very bountifully twenty pieces of the same coin as the king had done, worth forty shillings of our money. About ten days after this, I departed from Ajimeer, the court of the Great Mogul, to resume my pilgrimage, after my long rest of fourteen months, proposing to go back into Persia. On this occasion, our ambassador gave me a gold piece of this king's coin, worth twenty-four shillings, which I shall save till my arrival in England, if it be possible. I have thus received in benevolences, since I came into this country, twenty marks sterling,[252] bating two shillings and eight-pence, besides L1:13:4 sterling, in Persian money, from Lady Shirley, upon the confines of Persia. At this present, being in Agra, whence I write this letter, I have about twelve pounds, which, according to my manner of living on the way, at two-pence a-day, will very competently maintain me during three years travel, considering the cheapness of all eatables in Asia. Drink costs me nothing, as I hardly ever drink any thing beyond pure water during my pilgrimage.

[Footnote 252: Twenty marks are L15:6:8 sterling.—E.]

I mean to remain in Agra for six weeks longer, waiting an excellent opportunity of going to the famous river Ganges, about five days journey from hence, to see a memorable meeting of the idolatrous people of this country, called Banians, of whom to the number of 400,000 go thither, on purpose to bathe and shave themselves in the river, and to sacrifice a world of gold to that same river, partly in stamped coin, and partly in great massy lumps and wedges, thrown into the river as a sacrifice, besides many other strange ceremonies, worthy of being observed. So notable a spectacle is no where to be seen, neither in this the greater Asia, nor in the lesser, now called Natolia. This shew is made once in every year, on which occasion people flock thither from almost a thousand miles off, worshipping the river as a god and saviour; a most abominable and impious superstition of these brutish heathens, aliens from Christ. As soon as I have seen this ceremony, I propose, by God's help, to repair to Lahore, twenty days journey from hence, and so into Persia, &c.

Your dutiful, loving, and obedient son, Now a desolate pilgrim in the world, THOMAS CORYAT.

Sec.3. Some Observations concerning India, by Thomas Coryat.[253]

Whereas in this country the beggars beg from a Christian in the name of Bibbee Maria, and not of Hazaret Eesa, we may gather that the Jesuits have preached our Lady Mary more than the Lord Jesus.

[Footnote 253: Purchas informs us, that these were taken from certain notes written by Coryat, given him by Sir Thomas Roe; "whence, omitting such things as have been given before from the observations of Sir Thomas Roe himself, I have inserted a few."—Purch.]

A great rajah of the Hindoos, who was a notorious atheist, and a contemner of all diety, and who boasted that he knew of no God except the king, and neither believed nor feared any other, happened one day to sit dallying among his women, when one of them plucked a hair from his breast, which hair being fast-rooted, plucked off along with it a small bit of skin, so that a small spot of blood appeared. This small scar festered and gangrened incurably, so that in a few days his life was despaired of, and being surrounded by all his friends, and several of the courtiers, he broke out into these excellent words:—"Which of you would have thought that I, a warrior, should not have died by the stroke of a sword, a spear, or an arrow? But now am I enforced to confess the power of the great God I have so long despised, who needs no other lance to slay so blasphemous a wretch and contemner of his holy majesty, such as I have been, than a small hair."

Akbar Shah, the former king, had learnt all manner of sorceries; and being once in a strange humour to shew a spectacle to his nobles, he brought forth his favourite Sultana before them, and cut off her head with a sword in their presence. Seeing them struck with horror and amazement at this action, by virtue of his exorcisms and sorceries, he caused her head to fix on again, and no sign remained of any wound.

The same prince, who was very fortunate during his reign, shewed the utmost attention and respect to his mother, of which he one day gave the following striking instance:—Being on a journey between Lahore and Agra, on which occasion his mother accompanied him, being carried in a palanquin, and having to pass a river, he took one of the poles of the palanquin on his own shoulder, commanding his greatest nobles to do the same, and in this manner carried her across the river. He never denied her any request that ever she made, except one, and this was, that our Bible might be hung about the neck of an ass, and so beaten about the town of Agra. The reason of this strange request was, that the Portuguese had taken a ship of theirs, in which they found a copy of the Koran, or bible of the Mahometans, which they tied about the neck of a dog, and beat the dog about the streets of Ormus. But he denied her this request, saying, That if it were evil in the Portuguese to have so done with the Koran, it did not become a king to requite evil with evil, as the contempt of any religion was contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent book. The moral of this is, that God would not permit the sacred book of his law and truth to be contemned among the infidels.

One day in every year, for the amusement of the king's women, all the tradesmen's wives are admitted into the Mahal, having each somewhat to sell, after the manner of a fair, and at which the king acts as broker for his wives, no other man being present, and by means of his gains on this occasion, provides his own supper. By this means he attains to a sight of all the pretty women of the city; and at a fair of this kind he got his beloved Noor Mahal.

After Shaof Freed had won the battle of Lahore by a stratagem, all the captains of the rebel army, to the number of two thousand, who had been taken by the king, were hung up upon flesh-hooks, or set upon stakes, forming an avenue for the king's entrance into Lahore. On this occasion, his son Curseroo, [Cusero] who had been made prisoner, rode beside him, bare-footed, on an elephant, and the king asked him how he liked that spectacle? To this the prince answered, That he was sorry to see so much cruelty and injustice in his father, in thus executing those who had only done their duty, as they had lived on his bread and salt: but that his father had done justly if he had pardoned these brave men, and punished him, who was their master, and the author of this rebellion.

Sultan Cusero has only one wife, owing to the following circumstance: During his confinement, the king proposed to make a hunting progress of four months, and consulted how he might keep his son in safe custody during his absence. He at length determined to build a tower in which to immure him, having neither door nor window, and only a few small holes to let in air, and these so high as to be beyond reach. Into this tower were to be put along with the prince all sorts of provisions and necessaries, with a few servants to attend him. While this was building, the wife of Cusero fell at the king's feet, and would not leave him till she obtained his consent to be shut up along with her husband. The king endeavoured to persuade her to enjoy her liberty, but she utterly refused any other comfort than to be the companion of her husband's miseries. Among these, this was the greatest, that if any of those who were to be shut up along with him, to the number of fifty in all, should happen to die during the king's absence, there were no means either to remove or bury the body, as no person was to be allowed to come near the tower.

It is a frequent custom of the present Mogul, when he happens to be awake in the night time, he calls for certain poor old men, making them sit beside him, and passes his time in familiar discourse with them, giving them clothes and bountiful alms when he dismisses them. At one time, when residing at Ajimeer, he went a-foot on pilgrimage to the tomb of a saint or prophet called Haji Mundin, and there kindled a fire with his own hands, under an immense Heidelbergian equipolent brass pot, in which victuals were cooked for five thousand poor persons. When the victuals were ready, he took out the first platter with his own hands, and served the mess to a poor person. Noor Mahal took out and served the second, and the rest was served by the other ladies of his court.—Crack me this nut, all ye papal charity-vaunters.

One day an Armenian procured a nobleman to present him to the king, as one who desired to become an Mahometan; on which the king asked him, if he had been converted from hope of preferment; to which the Armenian answered, that be had no such motive. Some months afterwards, the new convert craved some courtesy from the king, which he denied, saying, "I have already done you the greatest of all favours, in allowing you to save your soul; but you must provide for your own body the best way you can." The king likes not those who change their religion, being himself of none but according to his own fancy, and freely allows therefore of all religions in his dominions. Of which I may give the following notable example:

He had an Armenian in his service, named Scander, whom he one day asked if he thought any of the padres had ever converted a single Mahometan to be a true Christian, for conscience sake, and not for money. Scander answered, with great confidence, that he had one as his servant, who was a sincere Christian, and would not be of any other for any worldly consideration. The king immediately caused this man to be sent for, and bidding Scander depart, he examined the convert as to his reasons for having become a Christian. In reply, he quoted certain feeble jesuitical reasons, declaring his determination to be of no other religion, though the king made him many fair speeches and large offers to return to Mahometism, offering him pensions, and the command of horse. He said he had now only four rupees a month, which was a poor recompense for becoming a Christian, but if he would recant, he would give him high dignities and large means. The fellow answered, that he had not become a Christian for such small wages, as he was able to earn as much in the service of a Mahometan; but was a Christian in his heart, and was determined so to continue. Finding this method ineffectual, the king turned his tune, and tried him with threats of severe punishment, unless he returned to the faith of Mahomet. But the proselyte manfully declared he would suffer any thing, being ready to endure whatever the king was pleased to order. Upon this declaration, when all the by-standers expected present and severe castigation, the king suddenly changed his manner towards him, highly commending his constancy and resolution, bidding him return to his master, and to serve him faithfully, and ordered him an allowance of one rupee a-day for his integrity.

About two months afterwards, the king returned from hunting wild-hogs, an animal which is held in abhorrence by all Mahometans, and which kind of venison, therefore, the king was in use to distribute among the Christians and Rajaputs. On this occasion, the king sent for the converted catechumen above mentioned, and commanded him to take up a hog for his master, which no Mahometan will touch. He did so, but on going out of the court gate, he was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that he threw down his burden in a ditch, and went home; concealing what had passed from his master. Some four days afterwards, the Armenian being on duty in presence of the king, he asked him if the hog he had sent him was good meat. The Armenian replied, that he had not seen or heard of any. The king therefore immediately ordered the convert to be sent for, who confessed that he had not carried home the hog, as being mocked by the Mahometans for touching so great an abomination, he had for shame thrown it away. On this the king observed, "By your Christian law there is no difference of meats. Are you ashamed of your law, or do you outwardly forsake it to flatter the Mahometans? I now see that you are neither a good Christian nor a good Mahometan, but a knave dissembling with both. When I believed you sincere, I gave you a pension, which I now take from you for your dissimulation, and I farther condemn you to receive an hundred stripes." These were presently paid him, instead of his money; and the king desired all to take warning by this example, that, having given liberty of conscience to all religions, he would have all to adhere to what they professed.



SECTION IX.

ACCOUNT OF THE WRONGS DONE TO THE ENGLISH AT BANDA BY THE DUTCH, IN 1617 AND 1618.[254]

INTRODUCTION.

This section contains a letter from Mr Thomas Spurway, merchant or factor, addressed from Bantam, "To the Honourable and Right Worshipful the East India Company of England, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders; the former unkind disgusts and brabling quarrels now breaking unexpectedly out into a furious and injurious war." Such is the account given of this section by Purchas, who farther informs his readers, "That the beginning of this letter was torn, and therefore imperfect in his edition; but, what is here defective, was to be afterwards supplied from the journals of Nathaniel Courthop, and other continuations of these insolences of the Dutch at Banda, by Mr Hayes, and others." These journals of Courthop and Hayes are so intolerably and confusedly written, and so interlarded with numerous letters about the subject of these differences with the Dutch, that we have been reluctantly under the necessity of omitting them, being so monstrously inarticulate as to render it impossible to make them at all palatable to our readers, without using freedoms that were altogether inadmissible in a work like the present.

[Footnote 254: Purch. Pilgr. I. 608.]

From this letter, and other information of a similar nature, it appears that the attempts to form establishments for trade at Banda and the Molucca islands were found to be difficult or impracticable, owing to the opposition of the Dutch, who were much stronger in that part of India, and had not only conceived the plan of monopolizing the spice trade, but even avowed their determination to exclude the English and all other European nations from participating in any share of it. We do not pretend, in our Collection, to write the history of the English East India Company, but merely to give a series of the voyages which contributed to the establishment of that princely association of merchant adventurers. Yet it seems proper, occasionally at least, in the introductions to leading voyages, like the present, to give some short historical notices of the subject, for the materials of which we are chiefly, if not solely, indebted to the Annals of the Company, a work of meritorious and laborious research, already several times referred to.

Under the difficulties which had long attended the exertions of the English to acquire a share in this peculiarly called spice trade, the agent and commercial council of the English company at Bantam, gave authority to the commanders of the Swan and Defence to endeavour to obtain from the native chiefs of the islands of Puloroon and Puloway, a surrender of these islands to the king of England, with the stipulation of paying annually as a quit-rent, a fruit-bearing branch of the nutmeg tree; yet stipulating that these islanders were to continue entirely under the guidance of their own laws and customs, providing only that they should engage to sell their spices exclusively to the agents of the English company, who were, in return, to supply them with provisions and Hindoostan manufactures at a fair price, in exchange for their peculiar productions, nutmegs and mace. They were likewise authorised, if they procured the consent of the natives, to establish fortified stations, or factories, at Puloroon, Puloway. Pulo-Lantore, and Rosinging, or Rosengin.[255] The views of the Bantam factory on this occasion seem to have been generally judicious, as to the measure they now authorised, but exceedingly ill judged in attempting to execute so very important a purpose with a force entirely inadequate to that with which it had to contend.

[Footnote 255: An. of E.I. Co. I. 187.]

The Dutch had expelled the Portuguese, at that time the subjects of their tyrannical oppressors, the Spaniards, from a great portion of the spice islands, in which warlike measure, and its consequences, they had always to support a considerable force, both naval and military, in these seas, and in various forts upon these islands; and besides, that they felt their preponderance from these circumstances, and used it very naturally for their own exclusive benefit, they alleged, and with no small appearance of equity, that the English had no right to enjoy the advantages of a trade, which they, the Dutch, had conquered from the Portuguese and Spaniards. This opposition of interests proceeded in the sequel to great extremities, in which the greatly superior power of the Hollanders in these seas, enabled them effectually to oppress the English, in what are peculiarly called the spice islands, and even to expel them from all participation in that trade, as will appear in some of the subsequent sections of this chapter.

It would be not only premature in this place, but incompatible with the nature of our work, which is intended as a Collection of Voyages and Travels, to attempt giving a connected history of these dissensions between the Dutch and English in Eastern India, which will be found detailed in the Annals of the English Company. It is hardly possible, however, to refrain from one observation on the subject,—that the Dutch company, and the government of Holland, appear to have mainly proceeded, in their hostile opposition to the English East India trade, on their knowledge of the pusillanimous character of King James, which he vainly thought to veil under the pretensions of loving peace, but which the Dutch, as will be seen in the present section, clearly understood, and openly expressed, as the childhood of St George, the tutelary martial saint of England. Beati pacifici, his favourite adage, is an excellent Christian and moral sentiment, but is incompatible with the unavoidable exigencies of government, at least as they were then situated.—E.

* * * * *

May it please your Worships,

We arrived at Macassar on the 19th of November, 1616, from Bantam, with the Swan and Defence, under the command of Captain Nicholas Courthop, who sailed in the Swan, of which ship Mr Davis was master, the other being commanded by Mr Hinchley. We remained there for the purpose of taking in an hundred quoines[256] of rice. On the 4th December, we saw a large Dutch ship in the offing, which came to anchor about five leagues off, and on the 5th they sent their skiff ashore, which made directly for the English house, having eight men on board. As soon as we perceived this boat coming ashore, we ran to the sea side; but, before we got there, two of her men were landed, whom we acquainted with the danger they were in, as the king of Macassar, and all the other kings thereabouts, were become their mortal enemies, because of the many injuries done them by the Hollanders, who had forcibly carried away a principal sabander, and other persons belonging to Macassar, for which they were determined upon revenge; and, therefore, that they might all expect to be put to death, unless the king could be prevailed upon to spare them. The Dutchmen were so much alarmed at this intelligence, that they wished to have gone back to their boat, but the Macassers had already gathered about us, and laid hands upon them.

[Footnote 256: The amount or quantity of these quoines are no where stated, or even hinted at; but, from circumstances in the sequel, they appear to have been considerable.—E.]

I, and other English, immediately went in all haste to the king, acquainting him with what had happened, lest, if the Dutch had intended any treachery, he might have suspected us as being accessary. The king gave us thanks, and desired us to take the two Dutchmen who had landed to our house, that we might learn from them their intentions in coming here. This we did, and they informed us that they belonged to a fleet lately fitted out from Holland, and had lost company of their consorts. One of these called himself John Staunch, and reported himself to be an under-factor. The other was an English sailor. Perceiving themselves to be in great danger, they earnestly entreated us to stand their friends and procure their liberty. We promised to do every thing we could for them. Soon after this, the kings of Macassar and Talow, together with about 2000 attendants, came to the sands near the sea side, where they held a council upon these men. The king of Talow was clear for putting them to death, but we used our interest so successfully for them, that they were commanded to be gone instantly in their boat; The king of Macassar observing, that these were too few for satisfying his revenge, and that he should wait for one more ample. So they departed and went to their ship.

Next day another boat was observed coming towards the shore from the same ship; and, on the king being informed of this, he gave immediate orders for twenty proas and corracorras to be manned and launched. This was done immediately, and the whole made towards the Dutch boat, which was rowing for the land directly towards our house. On observing the native craft endeavouring to intercept them, the Dutch turned their boat, and rowed back to regain their ship; but the Macassars soon got up, boarded them on both sides, and slew every man of the Hollanders, being sixteen in number. There were at this time near 5000 people at the sea side, and we were commanded to keep the house.

The name of this Dutch ship was the Endraught, and imagining that we were bound for Banda or the Moluccas, she remained at sea waiting for us. We set sail from Macassar road on the 8th December, 1616, and when the Dutchmen, saw us under sail, they also weighed and kept company with us. We would gladly have gone from them, but could not, owing to the bad sailing of the Defence. They sent their boat to us, requesting we would spare them two quoines of rice, four tons of water, and some poultry, all of which we gave them, only taking payment for the rice, being forty dollars, giving the water and poultry freely. We asked why they had attempted to land the second time; when they told us their first boat had not then returned to the ship, so that they believed the Dutch factory had still remained at Macassar. But I believe it proceeded from obstinacy, believing their first boat had been denied access at our instigation, and meaning to make a second trial, when they hoped to have flattered the king to allow them to return, and reinstate their factory. For both their boats passed within musket-shot of our ships on their way to the land, yet did not go aboard to enquire what were the situation of affairs on shore, which if they had done, we should have forewarned them of their danger. They kept company with us till we came near Amboina, for which place they stood in, while we continued our course. We have since learnt that they gave out we had been the cause of their men being slain at Macassar, which is most false: For I solemnly protest that we used our best endeavours to save them, and if it had not been for us, the eight men in their first boat had also been slain.

The Swan and Defence arrived in the road of Puloroon on the 13th December. Next day the people of that island came on board, and conferred with us about surrendering the island to us. We represented that our nation had come often to their island, at great cost, and at their particular request, to settle a factory, and trade with them in a friendly manner, bringing them rice and other provisions, with cloth and sundry commodities, in exchange for their spices; that we had no desire to usurp over them, or to reduce them under bondage, as had been done formerly by the Hollanders and other nations; and that, if they would surrender their island of Puloroon to our sovereign the king of England, by a formal writing, and by the delivery of some earth, with a tree and fruits of the island, as true tokens of their fidelity, and thereafter a nut-tree yearly as an acknowledgment, we should settle a factory, and would furnish them with rice, cloth, and other commodities, both now and yearly afterwards. We also assured them, if we were once settled on the island, that sufficient supplies would come to them yearly, much better than now; and that we would use our utmost efforts, both by means of our men and ships, to defend them and ourselves from all enemies. We also demanded, whether they had come under any contract with the Hollanders, or had made them any surrender of their island. To this they unanimously replied, that they had made no such engagement, and never would, but held the Hollanders as their mortal enemies. This was earnestly declared to us, both by the men of Puloroon and by divers chiefs from Puloway, who had fled from that island on its forcible reduction by the Hollanders. And they all declared that the island of Puloway had been lawfully surrendered to Richard Hunt, for the king of England, before the Hollanders came into the road, the English colours having been hoisted in the castle, which the Hollanders shot down, using many disgraceful words of his majesty. They farther declared, that they defended their island for his majesty's use, as long as they possibly could; and, being constrained by force, they had fled to Puloroon, Lantor, and Serran.

After this conference had continued the whole day, the writings of surrender were drawn up, and confirmed by all the chief men of Puloroon and Puloway, and so delivered by their own hands to us, Nathaniel Cowthorp, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, for his majesty's use. They also that same instant delivered to us a nutmeg-tree, with its fruit growing thereon, having the earth about its root, together with oilier fruits, and a live goat, in symbolical surrender of the sovereignty of the island, desiring us to hoist the English colours, and to fire a salute of ordnance. Accordingly, the colours were set up, and we fired thirty pieces of ordnance, as a mark of taking possession; and at night all the chiefs went ashore, parting from us on the most friendly terms.

On Christmas-day we descried two large Dutch ships edging towards Puloroon. On seeing our ships in the road, they bore away to leeward for Nero, and next day another of their ships hove in sight, which went to the same place. The 28th, a Dutch pinnace stood right over for Puloroon, and came bravadoing within gun-shot of our fort, having the Dutch colours flying at her poop; but presently tacked about, lowered her colours, and hoisted a bloody ensign instead, as if in defiance, and then stood over for Nero. By this bravado, we daily looked for their coming against us, according to their old injurious custom. We landed four pieces of ordnance on the 30th, besides two others formerly landed on the 25th, and set to work to construct fortifications for our defence. By the assistance of the Bandanese, we erected two forts, which were named the Swan and Defence, after our two ships, each mounted with three guns; the fort called the Swan being within caliver shot of the ships, and entirely commanding the road on the eastern side, where is the principal anchorage for the westerly monsoon.

The 3d of January, 1617, the three Dutch ships came from Nero into the road of Puloroon, being the Horne, of 800 tons, the Star, of 500 tons, and the Yaugar, of 160 tons. The Home anchored close by our ship the Swan, the Star close beside the Defence, and the Yaugar a-head of all, to cut off our intercourse with the shore. Our commission directed us, on receiving the surrender of Puloroon, and forming a settlement there, to give due notice thereof in writing to the Hollanders, warning them not to come there to molest us under the pretence of ignorance, as they had been formerly accustomed to do. We had accordingly a letter written to that effect, but knew not how to have it sent, not daring to dispatch it either by Englishmen or natives, for tear of being detained. On coming into the road, however, we sent George Muschamp aboard their admiral, the Star, to deliver the before-mentioned letter to Mynheer Dedall, the Dutch commander; and with a message desiring them to depart from the road of Puloroon before six glasses were run, as the islanders would not allow them to remain in the roads, or to come near their island, and would even have already fired upon them, if we had not prevailed upon them to forbear.

Soon afterwards, the Dutch commander, Dedall, came on board the Swan, attended by their chaplain, to enquire the reason of our message; when we told him that we suspected they came to injure us, as they had formerly done at Paloway, Cambella, and other places; and, as they had formerly turned the glass to Mr Ball, when in their power, threatening to hang him if he did not immediately cause the English to quit the land, we had now in like manner appointed a time for them to quit the roads. We also shewed him the instrument by which Puloroon was surrendered to us, and our consequent right to keep possession for the king of England, which we were determined upon doing to the utmost of our power, wishing them to be well advised in their proceedings, as they might expect to be shortly called to answer for their abusive words and injurious conduct to the English. We also demanded the restoration of Puloway, which had likewise been lawfully surrendered to the king of England. After this, we enquired if they had received any previous surrender at Puloroon, but they could not say they had any; and, when we shewed the formal surrender made to our king, which their chaplain perused, he acknowledged that it was a true surrender.

All this while the glass was running in the great cabin before their eyes, putting them in mind to be gone. We also told them plainly, that we believed their only purpose in coming here was to betray us, and to drive us from the island by treachery or force, of which scandalous conduct our nation had already had divers experience from theirs; wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more, and we must insist upon their departure; as, when the glass was six times run out, they must expect to be shot at from the shore; and, if they fired in return against the islanders, or shewed any discourtesy or wrong to them, we should consider it as hostility to us, and would defend them, being now the subjects of our king. They desired to remain till next day, which we would not agree to, doubting that more of their ships might come to join them. They then desired to stay till midnight; which we agreed to, on condition that we saw them preparing to weigh their anchors, in which case we said that notice should be sent ashore to the Bandanese, not to fire upon them.

I also demanded to know from Dedall, what was their purpose in thus coming into the road of Puloroon, unless to molest us. He pretended that it was their usual custom in passing that island. But I told them that was not true, as the islanders had declared there never was any christian ship in their roads till we came. So he remained silent. They came to anchor in the roads this day about three in the afternoon, and departed about eleven at night. We have been since certainly informed, that their purpose was to have taken possession of our ships by treachery, or to have driven us out of the roads, and only gave up their intentions on seeing that we were fortified on shore. Had they then assailed us, we had little doubt of being able to have defended ourselves against them, as we had both forts in readiness, the cannon charged, and the gunners prepared to give fire, on the first signal from our ships.

A Dutch ship and pinnace came from Nero on the 10th January; the pinnace edging near the small island or high sand, called Nylacka. This island is uninhabited, but full of trees and bushes, being daily resorted to by the men of Puloroon for fishing; and as belonging to Puloroon, belonged now to the English. On coming near the island, the people in the pinnace were observed continually sounding, wherefore we made four shots towards her from Fort Defence; but, not intending to strike her, shot wide. At every shot, the pinnace answered with a base, or some such piece, firing into the small island among the trees and bushes, where were some Englishmen and Bandanese of Puloroon, who were in no small danger from the shot. Seeing they braved us in this manner, the gunner was desired to do his best, and his next shot fell close over the stern of the pinnace or frigate, which made her presently go away. Their purpose of coming thus to sound about the small island, seemed to be to look out for a landing-place; meaning to come there with their forces, and there to fortify themselves, on purpose to compel us to quit the large island.

On the 13th, Mr Davey complained that he was in want of water, and proposed to go over for that purpose to Wayre upon Lantore; but on the people of Puloroon being informed of this, they would by no means consent to his going out of the roads, and indeed neither would we, fearing the Hollanders might do us some injury in his absence. The people of Puloroon, said they would rather bring him water from Lantore, in their proas. I went on board Mr Davey to acquaint him with this; but he and his people would not consent, saying the Bandanese would bring them rain water, or such other as was unwholesome, and that they would only be six days absent, or eight at most.

At this time, the principal people of Wayre, a free town on the island of Lantore, and of the separate island of Rosinging, came over to us, to enter into a parley respecting the surrender of both to the sovereignty of his majesty; and the formal deed of surrender being agreed upon and drawn up, they desired that some Englishmen might go over to receive the same in a public manner from all their hands, and to witness the ceremonial. As Mr Davey still persisted to go over with his ship, it was resolved upon, that Messrs Sophonie Cozocke, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over in the Swan to Wayre and Rosinging, to see that business accomplished, while the Swan was procuring water; after which, it was appointed that Mr Cozocke was to return in the Swan, while the other three were to remain upon the island of Rosinging for possession, till farther orders. All business being there concluded to our satisfaction, several persons in Wayre and Rosinging desired to load nutmegs and mace in the Swan, and to have a passage for Puloroon, there to sell us their spices for rice and cloths. All this was agreed to, and twelve of these persons came on board, with a great quantity of nutmegs and mace.

The Swan then set sail for Geulegola, which is only a little way from Wayre, and there watered, after which she again set sail. When about eight leagues from the land, a Holland ship or two gave them chace. The people of the Swan now asked Mr Davey what he proposed to do. He answered, "They see my colours and I see theirs: I know them to be Dutch, and they know us to be English: I know of no injury I have done them, and I will continue my course for Puloroon." In short time, the Star, for such was the Dutch ship, got up within shot of the Swan, and without hailing, or giving the smallest intimation of her intention, let fly both with great guns and small arms in the most violent manner. The Swan received two or three great shot through and through before she replied, and even had some of her men slain. After this, as Mr Davey writes, the fight continued an hour and a half, during which five men were killed in the Swan, viz. Mr Sophonie Cozocke, merchant, who was driven to pieces by a cannon-ball, Robert Morton, quartermaster and drummer, Christopher Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bantianese passenger from Wayre. Three others were maimed, having lost arms or legs, with very little hopes of recovery; and eight others were wounded, most of them mortally. During the engagement, a Dutchman stood upon the poop of the Star with a drawn sword, calling out in the Dutch language, English villains and rogues, we will kill you all.

The people of the Swan were much discouraged, on seeing so many of their companions dead and wounded, insomuch that none of them would stand by the sails to trim the ship to the best advantage so that the Hollander lay upon her quarter pouring in great and small shot, and at last look her by boarding, both with soldiers and others. They immediately broke open and pillaged the cabins, plundered the men basely of their clothes and every thing else worth taking, and throwing overboard whatever did not please their fancies. Even the Spaniards never used more stern cruelty in their professed wars, than did now the Dutch to us, with whom they were in peace and amity. The Star had on board 160 men, mostly soldiers taken from the castles of Nero and Puloway, while the Swan had not above thirty able to stand to quarters, the rest being sick or lame, and all much worn out in toilsome labour at Puloroon, in landing the ordnance and constructing the two forts. Ten also of their complement had been left in Puloroon to defend the two forts, two of whom, Herman Hammond and John Day, were gunners. The Swan being thus taken and sore battered in the action, was carried away under the guns of the castle at Nero. The Dutch gloried much in their victory, boasting of their exploit to the Bandanese, saying, That the king of England was not to be compared with their great king of Holland: That Saint George was now turned a child, and they cared not for the king of England; for one Holland ship was able to take ten English ships. They landed all our men at Nero, and kept them all strict prisoners, many of them in irons.

The Swan left us at Puloroon on the 16th of January, and we expected her back in eight or ten days at farthest, but never heard of her till the 25th of February, when Robert Fuller came over to us from Rosinging and Wayre; to acquaint us that be had heard of an English ship being under the guns of Nero castle. We immediately sent away Robert Hayes, the purser of the Defence, accompanied by some of the chief men of Puloroon, with directions to land on that side of Lantore which was in friendship with us, and to go as near as possible to the Dutch ships with a flag of truce, to enquire into the matter. After staying almost two hours, there came at last a boat to fetch him off, but made him wade to the middle before they would take him in. Being taken on board one of the Dutch ships, the president and assistants of Nero met him, when he demanded to know why they had made prize of the Swan, what was become of her men, and wherefore they detained our ship and goods. They answered, that time should bring all to light. Still urging for an answer, they used many opprobrious words against the English, threatening to come over to Puloroon with their forces, and to drive us from there and other places. To this Hayes replied, that they had already done much more than they could answer for, and was obliged to come away without seeing any one belonging to the Swan. He could however see our poor ship all rent and torn, in view of the natives, as an ill-got and dishonourable trophy of Dutch treachery and ingratitude. In a short time after, they sent over a messenger to us with a letter, which we answered, as we did others afterwards, their messengers frequently coming over with flags of truce, all of which letters, together with the surrenders, I brought over with me to Bantam, and delivered to Captain Ball.

The Dutch continually threatened us, by their letters and messengers, that, as they had now taken tee Swan, they would soon come and take possession of the Defence, and drive us from the island of Puloroon. We always answered, that we expected them, and would defend ourselves to the last. They made many bravados, daily shooting off forty, fifty, or sixty pieces of ordnance at Nero and Puloway, thinking to frighten us. Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting out their ships, and shipping planks and earth, which we imagined was for land service. They had then seven ships, four gallies and frigates, and a great number of men, with all which force they threatened to come against us. We were told likewise, that they had endeavoured to prevail on their black slaves, by promise of freedom and great rewards, to come over secretly to Puloroon and set fire to the Defence. The Hollanders also, threatened that we should carry no spices from Puloroon or any other of the Banda islands. Thereupon, considering our engagements with the people of Puloroon, Wayre, and Rosinging, to all of whom we had trusted our goods, and that we had ready at Puloroon a good quantity of nutmegs and mace, and the threats of the Hollanders, we resolved to maintain the honour of our king and country, and to defend the interest of our employers, the honourable Company, to the utmost of our power. For this purpose, we determined to land all the guns, provisions, and stores, from the Defence, and to fortify the small island of Nylacka adjoining to Puloroon; which the Hollanders proposed to have fortified formerly; which, if they had done, would have commanded the road, and done us much injury, as the people of Puloroon would have been prevented from fishing, and English ships could not have come into the roads.

Having therefore landed all the ordnance of the Defence, except four pieces of cannon, and being busied in erecting a fortification with the assistance of the Bandanese, Mr Hinshley also, the master of the Defence, being ashore, and every one hard at work landing the things, except a few left on board to keep the ship, a conspiracy was entered into by some of the men on the 20th March, 1617; and that same night they cut the cables and so drove out to sea. Perceiving this from the small island, we immediately sent a boat after them, advising them to return with the ship: But the mutineers would neither listen to them, nor suffer the boat to come near the ship, pointing their pieces at them, and even fired one musket-shot to keep off the boat; which was therefore compelled to return to the small island. There went away in the Defence nine of our men, including John Christmas, the boatswain's mate, and we could distinctly see them next day going into Nero roads under sail, and come to anchor under the guns of the castle. As we afterwards learnt, some of the runaways went immediately on shore to inform the Dutch of their exploit, contending among themselves which of them had piloted the ship. They even brought a can of wine ashore with them, and drank to the Hollanders on landing.

The Dutch took immediate possession of the Defence, and brought all our rascally deserters into their castle, where they examined them as to our proceedings at Puloroon and Nylacka, in regard to our fortifications and means of defence. By this scandalous affair, we were in great danger of being all put to death by the Bandanese of Puloroon, as they suspected the desertion of our ships to have been a concerted matter between us and the Hollanders, on purpose to betray them. By this likewise, as our weakness was made known to the Hollanders, they might be encouraged to attack us. Indeed they made many violent threatenings of so doing, and we daily looked for their appearance; which, if they had so done, must have cost many lives, as we were greatly enraged against them for the capture of the Swan, and the severe usage of her people.

On the 23d of March, we sent a letter to the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who landed upon Lantore; but, owing to some difference between the people of that island and the Dutch, he could not be allowed to pass, so that he had to return. The 25th there came a messenger to us from Lawrence Ryall, the principal commander of the Hollanders, newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, desiring Mr Courthop and I would come in a proa to hold a conference with two of his principal merchants, half-way between Puloroon and Puloway; but we refused this request, being afraid of treachery. By this messenger we had a letter from Mr Davies, then a prisoner at Nero, intimating his disapprobation of our proceedings in keeping possession of Puloroon, alleging that our commission did not warrant us in so doing, and recommending a parley between us and the Dutch general, to prevent the loss of any more lives. It appeared that he was instigated to give us this advice by the Hollanders, who had made him believe that they had authority in writing from our king, to make prize of any English ships they found to the east of Celebes, as we afterwards learnt to our great surprise, since, if they actually had such authority we must have obeyed.

We wrote to Lawrence Ryall, by his messenger, that, if he would send over Henrick de Watterfoord and Peter de Yonge, two of his principal merchants, to remain as pledges in Nylacka, Mr Courthop and another should be sent to confer with him. We got back for answer, that the merchants we demanded as pledges could not be sent, as the one was gone to sea, and the other could not be spared, being their chief book-keeper; but offering us two other principal merchants, whom we agreed to accept. Accordingly, on the 6th April, the Dutch galley brought over these two, whom we lodged in a tent near the landing-place under a guard of twelve Englishmen to protect them from the Bandanese, as we did not think it right to bring them into our fort, that they might not have an opportunity of viewing our fortifications.

Mr Courthop went immediately over to Nero in their galley, and had a long conference with the Dutch, in which they used many threats, and complained of many injuries they pretended to have suffered from the English, but of which I shall only briefly treat, as the letter from Mr Courthop, which I brought over from Banda and delivered to Captain Ball, will certify your worships at large on this matter. They complained, that Sir Henry Middleton had used the Dutch colours, when in the Red Sea, pretending to be Holland ships, to their injury and discredit. To this Mr Courthop replied, that it was false, as he had sailed with Sir Henry, and never knew him to wear Dutch colours; which, moreover, Sir Henry was too much a gentleman to have done. They pretended to have our king's letter, authorizing them to capture any English ship seen to the eastwards of the Celebes. Mr Courthop urged them to produce this letter, on seeing which he declared his readiness to obey the authority of his sovereign, and to evacuate Puloroon; but they had none such to produce. They alleged many other things, equally false, and used many arguments to induce us to quit Puleroon. All this time, neither Mr Davies nor any other of the English in their hands were permitted to come near Mr Courthop.

Finding he could not prevail, Lawrence Ryall, the Dutch general, grew much discontented, throwing his hat on the ground and pulling his beard for sheer anger. At length Mr Courthop told him, that he could conclude nothing of his own authority, being joined with a council, but should relate every thing that had passed at Puloroon, which should be taken into consideration and an answer sent. I had advised him to say this, to get the easier away. Mr Courthop also urged them to restore our ship the Defence, with her men and goods; but they would not, unless we agreed to surrender Puloroon: offering, if we would deliver up Nylacka and our fort, in which we had twelve pieces of ordnance, that they would then restore both the Swan and Defence, with all our men and goods. Ryall then desired Mr Courthop to sign a note which he had drawn, acknowledging the proffers he had made, but this Mr Courthop refused.

They had so wrought upon Mr Davies, that they expected he might be able to prevail upon Mr Courthop to come into their terms, and now therefore brought him to Mr Courthop, with whom he had much discourse, and particularly urged the truth of the letter they pretended to have from the king of England, as before mentioned. When Mr Courthop told him what he had offered, in case that letter were produced, Mr Davies distinctly saw he had been imposed upon, and broke out into a rage against them, for having told so many falsehoods;[257] adding, that they had promised him and his men good treatment, but that his men complained of being in great want of food and clothing, and of general hard usage. They had sat in judgment upon him and his men, condemning them to remain as prisoners till they had orders from Holland as to their ultimate destination. He even said, that he was willing to continue in durance, provided we could keep them out of Puloroon. The conference being ended, Mr Courthop came back to Nylacka in the galley, and the pledges were restored.

[Footnote 257: Purchas, in a side note at this place, quaintly converts the name of the Dutch general into Lawrence Ly-all.—E.]

The eastern monsoon being now come, we fitted out a proa to send with dispatches to Bantam, giving an account of what had passed; and it was agreed that Mr Hinchley and I were to go, accompanied by four Englishmen and fourteen natives of Puloroon, of whom five were chiefs, or orancays, one of them being son to the sabander, who is the principal man of the island. We set sail from Puloroon on the 17th April, 1617, and when in sight of Bottone on our way for Macassar, we descried a large ship and a pinnace, which gave us chase under a press of sail, so that we had no means of escape, except by standing in for Bottone. After being chased half a day, we got near the town of Bottone by night, thinking the ships could not have got so far up the river; but seeing the ship and pinnace almost within musket-shot of us next morning, we presently landed most of what we had in the proa, taking refuge in the woods. Having so done, we went immediately to the king, to whom we gave a present of such things as we had, to the value of about thirty dollars, desiring his protection, which he promised in the kindest manner, and faithfully performed. He sent his servants along with us, to put all our things into a house, giving us also two houses for our lodging, desiring us to remain within, that we might not be discovered by our enemies.

Almost immediately afterwards, the Hollanders went to the king, giving him a present three times the value of ours, and enquired who we were that had landed. To which the king answered that he knew not who we were. On being asked by the king how long they meant to stay, the Dutch said they proposed remaining six days; of which the king sent us notice, advising us to keep close for that time, that we might proceed in greater security after they were gone. But at the end of these six days the Dutch said they would stay six days longer, pretending they had to repair one of their masts. Seeing their intention, and because our proa lay in view of the Dutch, we bought another proa, into which the king made all our things be carried by his slaves, causing them to navigate that proa past the Hollanders, and to carry her to the back of the island, whither he sent us over land under the protection of fifty men. We went immediately aboard, but remained under the island till near night, when we stood our course for Macassar, and saw no more of the Hollanders.

We arrived at Macassar on the 7th May, where we found the Attendance intending for Banda, but was unable to beat up, owing to the change of the monsoon. Having shipped in the Attendance 180 suckles of mace, purchased at Macassar, we sent the proa to Banjarmassen and Succadanea in Borneo, with advice that a supply of goods could not be sent there as expected, owing to the non-arrival of the Solomon, which had been long expected at Bantam. The 3d June we arrived at Bantam. As Captain George Barkley was dead, to whom Mr Ball succeeded as chief of the factory, I have delivered all the papers to him, and doubt not that your worships may receive them by the first conveyance. Those are, two surrenders, the letters from the Hollanders with our answers, and every thing relative to our proceedings in Banda.

When I left Puloroon, it was agreed that another proa was to be dispatched for Bantam in twenty days after our departure, lest we might have been pursued and taken by the Hollanders. Accordingly a proa[258] was sent, in which was laden 170 suckles of mace, containing 3366 cattees, each cattee being six English pounds and nearly two ounces, costing at the rate of one dollar the cattee;[259] which, had it gone safe, might have sold in England for L5000. In this proa there were eight Englishmen and thirty Bandanese, under the charge of Walter Stacie, who had been mate under Mr Hinchley in the Defence. His knowledge and care, however, did not answer expectation, for he ran the proa on the rocky shoals near the island of Bottone, where she bilged and lost all the mace, the men getting ashore. Stacie is much blamed by the rest, some of whom told him they saw land on the lee-bow, but he was peevish and headstrong, calling them all fools, and would not listen to them.

[Footnote 258: In a marginal note, this is called a junk.—E.]

[Footnote 259: From the statement in the text, the suckle appears to have been about 122 English pounds, and the quantity of mace accordingly, shipped on this occasion, about 185 cwt. or 9 1/4 tons.—E.]

May it please your worships to understand, that the Hollanders replied, when told that their vile abuses to us would lie heavy on them when known in Europe, "That they can make as good friends in the court of England as your worships; that this which they have done will oblige your worships and them to join, so that a gold chain will recompence all, and they have dollars enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, providing they can hinder us from trading at Banda."

In regard to the trade of the Banda islands, Puloroon is reported to be the worst island. It is about eight English miles in circuit, and the small adjoining island of Nylacka is about a mile round. There is a tolerable quantity of nutmegs and mace grown on Puloroon, and considerably more might be got there if the island were well cultivated. Rosengin is a fine island, producing the largest nutmegs and best mace of all the Banda islands; and, if we hold possession of Puloroon, abundance of nutmegs and mace could be had from Rosengin, Lantore, and other places; as the natives would come over to us with their spices, provided we supply them with rice, cloth, salt, pepper, molasses, and other necessaries, and some Macassar gold, which passes as current in Banda as Spanish rials of eight, and at the same rate, though only worth at Bantam two shillings and fourpence or two and sixpence, for the piece called mass. Our cargo was small, having only 100 quoines of rice, and our cloth was much decayed, having lain two or three years at Macassar. If we had had three times as much, we could have sold it all at Puloroon for mace and nutmegs, being entreated for cloth and rice by people from Lantore, Rosengin and other places, but had it not, so that some returned home again with part of their spices. They came over to Puloroon in the night with proas and corracorras. The mace and nuts were very good, but must be injured by lying so long, owing to the molestations of the Hollanders, while we had no lime for preserving the nuts. The trade will turn out very profitable, if we may quietly possess the island of Puloroon; but we must buy rice at a lower rate than in Macassar, and I understand it can be had in Japan for about half the price.