It were much to be wished, that this deluded people may learn to entertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures, in order to furnish such an invisible banquet to their god, as they now have of feeding corporeally on human flesh themselves. And yet we have great reason to believe, that there was a time when they were cannibals. We were told (and indeed partly saw it) that it is a necessary ceremony when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the priest to take out the left eye. This he presents to the king, holding it to his mouth, which he desires him to open; but instead of putting it in, immediately withdraws it. This they call "eating the man," or "food for the chief;" and perhaps we may observe here some traces of former times, when the dead body was really feasted upon.

But not to insist upon this, it is certain, that human sacrifices are not the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing amongst this benevolent humane people. For besides cutting out the jaw-bones of their enemies slain in battle, which they carry about as trophies, they, in some measure, offer their bodies as a sacrifice to the Eatooa. Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, they collect all the dead that have fallen into their hands and bring them to the morai, where, with a great deal of ceremony, they dig a hole, and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to the gods; but their sculls are never after taken up.

Their own great chiefs that fall in battle are treated in a different manner. We were informed, that their late king Tootaha, Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell with them in the battle fought with those of Tiaraboo, were brought to this morai at Attahooroo. There their bowels were cut out by the priests before the great altar, and the bodies afterward buried in three different places, which were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones that compose the most conspicuous part of this morai. And their common men who also fell in this battle, were all buried in one hole at the foot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present, told me, was done the day after the battle, with much pomp and ceremony, and in the midst of a great concourse of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the Eatooa, for the victory they had obtained; while the vanquished had taken refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week or ten days, till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty set on foot, by which it was agreed, that Otoo should be declared king of the whole island, and the solemnity of investing him with the maro was performed at the same morai with great pomp, in the presence of all the principal men of the country.[7]

[Footnote 7: We must trespass a little on the reader's patience as was formerly threatened. But on so curious, and indeed so exceedingly important a subject as human sacrifices, it is allowable to claim the serious attention of every intelligent being. Who can withhold anxiety from an enquiry into the reality of the fact, as a fundamental part of religion in every nation at some period of its history—or dare to affect indifference as to the origin and meaning of so portentous and horrible a rite? It will be our study to be as brief as possible in conveying the information respecting both, which every man ought to possess, who values correct opinions respecting the moral condition of our nature. First, then, as to the universality of the practice. This is of course to be ascertained from testimony. And perhaps on no subject in the history of mankind, is there a more decided agreement in the assertions of different witnesses. We shall run over the various nations of the earth, of whom we have any thing like satisfactory evidence. Here we avail ourselves of the labours of several authors, as Dr Jenkin, De Paauw, Mr Bryant, Mr Parkhurst, Dr Magee, and others. We commence with the Egyptians, of whom alone, we believe, any doubt as to their being implicated in the practice has been entertained. Thus Dr Forster, in his Observations on Cook's Second Voyage, excepts them from his remark that all the ancient nations sacrificed men, saying that where-ever it is affirmed in old writers that these people were addicted to it, we are to understand them as alluding to the Arabian shepherds, who at one time subdued Egypt. Such was the opinion of the writer of this note, but more attentive enquiry has induced him, in this instance, to disregard the distinction. Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, quoted by Dr Magee, mention their sacrificing red-haired men at the tomb of Osiris; and from other sources, it appears that they had a custom of sacrificing a virgin to the river Nile, by flinging her into its stream. The Phoenicians, Canaanites, Moabites, Ammonites, and other neighbouring people, were in the habit of sacrificing their children to their idols, especially Moloch, on certain, calamities, and for various reasons. See on this head some of the commentators on Scripture, as Ainsworth on Levit. 18th, and still more particularly, consult Selecta Sacra Braunii, a work formerly referred to. The Ethiopians, according to the Romance of Heliodorus, admitted to be good authority as to manners, &c. sacrificed their children to the sun and moon. The Scythians, as related in the curious description given of them by Herodotus, in Melpom. 62, particularly honoured the god Mars, by sacrificing to him every hundredth captive. This they did, he says, by cutting their throats, &c. The same author informs us of the Persians, that they had a custom of burying persons alive, generally young ones it would seem, in honour of the river Strymon, considered by them as a deity. Polym. 114. In this he is confirmed by Plutarch. Other writers, also, charge the Persians with using human sacrifices, as is shewn by Dr Magee. The same may be said of the Chinese and Indians, according to works mentioned by that gentleman. The case of the latter people has been made notorious by Dr Buchanan. With respect to the Grecian states in general, we have the most indubitable evidence of the prevalence of supplicating their gods by human sacrifices, when going against their enemies, as we see done by the Otaheitans, and on other occasions. The Roman history, in its early state especially, abounds in like examples, as every reader will be prepared to prove. The practice was shockingly prevalent amongst the Carthaginians and other inhabitants of Africa. The writer above quoted, specifies the works which mention it, and has enumerated the authorities for asserting the same of a great many other ancient people, as the Getae, Leucadians, Goths, Gauls, Heruli, Britons, Germans; besides the Arabians, Cretans, Cyprians, Rhodians, Phocians, and the inhabitants of Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos, and Pella. The northern nations, without exception, are chargeable with the same enormity. Of this, satisfactory evidence has been adduced by Dr Magee from various authors, as Mr Thorkelin in his Essay on the Slave Trade, Mallet, in his work on Northern Antiquities, &c. And it is well known that the evil existed amongst the Mexicans, Peruvians, and other people of America, in a degree surpassing its magnitude in any other country. The perusal of the present narrative, and of other accounts of voyages, will evince the continuance of the practice throughout more recent people. On the whole then, we assert, that the fact of the universality of human sacrifice amongst the various nations of the world is perfectly well authenticated. Let us next say a word or two respecting its origin and meaning. Here we shall find it necessary to consider the origin and meaning of sacrifice in general, as it is self-evident that the notion of sacrifice is previous to the selection of the subjects for it, that of human beings differing only in degree of worth or excellence from those of any other kind. What then could induce mankind universally to imagine, that sacrifices of animals could be agreeable to those beings whom they judged superior to themselves, and the proper objects of religious adoration? Reason gives no sanction to the practice; on the contrary, most positively condemns it, as unnecessary, unjust, cruel, and therefore more likely to incur displeasure than to obtain favour. Besides, it must always have been expensive, and very often dangerous, so that we must entirely discard the notion of a sense of interest having given occasion to it, unless we can prove, that some valuable consequence was to result from it. This however cannot be done without first shewing its acceptableness to the Being whose regard is thereby solicited. There remain, perhaps, only two other motives which we can conceive to have given origin to the custom, viz. some instinctive principle of our nature by which we are led to it, independent of either reason or a sense of interest, as in the case of our appetites, and a positive injunction or command to that effect by some being who has the requisite authority over our conduct. The author so often alluded to, Dr Magee, who has so profoundly considered this subject in his work on Atonement, &c. rejects the former supposition, affirming that we have no natural instinct to gratify, in spilling the blood of an innocent creature; and, as he has also set aside the other two notions, of course, he adopts the latter as sufficient for the solution of the question. The writer concurs in this opinion, but at the same time, he thinks it of the utmost importance to observe, that as the original injunction or command was assuredly subsequent to the sense of moral delinquency, and was directed in the view of a relief to the conscience of man, so the continuance of the practice, according to any perversion of the primitive and consequently proper institution, is always connected with, and in fact implies, the existence of a feeling of personal demerit and danger. In other words, he conceives there is a suitableness betwixt the operation of man's conscience and that effectual remedy for its uneasiness to which the original institution of animal sacrifices pointed. But it does not follow from this, that man's conscience or reason, or any thing else within him, could ever have made the discovery of the remedy. A sense of his need of it, would undoubtedly set him on various efforts to relieve himself, but this, it is probable, would be as blind a principle as the appetite of hunger, and as much would require aid from an external power. Among the devices to which it might have recourse, very possibly, the notion of giving up a darling object, ought to be included; so it would appear, thought a king of Moab, spoken of by Micah the prophet, chap. 6th, "Shall I give my first-born for my transgression," &c. But even admitting this, we still see the primary difficulty remaining, viz. what reason is there for imagining that the gift in any shape, and more especially when slaughtered, will be accepted? We are driven then to contemplate the revelation of the divine will as the only adequate explanation; and this, it is evident, we must consider as having been handed down by a corrupt process of tradition, among the various nations of the earth. It would be easy to urge arguments in behalf of this opinion. But already the matter has gone beyond common bounds, and the writer dare not hazard another remark. All he shall do then, is to commend this interesting topic to the reader's attention, and to request, that due allowances be made for the omission of certain qualifications which are requisite for some of the remarks now made, but which the limits of the note could not allow to be inserted.—E.]

SECTION III.

Conference with Towha.—Heevas described.—Omai and Oedidee give Dinners.—Fireworks exhibited.—A remarkable Present of Cloth.—Manner of preserving the Body of a dead Chief.—Another human Sacrifice.—Riding on Horseback.—Otoo's Attention to supply Provisions, and prevent Thefts.—Animals given to him.—Etary, and the Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences.—A mock Fight of two War Canoes.—Naval Strength of these Islands.—Manner of conducting a War.

The close of the very singular scene exhibited at the morai, which I have faithfully described in the last chapter, leaving us no other business in Attahooroo, we embarked about noon, in order to return to Matavai; and, in our way, visited Towha, who had remained on the little island where we met him the day before. Some conversation passed between Otoo and him, on the present posture of public affairs; and then the latter solicited me once more to join them in their war against Eimeo. By my positive refusal I entirely lost the good graces of this chief.

Before we parted, he asked us if the solemnity at which we had been present answered our expectations; what opinion we had of its efficacy; and whether we performed such acts of worship in our own country? During the celebration of the horrid ceremony, we had preserved a profound silence; but as soon as it was closed, had made no scruple in expressing our sentiments very freely about it to Otoo, and those who attended him; of course, therefore, I did not conceal my detestation of it in this conversation with Towha. Besides the cruelty of the bloody custom, I strongly urged the unreasonableness of it; telling the chief, that such a sacrifice, far from making the Eatooa propitious to their nation, as they ignorantly believed, would be the means of drawing down his vengeance; and that, from this very circumstance, I took upon me to judge, that their intended expedition against Maheine would be unsuccessful. This was venturing pretty far upon conjecture; but still, I thought, that there was little danger of being mistaken. For I found, that there were three parties in the island, with regard to this war; one extremely violent for it; another perfectly indifferent about the matter; and the third openly declaring themselves friends to Maheine and his cause. Under these circumstances, of disunion distracting their councils, it was not likely that such a plan of military operations would be settled as could insure even a probability of success. In conveying our sentiments to Towha, on the subject of the late sacrifice, Omai was made use of as our interpreter; and he entered into our arguments with so much spirit, that the chief seemed to be in great wrath; especially when he was told, that if he had put a man to death in England, as he had done here, his rank would not have protected him from being hanged for it. Upon this, he exclaimed, maeno! maeno! [vile! vile!] and would not hear another word. During this debate, many of the natives were present, chiefly the attendants and servants of Towha himself; and when Omai began to explain the punishment that would be inflicted in England, upon the greatest man, if he killed the meanest servant, they seemed to listen with great attention; and were probably of a different opinion from that of their master on this subject.

After leaving Towha, we proceeded to Oparre, where Otoo pressed us to spend the night. We landed in the evening; and, on our road to his house, had an opportunity of observing in what manner these people amuse themselves in their private heevas. About an hundred of them were found sitting in a house; and in the midst of them were two women, with an old man behind each of them beating very gently upon a drum; and the women at intervals singing in a softer manner than I ever heard at their other diversions. The assembly listened with great attention; and were seemingly almost absorbed in the pleasure the music gave them; for few took any notice of us, and the performers never once stopped. It was almost dark before we reached Otoo's house, where we were entertained with one of their public heevas, or plays, in which his three sisters appeared as the principal characters. This was what they call a heeva raae, which is of such a nature, that nobody is to enter the house or area where it is exhibited. When the royal sisters are the performers, this is always the case. Their dress, on this occasion, was truly picturesque and elegant; and they acquitted themselves, in their parts, in a very distinguished manner; though some comic interludes, performed by four men seemed to yield greater pleasure to the audience, which was numerous. The next morning we proceeded to Matavai, leaving Otoo at Oparre; but his mother, sisters, and several other women attended me on board, and Otoo himself followed soon after.

While Otoo and I were absent from the ships, they had been but sparingly supplied with fruit, and had few visitors. After our return, we again overflowed with provisions and with company.

On the 4th, a party of us dined ashore with Omai, who gave excellent fare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings. After dinner, I attended Otoo, who had been one of the party, back to his house, where I found all his servants very busy getting a quantity of provisions ready for me. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, which they killed in my presence. The entrails were divided into eleven portions, in such a manner that each of them contained a bit of every thing. These portions were distributed to the servants, and some dressed theirs in the same oven with the hog, while others carried off, undressed, what had come to their share. There was also a large pudding, the whole process in making which, I saw. It was composed of bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or pandanus nuts, each rasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and baked by itself. A quantity of juice, expressed from cocoa-nut kernels, was put into a large tray or wooden vessel. The other articles, hot from the oven, were deposited in this vessel; and a few hot stones were also put in to make the contents simmer. Three or four men made use of sticks to stir the several ingredients, till they were incorporated one with another, and the juice of the cocoa-nut was turned to oil; so that the whole mass, at last, became of the consistency of a hasty-pudding. Some of these puddings are excellent; and few that we make in England equal them. I seldom or never dined without one when I could get it, which was not always the case. Otoo's hog being baked, and the pudding, which I have described, being made, they, together with two living hogs, and a quantity of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, were put into a canoe, and sent on board my ship, followed by myself, and all the royal family.

The following evening, a young ram, of the Cape breed, that had been lambed, and with great care brought up on board the ship, was killed by a dog. Incidents are of more or less consequence, as connected with situation. In our present situation, desirous as I was to propagate this useful race amongst these islands, the loss of the ram was a serious misfortune; as it was the only one I had of that breed; and I had only one of the English breed left.

In the evening of the 7th, we played off some fireworks before a great concourse of people. Some were highly entertained with the exhibition; but by far the greater number of spectators were terribly frightened; insomuch, that it was with difficulty we could prevail upon them to keep together to see the end of the shew. A table-rocket was the last. It flew off the table, and dispersed the whole crowd in a moment; even the most resolute among them fled with precipitation.

The next day, a party of us dined with our former ship-mate, Oedidee, on fish and pork. The hog weighed about thirty pounds; and it may be worth mentioning, that it was alive, dressed, and brought upon the table within the hour. We had but just dined, when Otoo came and asked me if my belly was full. On my answering in the affirmative, he said, "Then, come along with me." I accordingly went with him to his father's, where I found some people employed in dressing two girls with a prodigious quantity of fine cloth, after a very singular fashion: The one end of each piece of cloth, of which there were a good many, was held up over the heads of the girls, while the remainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits; then the upper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds to the ground, over the other, so as to bear some resemblance to a circular hoop-petticoat. Afterward, round the outside of all, were wrapped several pieces of differently-coloured cloth, which considerably increased the size; so that it was not less than five or six yards in circuit, and the weight of this singular attire was as much as the poor girls could support. To each were hang two taames, or breast-plates, by way of enriching the whole, and giving it a picturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted on board the ship, together with several hogs, and a quantity of fruit, which, with the cloth, was a present to me from Otoo's father. Persons of either sex, dressed in this manner, are called atee; but, I believe, it is never practised, except when large presents of cloth are to be made. At least, I never saw it practised upon any other occasion; nor, indeed, had I ever such a present before; but both Captain Clerke and I had cloth given to us afterward, thus wrapped round the bearers. The next day, I had a present of five hogs and some fruit from Otoo; and one hog and some fruit from each of his sisters. Nor were other provisions wanting. For two or three days, great quantities of mackerel had been caught by the natives, within the reef, in seines; some of which they brought to the ships and tents and sold.

Otoo was not more attentive to supply our wants, by a succession of presents, than he was to contribute to our amusement, by a succession of diversions. A party of us having gone down to Oparre on the 10th, he treated us with what may be called a play. His three sisters were the actresses; and the dresses that they appeared in were new and elegant; that is, more so than we had usually met with at any of these islands. But the principal object I had in view, this day, in going to Oparre, was to take a view of an embalmed corpse, which some of our gentlemen had happened to meet with at that place, near the residence of Otoo. On enquiry, I found it to be the remains of Tee, a chief well known to me when I was at this island during my last voyage. It was lying in a toopapaoo, more elegantly constructed than their common ones, and in all respects similar to that lately seen by us at Oheitepeha, in which the remains of Waheiadooa are deposited, embalmed in the same manner. When we arrived at the place, the body was under cover, and wrapped up in cloth within the toopapaoo; but, at my desire, the man who had the care of it, brought it out, and laid it upon a kind of bier, in such a manner, that we had as full a view of it as we could wish; but we were not allowed to go within the pales that enclosed the toopapaoo. After he had thus exhibited the corpse, he hung the place with mats and cloth, so disposed as to produce a very pretty effect. We found the body not only entire in every part; but, what surprised us much more, was, that putrefaction seemed scarcely to be begun, as there was not the least disagreeable smell proceeding from it; though the climate is one of the hottest, and Tee had been dead above four months. The only remarkable alteration that had happened, was a shrinking of the muscular parts and eyes; but the hair and nails were in their original state, and still adhered firmly; and the several joints were quite pliable, or in that kind of relaxed state which happens to persons who faint suddenly. Such were Mr Anderson's remarks to me, who also told me, that on his enquiring into the method of effecting this preservation of their dead bodies, he had been informed, that, soon after their death, they are disembowlled, by drawing the intestines, and other viscera, out at the anus; and the whole cavity is then filled or stuffed with cloth, introduced through the same part; that when any moisture appeared on the skin, it was carefully dried up, and the bodies afterward rubbed all over with a large quantity of perfumed cocoa-nut oil; which, being frequently repeated, preserved them a great many months; but that, at last, they gradually moulder away. This was the information Mr Anderson received; for my own part, I could not learn any more about their mode of operation than what Omai told me, who said, that they made use of the juice of a plant which grows amongst the mountains, of cocoa-nut oil, and of frequent washing with sea-water. I was also told, that the bodies of all their great men, who die a natural death, are preserved in this manner; and that they expose them to public view for a very considerable time after. At first, they are laid out every day, when it does not rain; afterward, the intervals become greater and greater; and, at last, they are seldom to be seen.[1]

[Footnote 1: The method of embalming, above described, is very different from that practised among the Egyptians and other ancient people. For an account of the latter, the reader may turn to Beloe's Herodotus, vol. i. where observations are collected from several authors.—E.]

In the evening we returned from Oparre, where we left Otoo, and all the royal family; and I saw none of them till the 12th; when all, but the chief himself, paid me a visit. He, as they told me, was gone to Attahooroo, to assist, this day, at another human sacrifice, which the chief of Tiaraboo had sent thither to be offered up at the morai. This second instance, within the course of a few days, was too melancholy a proof how numerous the victims of this bloody superstition are amongst this humane people. I would have been present at this sacrifice too, had I known of it in time; for now it was too late. From the very same cause, I missed being present at a public transaction, which had passed at Oparre the preceding day, when Otoo, with all the solemnities observed on such occasions, restored to the friends and followers of the late king Tootaha, the lands and possessions which had been withheld from them, ever since his death. Probably, the new sacrifice was the concluding ceremony of what may be called the reversal of attainder.

The following evening, Otoo returned from exercising this most disagreeable of all his duties as sovereign; and the next day, being now honoured with his company, Captain Clerke and I, mounted on horseback, took a ride round the plain of Matavai, to the very great surprise of a great train of people who attended on the occasion, gazing upon us with as much astonishment as if we had been centaurs. Omai, indeed, had once or twice before this, attempted to get on horseback; but he had as often been thrown off, before he could contrive to seat himself; so that this was the first time they had seen any body ride a horse. What Captain Clerke and I began, was, after this, repeated every day, while we staid, by one or another of our people. And yet the curiosity of the natives continued still unabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these animals, after they had seen the use that was made of them; and, as far as I could judge, they conveyed to them a better idea of the greatness of other nations, than all the other novelties put together that their European visitors had carried amongst them. Both the horse and mare were in good case, and looked extremely well.

The next day, Etary, or Olla, the god of Bolabola, who had, for several days past, been in the neighbourhood of Matavai, removed to Oparre, attended by several sailing canoes. We were told that Otoo did not approve of his being so near our station, where his people could more easily invade our property. I must do Otoo the justice to say, that he took every method prudence could suggest to prevent thefts and robberies; and it was more owing to his regulations, than to our own circumspection, that so few were committed. He had taken care to erect a little house or two, on the other side of the river, behind our post; and two others, close to our tents, on the bank between the river and the sea. In all these places some of his own people constantly kept watch; and his father generally resided on Matavai point; so that we were, in a manner, surrounded by them. Thus stationed, they not only guarded us in the night from thieves, but could observe every thing that passed in the day; and were ready to collect contributions from such girls as had private connections with our people; which was generally done every morning. So that the measures adopted by him to secure our safety, at the same time served the more essential purpose of enlarging his own profits.

Otoo informing me that his presence was necessary at Oparre, where he was to give audience to the great personage from Bolabola; and asking me to accompany him, I readily consented, in hopes of meeting with something worth our notice. Accordingly I went with him, in the morning of the 16th, attended by Mr Anderson. Nothing, however, occurred on this occasion that was either interesting or curious. We saw Etary and his followers present some coarse cloth and hogs to Otoo; and each article was delivered with some ceremony, and a set speech. After this, they, and some other chiefs, held a consultation about the expedition to Eimeo. Etary, at first, seemed to disapprove of it; but, at last, his objections were over-ruled. Indeed, it appeared next day, that it was too late to deliberate about this measure; and that Towha, Potatou, and another chief, had already gone upon the expedition with the fleet of Attahooroo. For a messenger arrived in the evening, with intelligence that they had reached Eimeo, and that there had been some skirmishes, without much loss or advantage on either side.

In the morning of the 18th, Mr Anderson, myself, and Omai, went again with Otoo to Oparre, and took with us the sheep which I intended to leave upon the island, consisting of an English ram and ewe, and three Cape ewes, all of which I gave to Otoo. As all the three cows had taken the bull, I thought I might venture to divide them, and carry some to Ulieta. With this view, I had them brought before us; and proposed to Etary, that if he would leave his bull with Otoo, he should have mine, and one of the three cows; adding, that I would carry them for him to Ulieta; for I was afraid to remove the Spanish bull, lest some accident should happen to him, as he was a bulky, spirited beast. To this proposal of mine, Etary, at first, made some objections; but, at last, agreed to it; partly through the persuasion of Omai. However, just as the cattle were putting into the boat, one of Etary's followers valiantly opposed any exchange whatever being made. Finding this, and suspecting that Etary had only consented to the proposed arrangement, for the present moment, to please me; and that, after I was gone, he might take away his bull, and then Otoo would not have one, I thought it best to drop the idea of an exchange, as it could not be made with the mutual consent of both parties; and finally determined to leave them all with Otoo, strictly enjoining him never to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, not even the Spanish bull, nor any of the sheep, till he should get a stock of young ones; which he might then dispose of to his friends, and send to the neighbouring islands.

This being settled, we left Etary and his party to ruminate upon their folly, and attended Otoo to another place hard by, where we found the servants of a chief, whose name I forgot to ask, waiting with a hog, a pig, and a dog, as a present from their master to the sovereign. These were delivered with the usual ceremonies, and with an harangue in form, in which the speaker, in his master's name, enquired after the health of Otoo, and of all the principal people about him. This compliment was echoed back in the name of Otoo, by one of his ministers; and then the dispute with Eimeo was discussed, with many arguments for and against it. The deputies of this chief were for prosecuting the war with vigour, and advised Otoo to offer a human sacrifice. On the other hand, a chief, who was in constant attendance on Otoo's person, opposed it, seemingly with great strength of argument. This confirmed me in the opinion, that Otoo himself never entered heartily into the spirit of this war. He now received repeated messages from Towha, strongly soliciting him to hasten to his assistance. We were told, that his fleet was, in a manner, surrounded by that of Maheine; but that neither the one nor the other durst hazard an engagement.

After dining with Otoo, we returned to Matavai, leaving him at Oparre. This day, and also the 19th, we were very sparingly supplied with fruit. Otoo hearing of this, he and his brother, who had attached himself to Captain Clerke, came from Oparre, between nine and ten o'clock in the evening, with a large supply for both ships. This marked his humane attention more strongly than any thing he had hitherto done for us. The next day, all the royal family came with presents; so that our wants were not only relieved, but we had more provisions than we could consume.

Having got all our water on board, the ships being caulked, the rigging overhauled, and everything put in order, I began to think of leaving the island, that I might have sufficient time to spare for visiting the others in this neighbourhood. With this view, we removed from the shore our observatories and instruments, and bent the sails. Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to acquaint me, that all the war canoes of Matavai, and of three other districts adjoining, were going to Oparre to join those belonging to that part of the island; and that there would be a general review there. Soon after, the squadron of Matavai was all in motion; and, after parading awhile about the bay, assembled ashore, near the middle of it. I now went in my boat to take a view of them.

Of those with stages, on which they fight, or what they call their war-canoes, there were about sixty, with near as many more of a smaller size. I was ready to have attended them to Oparre; but, soon after, a resolution was taken by the chiefs, that they should not move till the next day. I looked upon this to be a fortunate delay, as it afforded me a good opportunity to get some insight into their manner of fighting. With this view, I expressed my wish to Otoo, that he would order some of them to go through the necessary manoeuvres. Two were accordingly ordered out into the bay; in one of which, Otoo, Mr King, and myself, embarked; and Omai went on board the other. When we had got sufficient sea-room, we faced, and advanced upon each other, and retreated by turns, as quick as our rowers could paddle. During this, the warriors on the stages flourished their weapons, and played a hundred antic tricks, which could answer no other end, in my judgment, than to work up their passions, and prepare them for fighting. Otoo stood by the side of our stage, and gave the necessary orders, when to advance, and when to retreat. In this, great judgment and a quick eye, combined together seemed requisite, to seize every advantage that might offer, and to avoid giving any advantage to the adversary. At last, after advancing and retreating to and from each other, at least a dozen of times, the two canoes closed, head to head, or stage to stage; and, after a short conflict, the troops on our stage were supposed to be all killed, and we were boarded by Omai and his associates. At that very instant, Otoo, and all our paddlers leaped over-board, as if reduced to the necessity of endeavouring to save their lives by swimming.

If Omai's information is to be depended upon, their naval engagements are not always conducted in this manner. He told me, that they sometimes begin with lashing the two vessels together, head to head, and then fight till all the warriors are killed, on one side or the other. But this close combat, I apprehend, is never practised, but when they are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the other must happen; for all agree that they never give quarter, unless it be to reserve their prisoners for a more cruel death the next day.

The power and strength of these islands lie entirely in their navies. I never heard of a general engagement on land; and all their decisive battles are fought on the water. If the time and place of conflict are fixed upon by both parties, the preceding day and night are spent in diversions and feasting. Toward morning, they launch the canoes, put every thing in order, and, with the day, begin the battle; the fate of which generally decides the dispute. The vanquished save themselves by a precipitate flight; and such as reach the shore, fly with their friends to the mountains; for the victors, while their fury lasts, spare neither the aged, nor women, nor children. The next day, they assemble at the morai, to return thanks to the Eatooa for the victory, and to offer up the slain as sacrifices, and the prisoners also, if they have any. After this a treaty is set on foot; and the conquerors, for the most part, obtain their own terms; by which, particular districts of land, and sometimes whole islands, change their owners. Omai told us, that he was once taken a prisoner by the men of Bolabola, and carried to that island, where he and some others would have been put to death the next day, if they had not found means to escape in the night.

As soon as this mock-fight was over, Omai put on his suit of armour, mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and was paddled all along the shore of the bay; so that every one had a full view of him. His coat of mail did not draw the attention of his countrymen so much as might have been expected. Some of them, indeed, had seen a part of it before; and there were others, again, who had taken such a dislike to Omai, from his imprudent conduct at this place, that they would hardly look at any thing, however singular, that was exhibited by him.

SECTION IV.

The Day of Sailing fixed.—Peace made with Eimeo.—Debates about it, and Otoo's Conduct blamed.—A Solemnity at the Morai on the Occasion, described by Mr King.—Observations upon it.—Instance of Otoo's Art.—Omai's War-Canoe, and Remarks upon his Behaviour.—Otoo's Present, and Message to the King of Great Britain.—Reflections on our Manner of Traffic, and on the good Treatment we met with at Otaheite.—Account of the Expedition of the Spaniards.—Their Fictions to depreciate the English.—Wishes expressed that no Settlement may be made.—Omai's Jealousy of another Traveller.

Early in the morning of the 22d, Otoo and his father came on board, to know when I proposed sailing. For, having been informed that there was a good harbour at Eimeo, I had told them that I should visit that island on my way to Huaheine; and they were desirous of taking a passage with me, and of their fleet sailing, at the time, to reinforce Towha. As I was ready to take my departure, I left it to them to name the day; and the Wednesday following was fixed upon, when I was to take on board Otoo, his father, mother, and, in short, the whole family. These points being settled, I proposed setting out immediately for Oparre, where all the fleet, fitted out for the expedition, was to assemble this day, and to be reviewed.

I had but just time to get into my boat, when news was brought, that Towha had concluded a treaty with Maheine, and had returned with his fleet to Attahooroo. This unexpected event made all further proceedings, in the military way, quite unnecessary; and the war-canoes, instead of rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered home to their respective districts. This alteration, however, did not hinder me from following Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr King and Omai. Soon after our arrival, and while dinner was preparing, a messenger arrived from Eimeo, and related the conditions of the peace, or rather of the truce, it being only for a limited time. The terms were disadvantageous to Otaheite; and much blame was thrown upon Otoo, whose delay, in sending reinforcements, had obliged Towha to submit to a disgraceful accommodation. It was even currently reported, that Towha, resenting his not being supported, had declared, that, as soon as I should leave the island, he would join his forces to those of Tiaraboo, and attack Otoo at Matavai, or Oparre. This called upon me to declare, in the most public manner, that I was determined to espouse the interest of my friend against any such combination; and that whoever presumed to attack him, should feel the weight of my heavy displeasure, when I returned again to their island. My declaration, probably, had the desired effect; and, if Towha had any such hostile intention at first, we soon heard no more of the report. Whappai, Otoo's father, highly disapproved of the peace, and blamed Towha very much for concluding it. This sensible old man wisely judged, that my going down with them to Eimeo must have been of singular service to their cause, though I should take no other part whatever in the quarrel. And it was upon this that he built all his arguments, and maintained, that Otoo had acted properly by waiting for me; though this had prevented his giving assistance to Towha so soon as he expected.

Our debates at Oparre, on this subject, were hardly ended, before a messenger arrived from Towha, desiring Otoo's attendance, the next day, at the morai in Attahooroo, to give thanks to the gods for the peace he had concluded; at least, such was Omai's account to me of the object of this solemnity. I was asked to go; but being much out of order, was obliged to decline it. Desirous, however, of knowing what ceremonies might be observed on so memorable an occasion, I sent Mr King and Omai, and returned on board my ship, attended by Otoo's mother, his three sisters, and eight more women. At first, I thought that this numerous train of females came into my boat with no other view than to get a passage to Matavai. But when we arrived at the ship, they told me, they intended passing the night on board, for the express purpose of undertaking the cure of the disorder I complained of; which was a pain of the rheumatic kind, extending from the hip to the foot. I accepted the friendly offer, had a bed spread for them upon the cabin floor, and submitted myself to their directions. I was desired to lay myself down amongst them. Then, as many of them as could get round me, began to squeeze me with both hands, from head to foot, but more particularly on the parts where the pain was lodged, till they made my bones crack, and my flesh became a perfect mummy. In short, after undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an hour, I was glad to get away from them. However, the operation gave me immediate relief, which encouraged me to submit to another rubbing-down before I went to bed; and it was so effectual, that I found myself pretty easy all the night after. My female physicians repeated their prescription the next morning, before they went ashore, and again, in the evening, when they returned on board; after which, I found the pains entirely removed; and the cure being perfected, they took their leave of me the following morning. This they call romee; an operation which, in my opinion, far exceeds the flesh brush, or any thing of the kind that we make use of externally. It is universally practised amongst these islanders; being sometimes performed by the men, but more generally by the women. If, at any time, one appears languid and tired, and sits down by any of them, they immediately begin to practise the romee upon his legs; and I have always found it to have an exceedingly good effect.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Captain Wallis's account of the same operation performed on himself, and his first lieutenant, in this Collection, vol. xii. p. 197.]

In the morning of the 25th, Otoo, Mr King, and Omai, returned from Attahooroo; and Mr King gave me the following account of what he had seen:

"Soon after you left me, a second messenger came from Towha to Otoo, with a plantain-tree. It was sun-set when we embarked in a canoe and left Oparre. About nine o'clock we landed at Tettaha, at that extremity which joins to Attahooroo. Before we landed, the people called to us from the shore; probably, to tell us that Towha was there. The meeting of Otoo and this chief, I expected, would afford some incident worthy of observation. Otoo, and his attendants, went and seated themselves on the beach, close to the canoe in which Towha was. He was then asleep; but his servants having awakened him, and mentioning Otoo's name, immediately a plantain-tree and a dog were laid at Otoo's feet; and many of Towha's people came and talked with him, as I conceived, about their expedition to Eimeo. After I had, for some time, remained seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring from his canoe, nor holding any conversation with us, I went to him. He asked me if Toote was angry with him. I answered, No: that he was his taio; and that he had ordered me to go to Attahooroo to tell him so. Omai now had a long conversation with this chief; but I could gather no information of any kind from him. On my returning to Otoo, he seemed desirous that I should go to eat, and then to sleep. Accordingly, Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai, he said, the reason of Towha's not stirring from his canoe, was his being lame; but that, presently, Otoo and he would converse together in private. This seemed true; for in a little time, those we left with Otoo came to us; and, about ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, and we all went to sleep in his canoe.

"The next morning, the ava was in great plenty. One man drank so much that he lost his senses. I should have supposed him to be in a fit, from the convulsions that agitated him. Two men held him, and kept plucking off his hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to see another that was more affecting. This was the meeting of Towha and his wife, and a young girl, whom I understood to be his daughter. After the ceremony of cutting their heads, and discharging a tolerable quantity of blood and tears, they washed, embraced the chief, and seemed unconcerned. But the young girl's sufferings were not yet come to an end. Terridiri[2] arrived; and she went, with great composure, to repeat the same ceremonies to him, which she had just performed on meeting her father. Towha had brought a large war-canoe from Eimeo. I enquired if he had killed the people belonging to her; and was told, that there was no man in her when she was captured.

[Footnote 2: Terridiri was Oberea's son. See an account of the royal family of Otaheite, in this Collection, vol. xii. p. 482.]

"We left Tettaha about ten or eleven o'clock, and landed close to the morai of Attahooroo a little after noon. There lay three canoes hauled upon the beach, opposite the morai, with three hogs exposed in each: their sheds, or awnings, had something under them which I could not discern. We expected the solemnity to be performed the same afternoon; but as neither Towha nor Potatou had joined us, nothing was done.

"A chief from Eimeo came with a small pig, and a plantain-tree, and placed them at Otoo's feet. They talked some time together; and the Eimeo chief often repeating the words, Warry, warry, 'false,' I supposed that Otoo was relating to him what he had heard, and that the other denied it.

"The next day (Wednesday) Towha and Potatou, with about eight large canoes, arrived, and landed near the morai. Many plantain-trees were brought, on the part of different chiefs to Otoo. Towha did not stir from his canoe. The ceremony began by the principal priest bringing out the maro wrapped up, and a bundle shaped like a large sugar-loaf. These were placed at the head of what I understood to be a grave. Then three priests came, and sat down opposite, that is, at the other end of the grave; bringing with them a plantain-tree, the branch of some other tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nut tree.

"The priests, with these things in their hands, separately repeated sentences; and, at intervals, two, and sometime all three, sung a melancholy ditty, little attended to by the people. This praying and singing continued for an hour. Then, after a short prayer, the principal priest uncovered the maro; and Otoo rose up, and wrapped it about him, holding, at the same time, in his hand, a cap or bonnet, composed of the red feathers of the tail of the tropic bird, mixed with other feathers of a dark colour. He stood in the middle space, facing the three priests, who continued their prayers for about ten minutes; when a man, starting from the crowd, said something which ended with the word heiva! and the crowd echoed back to him, three times, Earee! This, as I had been told before, was the principal part of the solemnity.

"The company now moved to the opposite side of the great pile of stones, where is, what they call, the king's morai, which is not unlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony was performed over again, and ended in three cheers. The maro was now wrapped up, and increased in its splendour by the addition of a small piece of red feathers, which one of the priests gave Otoo when he had it on, and which he stuck into it.

"From this place, the people went to a large hut, close by the morai, where they seated themselves in much greater order than is usual among them. A man of Tiaraboo then made an oration, which lasted about ten minutes. He was followed by an Attahooroo man; afterward Potatou spoke with much greater fluency and grace than any of them; for, in general, they spoke in short broken sentences, with a motion of the hand that was rather awkward. Tooteo, Otoo's orator, spoke next; and, after him, a man from Eimeo. Two or three more speeches were made; but not much attended to. Omai told me, that the speeches declared, that they should not fight, but all be friends. As many of the speakers expressed themselves with warmth, possibly there were some recriminations and protestations of their good intentions. In the midst of their speaking, a man of Attahooroo got up, with a sling fastened to his waist, and a large stone placed upon his shoulder. After parading near a quarter of an hour, in the open space, repeating something in a singing tone, he threw the stone down. This stone, and a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo's feet, were, after the speeches ended, carried to the morai: and one of the priests, and Otoo with him, said something upon the occasion.

"On our return to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in, we were obliged to land; and had a pleasant walk through almost the whole extent of Tettaha to Oparre. A tree, with two bundles of dried leaves suspended upon it, marked the boundary of the two districts. The man who had performed the ceremony of the stone and sling came with us. With him, Otoo's father had a long conversation. He seemed very angry. I understood, he was enraged at the part Towha had taken in the Eimeo business."

From what I can judge of this solemnity, as thus described by Mr King, it had not been wholly a thanksgiving, as Omai told us, but rather a confirmation of the treaty, or perhaps both. The grave, which Mr King speaks of, seems to be the very spot where the celebration of the rites began, when the human sacrifice, at which I was present, was offered, and before which the victim was laid, after being removed from the sea side. It is at this part of the morai also that they first invest their kings with the maro. Omai, who had been present when Otoo was made king, described to me the whole ceremony, when we were here; and I find it to be almost the same as this that Mr King has now described, though we understood it to be upon a very different occasion. The plantain-tree, so often mentioned, is always the first thing introduced, not only in all their religious ceremonies, but in all their debates, whether of a public or private nature. It is also used on other occasions; perhaps many more than we know of. While Towha was at Eimeo, one or more messengers came from him to Otoo every day. The messenger always came with a young plantain-tree in his hand, which he laid down at Otoo's feet, before he spoke a word; then seated himself before him, and related what he was charged with. I have seen two men in such high dispute that I expected they would proceed to blows; yet, on one laying a plantain-tree before the other, they have both become cool, and carried on the argument without farther animosity. In short, it is, upon all occasions, the olive-branch of these people.

The war with Eimeo, and the solemn rites which were the consequence of it, being thus finally closed, all our friends paid us a visit on the 26th; and, as they knew that we were upon the point of sailing, brought with them more hogs than we could take off their hands. For, having no salt left, to preserve any, we wanted no more than for present use.

The next day, I accompanied Otoo to Oparre; and, before I left it, I looked at the cattle and poultry, which I had consigned to my friend's care at that place. Every thing was in a promising way, and properly attended to. Two of the geese, and two of the ducks were sitting; but the pea and turkey hens had not begun to lay. I got from Otoo four goats; two of which I intended to leave at Ulietea, where none had as yet been introduced; and the other two I proposed to reserve for the use of any other islands I might meet with in my passage to the north.

A circumstance which I shall now mention of Otoo will shew that these people are capable of much address and art to gain their purposes. Amongst other things which, at different times, I had given to this chief, was a spying-glass. After having it in his possession two or three days, tired of its novelty, and probably finding it of no use to him, he carried it privately to Captain Clerke, and told him that, as he had been his very good friend, he had got a present for him which he knew would be agreeable. "But," says Otoo, "you must not let Toote know it, because he wants it, and I would not let him have it." He then put the glass into Captain Clerke's hands; at the same time assuring him that he came honestly by it. Captain Clerke, at first, declined accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it, and left it with him. Some days after, he put Captain Clerke in mind of the glass, who, though he did not want it, was yet desirous of obliging Otoo; and, thinking that a few axes would be of more use at this island, produced four to give him in return. Otoo no sooner saw this, than he said, "Toote offered me five for it." "Well," says Captain Clerke, "if that be the case, your friendship for me shall not make you a loser, and you shall have six axes." These he accepted; but desired again, that I might not be told what he had done.

Our friend Omai got one good thing, at this island, for the many good things he gave away. This was a very fine double-sailing canoe, completely equipped, and fit for the sea. Some time before, I had made up for him a suit of English colours; but he thought these too valuable to be used at this time; and patched up a parcel of colours, such as flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen, which he spread on different parts of his vessel, all at the same time; and drew together as many people to look at her, as a man of war would, dressed, in an European port. These streamers of Omai were a mixture of English, French, Spanish, and Dutch, which were all the European colours that he had seen. When I was last at this island, I gave to Otoo an English jack and pendant, and to Towha a pendant, which I now found they had preserved with the greatest care.

Omai had also provided himself with a good stock of cloth and cocoa-nut oil, which are not only in greater plenty, but much better at Otaheite, than at any of the Society Islands, insomuch that they are articles of trade. Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently, and so much unlike himself, as he did in many instances, but for his sister and brother-in-law, who, together with a few more of their acquaintance, engrossed him entirely to themselves, with no other view than to strip him of every thing he had got. And they would, undoubtedly, have succeeded in their scheme, if I had not put a stop to it in time, by taking the most useful articles of his property into my possession. But even this would not have saved Omai from ruin, if I had suffered these relations of his to have gone with, or to have followed us to, his intended place of settlement, Huaheine. This they had intended; but I disappointed their farther views of plunder, by forbidding them to shew themselves in that island, while I remained in the neighbourhood; and they knew me too well not to comply.

On the 28th, Otoo came on board, and informed me that be had got a canoe, which he desired I would take with me, and carry home, as a present from him to the Earee rahie no Pretane; it being the only thing, he said, that he could send worth his majesty's acceptance. I was not a little pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude. It was a thought entirely his own, not one of us having given him the least hint about it; and it shewed, that he fully understood to whom he was indebted for the most valuable presents that he had received. At first, I thought that this canoe had been a model of one of their vessels of war; but I soon found that it was a small evaa, about sixteen feet long. It was double, and seemed to have been built for the purpose; and was decorated with all those pieces of carved work which they usually fix upon their canoes. As it was too large for me to take on board, I could only thank him for his good intention; but it would have pleased him much better if his present could have been accepted.

We were detained here some days longer than I expected, by light breezes from the west, and calms by turns; so that we could not get out of the bay. During this time, the ships were crowded with our friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes; for not one would leave the place till we were gone. At length, at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 29th, the wind came at east, and we weighed anchor.

As soon as the ships were under sail, at the request of Otoo, and to gratify the curiosity of his people, I fired seven guns, loaded with shot; after which, all our friends, except him, and two or three more, left us with such marks of affection and grief, as sufficiently shewed how much they regretted our departure. Otoo being desirous of seeing the ship sail, I made a stretch out to sea, and then in again; when be also bid us farewell, and went ashore in his canoe.

The frequent visits we had lately paid to this island, seem to have created a full persuasion, that the intercourse will not be discontinued. It was strictly enjoined to me by Otoo, to request, in his name, the Earee rahie no Pretane to send him, by the next ships, red feathers, and the birds that produce them; axes; half a dozen muskets, with powder and shot; and by no means to forget horses.

I have occasionally mentioned my receiving considerable presents from Otoo, and the rest of the family, without specifying what returns I made. It is customary for these people, when they make a present, to let us know what they expect in return; and we find it necessary to gratify them; so that, what we get by way of present, comes dearer than what we get by barter. But, as we were sometimes pressed by occasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends for a present, or supply, when we could not get our wants relieved by any other method; and, therefore, upon the whole, this way of traffic was full as advantageous to us as to the natives. For the most part, I paid for each separate article as I received it, except in my intercourse with Otoo. His presents generally came so fast upon me, that no account was kept between us. Whatever he asked for, that I could spare, he had whenever he asked for it; and I always found him moderate in his demands.

If I could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself at Otaheite, I should not have left it so soon as I did. For there was not a probability of our being better or cheaper supplied with refreshments at any other place than we continued to be here, even at the time of our leaving it. Besides, such a cordial friendship and confidence subsisted between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expected any where else; and it was a little extraordinary, that this friendly intercourse had never once been suspended by any untoward accident; nor had there been a theft committed that deserves to be mentioned. Not that I believe their morals, in this respect, to be much mended, but am rather of opinion that their regularity of conduct was owing to the fear the chiefs were under, of interrupting a traffic which they might consider as the means of securing to themselves a more considerable share of our commodities, than could have been got by plunder or pilfering. Indeed, this point I settled at the first interview with their chiefs, after my arrival. For, observing the great plenty that was in the island, and the eagerness of the natives to possess our various articles of trade, I resolved to make the most of these two favourable circumstances, and explained myself, in the most decisive terms, that I would not suffer them to rob us, as they had done upon many former occasions. In this, Omai was of great use, as I instructed him to point out to them the good consequences of their honest conduct, and the fatal mischiefs they must expect to suffer by deviating from it.

It is not always in the power of the chiefs to prevent robberies; they are frequently robbed themselves, and complain of it as a great evil. Otoo left the most valuable things he had from me in my possession, till the day before we sailed; and the reason he gave for it was, that they were no where so safe. Since the bringing in of new riches, the inducements to pilfering must have increased. The chiefs, sensible of this, are now extremely desirous of chests. They seemed to set much value upon a few that the Spaniards had left amongst them; and they were continually asking us for some. I had one made for Otoo, the dimensions of which, according to his own directions, were eight feet in length, five in breadth, and about three in depth. Locks and bolts were not a sufficient security; but it must be large enough for two people to sleep upon, by way of guarding it in the night.

It will appear a little extraordinary that we, who had a smattering of their language, and Omai, besides, for an interpreter, could never get any clear account of the time when the Spaniards arrived, how long they stayed, and when they departed. The more we enquired into this matter, the more we were convinced of the inability of most of these people to remember, or note the time, when past events happened; especially if it exceeded ten or twenty months. It however appeared, by the date of the inscription upon the cross, and by the information we received from the most intelligent of the natives, that two ships arrived at Oheitepeha in 1774, soon after I left Matavai, which was in May, the same year. They brought with them the house and live-stock before mentioned. Some said that, after landing these things, and some men, they sailed in quest of me, and returned in about ten days. But I have some doubt of the truth of this, as they were never seen either at Huaheine, or at Ulietea. The live-stock they left here consisted of one bull, some goats, hogs, and dogs, and the male of some other animal, which we afterward found to be a ram, and, at this time, was at Bolabola, whither the bull was also to have been transported.

The hogs are of a large kind; have already greatly improved the breed originally found by us upon the island; and, at the time of our late arrival, were very numerous. Goats are also in tolerable plenty, there being hardly a chief of any note who has not got some. As to the dogs that the Spaniards put ashore, which are of two or three sorts, I think they would have done the island a great deal more service if they had hanged them all, instead of leaving them upon it. It was to one of them that my young ram fell a victim.

When these ships left the island, four Spaniards remained behind. Two were priests, one a servant, and the fourth made himself very popular among the natives, who distinguish him by the name of Mateema. He seems to have been a person who had studied their language; or, at least, to have spoken it so as to be understood; and to have taken uncommon pains to impress the minds of the islanders with the most exalted ideas of the greatness of the Spanish nation, and to make them think meanly of the English. He even went so far as to assure them, that we no longer existed as an independent nation; that Pretane was only a small island, which they, the Spaniards, had entirely destroyed; and, for me, that they had met with me at sea, and, with a few shot, had sent my ship, and every soul in her, to the bottom; so that my visiting Otaheite, at this time, was, of course, very unexpected. All this, and many other improbable falsehoods, did this Spaniard make these people believe. If Spain had no other views, in this expedition, but to depreciate the English, they had better have kept their ships at home; for my returning again to Otaheite was considered as a complete confutation of all that Mateema had said.

With what design the priests stayed, we can only guess. If it was to convert the natives to the catholic faith, they have not succeeded in any one instance. But it does not appear that they ever attempted it; for, if the natives are to be believed, they never conversed with them, either on this, or on any other subject. The priests resided constantly in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about, visiting most parts of the island. At length, after he and his companions had stayed ten months, two ships came to Oheitepeha, took them on board, and sailed again in five days. This hasty departure shews that, whatever design the Spaniards might have had upon this island, they had now laid it aside. And yet, as I was informed by Otoo, and many others, before they went away, they would have the natives believe that they still meant to return, and to bring with them houses, all kinds of animals, and men and women who were to settle, live, and die on the island. Otoo, when he told me this, added, that if the Spaniards should return, he would not let them come to Matavai Fort, which, he said, was ours. It was easy to see that the idea pleased him; little thinking that the completion of it would, at once, deprive him of his kingdom, and the people of their liberties. This shews with what facility a settlement might be made at Otaheite, which, grateful as I am for repeated good offices, I hope will never happen. Our occasional visits may, in some respects, have benefitted its inhabitants; but a permanent establishment amongst them, conducted as most European establishments amongst Indian nations have unfortunately been, would, I fear, give them just cause to lament that our ships had ever found them out. Indeed, it is very unlikely that any measure of this kind should ever be seriously thought of, as it can neither serve the purposes of public ambition, nor of private avarice; and, without such inducements, I may pronounce that it will never be undertaken.[3]

[Footnote 3: We may have occasion hereafter to make mention of several subsequent visits to this island, on the part of our countrymen. It is evident, that Captain Cook was far from being well pleased with the consequences which had already resulted to its inhabitants from their intercourse with Europeans. Unfortunately, it is impracticable to give a more agreeable picture of the condition of the island as influenced by future visits. Cook's solicitude, in behalf of these people, is extremely commendable, and it is to this we must ascribe his opinion of the impolicy of attempting settlements amongst them. Is it wonderful, that to a man of his humanity and discernment, any other effect should seem likely to proceed from the undertaking, than what would augment his concern that ever Otaheite felt the necessity of being obliged to his countrymen? One motive alone, perhaps, not contemplated by him in reasoning on the purposes which might induce to such an attempt, gave some promise of compensating for former evils, without being likely to entail others, which would still leave the balance of good and bad consequences a subject of regret. We allude to the intentions of the missionaries, who projected a settlement on the island in 1796, &c. But the friends of humanity have not hitherto had cause to rejoice at the amount of the new benefits conferred. The advocates for such labours, indeed, require to arm themselves with patience, unless they can satisfy themselves with the conviction of having willed a good work. Besides, even they ought to anticipate the certainty, that, were their intentions realized, intruders of very different principles, and with very different motives, would speedily mar the fruits of their benevolence. Such reflections, it may be said, are discouraging. What opinion, then, ought we to entertain of the wisdom of labours, which had been undertaken without a full view of obvious causes threatening their ultimate failure? It would little alleviate the mortification of disappointment, to exclaim, as is often done on such occasions, "Who could have thought it?" But the most enlightened judges of such undertakings, will not only advert to the probable occurrence of such mischief, but also be well aware of the existence of other untoward circumstances, extremely well calculated to render any fears of subsequent deterioration altogether superfluous!—E.]

I have already mentioned the visit that I had from one of the two natives of this island, who had been carried by the Spaniards to Lima. I never saw him afterward, which I rather wondered at, as I had received him with uncommon civility. I believe, however, that Omai had kept him at a distance from me, by some rough usage; jealous that there should be another traveller upon the island who might vie with himself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a fortunate circumstance for Omai; as he prided himself in having visited a place belonging to Spain as well as this man. I did not meet with the other, who had returned from Lima; but Captain Clerke, who had seen him, spoke of him as a low fellow, and as a little out of his senses. His own countrymen, I found, agreed in the same account of him. In short, these two adventurers seemed to be held in no esteem. They had not, indeed, been so fortunate as to return home with such valuable acquisitions of property as we had bestowed upon Omai; and, with the advantages he reaped from his voyage to England, it must be his own fault if he should sink into the same state of insignificance.

SECTION V.

Arrival at Eimeo.—Two Harbours there, and an Account of them.—Visit from Maheine, Chief of the Island.—His Person described.—A Goat stolen, and sent back with the Thief.—Another Goat stolen, and secreted.—Measures taken on the Occasion.—Expedition cross the Island.—Houses and Canoes burnt.—The Goat delivered up, and Peace restored. Some Account of the Island, &c.

As I did not give up my design of touching at Eimeo, at day-break, in the morning of the 30th, after leaving Otaheite, I stood for the north end of the island; the harbour which I wished to examine being at that part of it. Omai, in his canoe, having arrived there long before us, had taken some necessary measures to shew us the place. However, we were not without pilots, having several men of Otaheite on board, and not a few women. Not caring to trust entirely to these guides, I sent two boats to examine the harbour; and, on their making the signal for safe anchorage, we stood in with the ships, and anchored close up to the head of the inlet, in ten fathoms water, over a bottom of soft mud, and moored with a hawser fast to the shore.

This harbour, which is called Taloo, is situated upon the north side of the island, in the district of Oboonohoo, or Poonohoo. It runs in south, or south by east, between the hills, above two miles. For security and goodness of its bottom, it is not inferior to any harbour that I have met with at any of the islands in this ocean; and it has this advantage over most of them, that a ship can sail in and out, with the reigning trade wind; so that the access and recess are equally easy. There are several rivulets that fall into it. The one, at the head, is so considerable as to admit boats to go a quarter of a mile up, where we found the water perfectly fresh. Its banks are covered with the pooroo tree, as it is called by the natives, which makes good firing, and which they set no value upon; so that wood and water are to be got here with great facility.

On the same side of the island, and about two miles to the eastward, is the harbour of Parowroah, much larger within than that of Taloo; but the entrance, or opening in the reef (for the whole island is surrounded by a reef of coral rock) is considerably narrower, and lies to leeward of the harbour. These two defects are so striking, that the harbour of Taloo must always have a decided preference, It is a little extraordinary, that I should have been three times at Otaheite before, and have once sent a boat to Eimeo, and yet not know till now that there was a harbour in it. On the contrary, I always understood there was not. Whereas, there are not only the two above mentioned, but one or two more on the south side of the island. But these last are not so considerable as the two we have just described.

We had no sooner anchored, than the ships were crowded with the inhabitants, whom curiosity alone brought on board; for they had nothing with them for the purposes of barter. But, the next morning, this deficiency was supplied; several canoes then arriving from more distant parts, which brought with them abundance of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and a few hogs. These they exchanged for hatchets, nails, and beads; for red feathers were not so much sought after here as at Otaheite. The ship being a good deal pestered with rats, I hauled her within thirty yards of the shore, as near as the depth of water would allow, and made a path for them to get to the land, by fastening hawsers to the trees. It is said, that this experiment has sometimes succeeded; but, I believe, we got clear of very few, if any, of the numerous tribe that haunted us.[1]

[Footnote 1: A French traveller in Greece, it is believed Sonnini, makes mention of such an artifice having been used with success by a vessel that put into one of the islands he visited; but in this case the transference was made, not into the island, but into another vessel, containing apples, of which rats are known to be exceedingly fond. A hawser was secretly fastened to the latter, so as to form a communication betwixt the two vessels. On the following morning, it is said, not a rat was found in the one which originally contained them, the whole having gone over during the night to the other. So much for the efficacy of the stratagem. The reader will be at no loss to decide as to the morality of having recourse to it. Mr Bingley relates another method of getting rid of these vermin, which seems to be abundantly serviceable, and which certainly has honesty in its favour. The Valiant man of war, on its return from the Havannah, was so shockingly infested with them, that they destroyed a hundred weight of biscuit daily. The ship was smoked between decks in order to suffocate them, which had the desired effect. In proof of this, he says, that six hampers were for some time filled every day with the dead animals.—E.]

In the morning of the 2d, Maheine, the chief of the island, paid me a visit. He approached the ship with great caution, and it required some persuasion to get him on board. Probably, he was under some apprehensions of mischief from us, as friends of the Otaheitans; these people not being able to comprehend how we can be friends with any one, without adopting, at the same time, his cause against his enemies. Maheine was accompanied by his wife, who, as I was informed, is sister to Oamo, of Otaheite, of whose death we had an account while we were at this island. I made presents to both of them of such things as they seemed to set the highest value upon; and, after a stay of about half-an-hour, they went away. Not long after, they returned with a large hog, which they meant as a return to my present; but I made them another present to the full value of it. After this they paid a visit to Captain Clerke.

This chief who, with a few followers, has made himself, in a manner, independent of Otaheite, is between forty and fifty years old. He is bald-headed, which is rather an uncommon appearance in these islands at that age. He wore a kind of turban, and seemed ashamed to shew his head. But whether they themselves considered this deficiency of hair as a mark of disgrace, or whether they entertained a notion of our considering it as such, I cannot say. We judged that the latter supposition was the truth, from this circumstance, that they had seen us shave the head of one of their people whom we had caught stealing. They therefore concluded, that this was the punishment usually inflicted by us upon all thieves; and one or two of our gentlemen, whose heads were not overburthened with hair, we could observe, lay under violent suspicions of being tetos.

In the evening, Omai and I mounted on horseback, and took a ride along the shore to the eastward. Our train was not very numerous, as Omai had forbid the natives to follow us; and many complied; the fear of giving offence getting the better of their curiosity. Towha had stationed his fleet in this harbour; and though the war lasted but a few days, the marks of its devastation were every where to be seen. The trees were stripped of their fruit; and all the houses in the neighbourhood had been pulled down or burnt.

Having employed two or three days in getting up all our spirit casks to tar their heads, which we found necessary, to save them from the efforts of a small insect to destroy them, we hauled the ship off into the stream, on the 6th, n the morning, intending to put to sea the next day; but an accident happened that prevented it, and gave me a good deal of trouble. We had sent our goats ashore, in the day-time, to graze, with two men to look after them; notwithstanding which precaution, the natives had contrived to steal one of them this evening. The loss of this goat would have been of little consequence, if it had not interfered with my views of stocking other islands with these animals; but this being the case, it became necessary to recover it, if possible. The next morning, we got intelligence that it had been carried to Maheine, the chief, who was at this time at Parowroah harbour. Two old men offered to conduct any of my people, whom I might think proper to send to him, to bring back the goat. Accordingly, I dispatched them in a boat, charged with a threatening message to Maheine, if the goat was not immediately given up to me, and also the thief.

It was only the day before that this chief had requested me to give him two goats. But, as I could not spare them, unless at the expense of other lands that might never have another opportunity to get any, and had besides heard that there were already two upon this island, I did not gratify him. However, to shew my inclination to assist his views in this respect, I desired Tidooa, an Otaheite chief, who was present, to beg Otoo, in my name, to send two of these animals to Maheine; and, by way of insuring a compliance with this request, I sent to Otoo, by this chief a large piece of red feathers, equal to the value of the two goats that I required. I expected that this arrangement would have been satisfactory to Maheine and all the other chiefs of the island; but the event shewed that I was mistaken.

Not thinking that any one would dare to steal a second, at the very time I was taking measures to recover the first, the goats were put ashore again this morning; and, in the evening, a boat was sent to bring them on board. As our people were getting them into the boat, one was carried off undiscovered. It being immediately missed, I made no doubt of recovering it without much trouble, as there had not been time to carry it to any considerable distance. Ten or twelve of the natives set out soon after, different ways, to bring it back, or to look for it; for not one of them would own that it was stolen, but all tried to persuade us that it had strayed into the woods; and indeed I thought so myself. I was convinced to the contrary, however, when I found that not one of those who went in pursuit of it returned; so that their only view was to amuse me till their prize was beyond my reach; and night coming on, put a stop to all farther search. About this time the boat returned with the other goat, bringing also one of the men who had stolen it; the first instance of the kind that I had met with amongst these islands.

The next morning, I found that most of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood had moved off; carrying with them a corpse which lay on a toopapaoo, opposite the ship; and that Maheine himself had retired to the most distant part of the island. It seemed now no longer doubtful, that a plan had been laid to steal what I had refused to give; and that, though they had restored one, they were resolved to keep the other, which was a she-goat, and big with kid. I was equally fixed in my resolution that they should not keep it. I therefore applied to the two old men who had been instrumental in getting back the first. They told me that this had been carried to Watea, a district on the south side of the island, by Hamoa, the chief of that place; but that if I would send any body for it, it would be delivered up. They offered to conduct some of my people cross the island; but, on my learning from them that a boat might go and return the same day, I sent one, with two petty officers, Mr Roberts and Mr Shuttleworth; one to remain with the boat, in case she could not get to the place, while the other should go with the guides, and one or two of our people.

Late in the evening the boat returned; and the officers informed me, that, after proceeding as far in the boat as rocks and shoals would permit, Mr Shuttleworth, with two marines, and one of the guides, landed and travelled to Watea, to the house of Hamoa, where the people of the place amused them for some time, by telling that the goat would soon be brought, and pretended they had sent for it. It however never came; and the approach of night obliged Mr Shuttleworth to return to the boat without it.

I was now very sorry that I had proceeded so far, as I could not retreat with any tolerable credit, and without giving encouragement to the people of the other islands we had yet to visit, to rob us with impunity. I asked Omai and the two old men what methods I should next take; and they, without hesitation, advised me to go with a party of men into the country, and shoot every soul I should meet with. This bloody counsel I could not follow; but I resolved to march a party of men cross the island; and at day-break the next morning, set out with thirty-five of my people, accompanied by one of the old men, by Omai, and three or four of his attendants. At the same time I ordered Lieutenant Williamson, with three armed boats, round the western part of the island, to meet us.

I had no sooner landed with my party, than the few natives, who still remained in the neighbourhood, fled before us. The first man that we met with upon our march run some risk of his life; for Omai, the moment he saw him, asked me if he should shoot him; so fully was he persuaded that I was going to carry his advice into execution. I immediately ordered both him and our guide to make it known that I did not intend to hurt, much less to kill, a single native. These glad tidings flew before us like lightning, and stopped the flight of the inhabitants; so that no one quitted his house, or employment, afterward.

As we began to ascend the ridge of hills over which lay our road, we got intelligence that the goat had been carried that way before us; and, as we understood, could not as yet have passed the hills; so that we marched up in great silence, in hopes of surprising the party who were bearing off the prize. But when we had got to the uppermost plantation on the side of the ridge, the people there told us, that what we were in search of had indeed been kept there the first night, but had been carried the next morning to Watea, by Hamoa. We then crossed the ridge without making any further enquiry, till we came within sight of Watea, where some people shewed us Hamoa's house, and told us that the goat was there; so that I made no doubt of getting it immediately upon my arrival. But when I reached the house, to my very great surprise, the few people we met with denied that they had ever seen it, or knew any thing about it; even Hamoa himself came, and made the same declaration.

On our first coming to the place, I observed several men running to and fro in the woods, with clubs and bundles of darts in their hands; and Omai, who followed them, had some, stones thrown at him; so that it seemed as if they had intended to oppose any step I should take by force; but on seeing my party was too strong, had dropped the design. I was confirmed in this notion, by observing that all their houses were empty. After getting a few of the people of the place together, I desired Omai to expostulate with them on the absurdity of the conduct they were pursuing; and to tell them, that, from the testimony of many on whom I could depend, I was well assured that the goat was in their possession; and, therefore, insisted upon its being delivered up, otherwise I would burn their houses and canoes. But, notwithstanding all that I or Omai could say, they continued to deny their having any knowledge of it. The consequence was, that I set fire to six or eight houses, which were presently consumed, with two or three war-canoes that lay contiguous to them. This done, I marched off to join the boats, which were about seven or eight miles from us; and, in our way, we burnt six more war-canoes, without any one attempting to oppose us; on the contrary, many assisted, though probably more out of fear than good-will. In one place, Omai, who had advanced a little before, came back with information, that a great many men were getting together to attack us. We made ready to receive them; but, instead of enemies, we found petitioners, with plantain-trees in their hands, which they laid down at my feet, and begged that I would spare a canoe that lay close by, which I readily complied with.

At length, about four in the afternoon, we got to the boats that were waiting at Wharrarade, the district belonging to Tiarataboonoue; but this chief, as well as all the principal people of the place, had fled to the hills; though I touched not a single thing that was their property, as they were the friends of Otoo. After resting ourselves here about an hour, we set out for the ships, where we arrived about eight o'clock in the evening. At that time no account of the goat had been received; so that the operations of this day had not produced the desired effect.

Early next morning, I dispatched one of Omai's men to Maheine, with this peremptory message, that, if he persisted in his refusal, I would not leave him a single canoe upon the island, and that he might expect a continuation of hostilities as long as the stolen animal remained in his possession. And, that the messenger might see that I was in earnest, before he left me, I sent the carpenter to break up three or four canoes that lay ashore at the head of the harbour. The plank was carried on board, as materials for building a house for Omai, at the place where he intended to settle. I afterward went, properly accompanied, to the next harbour, where we broke up three or four more canoes, and burnt an equal number; and then returned on board about seven in the evening. On my arrival, I found that the goat had been brought back, about half an hour before; and, on enquiry, it appeared that it had come from the very place where I had been told, the day before, by the inhabitants, that they knew nothing of it. But, in consequence of the message I sent to the chief in the morning, it was judged prudent to trifle with me no longer.