The islands of St Macarius, St Stephen, St Theodore, St Abraham, Seduction Island, and some others, which are to be found in Mr Muller's chart, had no place in this now produced to us; nay, both Mr Ismyloff, and the others, assured me, that they had been several times sought for in vain. And yet it is difficult to believe how Mr Muller, from whom subsequent map-makers have adopted them, could place them in this chart without some authority. Relying, however, on the testimony of these people, whom I thought competent witnesses, I have left them out of my chart, and made such corrections amongst the other islands as I was told was necessary. I found there was wanting another correction; for the difference of longitude, between the Bay of Awatska, and the harbour of Samganoodha, according to astronomical observations, made at these two places, is greater by five degrees and a half, than it is by the chart. This error I have supposed to be infused throughout the whole, though it may not be so in reality. There was also an error in the latitude of some places, but this hardly exceeded a quarter of a degree.

I shall now give some account of the islands, beginning with those that lie nearest to Kamtschatka, and reckoning the longitude from the harbour of Petropaulowska, in the Bay of Awatska. The first is Beering's Island, in 55 deg. of latitude, and 6 deg. of longitude. Ten leagues from the south end of this, in the direction of E. by S., or E.S.E., lies Meidenoi Ostroff, or the Copper Island. The next island is Atakou, laid down in 52 deg. 45' of latitude, and in 15 deg. or 16 deg. of longitude. This island is about eighteen leagues in extent, in the direction of E. and W., and seems to be the same land which Beering fell in with, and named Mount St John. But there are no islands about it, except two inconsiderable ones, lying three or four leagues from the east end, in the direction of E.N.E.

We next come to a group, consisting of six or more islands, two of which, Atghka and Amluk are tolerably large, and in each of them is a good harbour. The middle of this group lies in the latitude of 52 deg. 30', and 28 deg. of longitude from Awatska, and its extent, E. and W., is four degrees. These are the isles that Mr Ismyloff said were to be removed four degrees to the E., which was done. And in the situation they have in my chart, was a group, consisting of ten small islands, which, I was told, were wholly to be struck out, and also two islands lying between them and the group to which Oonalashka belongs. In the place of these two, an island called Amoghta (which in the chart was situated in the latitude of 51 deg. 45', and 4 deg. of longitude to the W.) was brought.

Nothing more need be said to shew how erroneous the situation of many of these islands may be, and for which I am in nowise accountable. But the position of the largest group, of which Oonalashka is one of the principal islands, and the only one in which there is a harbour, is not liable to any such errors. Most of these islands were seen by us, and consequently their latitude and longitude were pretty exactly determined, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha in Oonalashka, which must be looked upon as a fixed point. This group of islands maybe said to extend as far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leagues from Oonalashka toward the E.N.E. Within these isles, a passage was marked in Ismyloff's chart, communicating with Bristol Bay, which converts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that I had supposed to belong to the continent, into an island, distinguished by the name of Ooneemak. This passage might easily escape us, as we were informed, that it is very narrow, shallow, and only to be navigated through with boats, or very small vessels.[10]

[Footnote 10: This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubt on the somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most of the islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utter insignificance, will account for and perhaps justify the sparing solicitude we have used to ascertain their number and position. Some less suspicious data than are to be met with in the accounts of early Russian voyages, would be requisite, to induce much attention to a subject of even greater importance.—E.]

It appeared by the chart, as well as by the testimony of Ismyloff and the other Russians, that this is as far as their countrymen have made any discoveries, or have extended themselves, since Beering's time. They all said, that no Russians had settled themselves so far to the east as the place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke, which Mr Ismyloff, to whom I delivered it, on perusing it, said, had been written at Oomanak. It was, however, from him that we got the name of Kodiak, the largest of Schumagin's Islands; for it had no name upon the chart produced by him.[11] The names of all the other islands were taken from it, and we wrote them down as pronounced by him. He said, they were all such as the natives themselves called their islands by; but, if so, some of the names seem to have been strangely altered. It is worth observing, that no names were put to the islands which Ismyloff told us were to be struck out of the chart, and I considered this as some confirmation that they have no existence.

[Footnote 11: A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appears from a MS. obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant.—D.]

I have already observed, that the American continent is here called by the Russians, as well as by the islanders, Alaschka; which name, though it properly belong only to the country adjoining to Oonemak, is used by them when speaking of the American continent in general, which they know perfectly well to be a great land.

This is all the information I got from these people, relating to the geography of this part of the world; and I have reason to believe that this was all the information they were able to give. For they assured me, over and over again, that they knew of no other islands, besides those which were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian had ever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward, except that which lies opposite the country of the Tschutskis.

If Mr Staehlin was not grossly imposed upon, what could induce him to publish a map so singularly erroneous, and in which many of these islands are jumbled together in regular confusion, without the least regard to truth; and yet he is pleased to call it a very accurate little map.[12] Indeed, it is a map to which the most illiterate of his illiterate sea-faring countrymen would have been ashamed to set his name.

[Footnote 12: Staehlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.]

Mr Ismyloff remained with us till the 21st, in the evening, when he took his final leave. To his care I intrusted a letter to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in which was inclosed a chart of all the northern coasts I had visited. He said there would be an opportunity of sending it to Kamtschatka, or Okotsk, the ensuing spring, and that it would be at Petersburg the following winter. He gave me a letter to Major Behm, governor of Kamtschatka, who resides at Bolscheretsk, and another to the commanding officer, at Petropaulowska. Mr Ismyloff seemed to have abilities that might entitle him to a higher station in life, than that in which we found him. He was tolerably well versed in astronomy, and in the most useful branches of the mathematics. I made him a present of an Hadley's octant; and though, probably, it was the first he had ever seen, he made himself acquainted, in a very short time, with most of the uses to which that instrument can be applied.

In the morning of the 22d, we made an attempt to get to sea, with the wind at S.E., which miscarried. The following afternoon, we were visited by one Jacob Ivanovitch Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commanded a boat, or small vessel, at Oomanak. This man had a great share of modesty, and would drink no strong liquor, of which the rest of his countrymen, whom we had met with here, were immoderately fond. He seemed to know more accurately what supplies could be got at the harbour of Petropaulowska, and the price of the different articles, than Mr Ismyloff. But, by all accounts, every thing we should want at that place was very scarce, and bore a high price. Flour, for instance, was from three to five roubles the pood,[13] and deer from three to five roubles each. This man told us that he was to be at Petropaulowska in May next, and, as I understood, was to have the charge of my letter. He seemed to be exceedingly desirous of having some token from me to carry to Major Behm, and to gratify him, I sent a small spying-glass.

[Footnote 13: 36 lb.]

After we became acquainted with these Russians, some of our gentlemen, at different times, visited their settlement on the island, where they always met with a hearty welcome. This settlement consisted of a dwelling-house and two store-houses. And, besides the Russians, there was a number of the Kamtschadales, and of the natives, as servants, or slaves, to the former. Some others of the natives, who seemed independent of the Russians, lived at the same place. Such of them as belonged to the Russians were all males, and they are taken, or perhaps purchased, from their parents when young. There was, at this time, about twenty of these, who could be looked upon in no other light than, as children. They all live in the same house; the Russians at the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and the natives at the lower end, where is fixed a large boiler for preparing their food, which consists chiefly of what the sea produces, with the addition of wild roots and berries. There is little difference between the first and last table, besides what is produced by cookery, in which the Russians have the art to make indifferent things palatable. I have eat whale's flesh of their dressing, which I thought very good; and they made a kind of pan-pudding of salmon roe, beaten up fine, and fried, that is no bad succedaneum for bread. They may, now and then, taste real bread, or have a dish in which flour is an ingredient; but this can only be an occasional luxury. If we except the juice of berries which they sip at their meals, they have no other liquor besides pure water; and it seems to be very happy for them that they have nothing stronger.

As the island supplies them with food, so it does, in a great measure, with clothing. This consists chiefly of skins, and is, perhaps, the best they could have. The upper garment is made like our waggoner's frock, and reaches as low as the knee. Besides this, they wear a waistcoat or two, a pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots, the soles and upper leathers of which are of Russian leather, but the legs are made of some kind of strong gut. Their two chiefs, Ismyoff and Ivanovitch, wore each a calico frock, and they, as well as some others, had shirts, which were of silk. These, perhaps, were the only part of their dress not made amongst themselves.

There are Russians settled upon all the principal islands between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka, for the sole purpose of collecting furs. Their great object is the sea-beaver or otter. I never heard them enquire after any other animal; though those, whose skins are of inferior value, are also made part of their cargoes. I never thought to ask how long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and the neighbouring isles; but to judge from the great subjection the natives are under, this cannot be of a very late date.[14] All these furriers are relieved, from time to time, by others. Those we met with arrived here from Okotsk, in 1776, and are to return in 1781; so that their stay at the island will be four years at least.[15]

[Footnote 14: The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, ch. viii. p. 80.—D.]

[Footnote 15: Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of these furriers, and probably indeed knew nothing of it. According to Krusenstern, who cannot be supposed to seek for occasion to censure his countrymen, it is wretched in the extreme. He himself admits that his transcript, though softened down from his original notes made at the time, will nevertheless expose him to the anger of a number of persons for whom, in other respects, he entertains the highest regard. But one may question if any of the accounts that have been given of the African slave-trade produce greater horror than this modified description occasions. The reader must not imagine that the physical difficulties of the climate constitute the misery of these deluded beings. These are certainly very formidable, and of themselves present a sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing the shape of comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice and the abuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly from even the most beautiful and the best-gifted country," if his residence in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of the Russian-American Company, as the reader will instantly divine, are chargeable with the enormous barbarity and injustice to which these remarks apply; and the fearless seaman does not scruple to expose them to public indignation, in consequence. We shall communicate a few particulars, referring those who desire more information on the subject to the work itself. The persons who engage in the Company's service, we are informed, are vagabonds and adventurers,—but not criminals, be it remembered,—to whom the fabulous reports of the state of affluence to be easily attained, which are industriously circulated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in the condition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any who carry on a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restricted to those who collect furs. Their misery commences with their voyage, which is generally performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that a large proportion of the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon the deck, which, in such a climate, it is obvious, must expose them to almost certain disease and death. This last, indeed, is the most desirable destiny they can experience, as those who have the misfortune to survive are subjected to almost incalculable calamities from the want of proper food and clothing, under the rigours of the climate, and the still more relentless severity of their task-masters. From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps, with some exercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be, of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health. Speaking of a particular case which he had an opportunity of witnessing, Captain K. says, "We went to visit the sick, and it is impossible for me to describe the shocking, the disgusting state in which we found them; nearly all appeared to labour under incurable scorbutic and venereal sores, although they had been ten months on shore, and had enjoyed the assistance of the surgeon of St Peter and St Paul. Even of this they were now about to be deprived, and on the point of being removed, by a long and tedious navigation, to places where they must either forego all surgical attendance, or obtain it from people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious to learn on what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks of salt meat destined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on opening the cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possession of the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of this stinking salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were the only nourishing provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to this number, (out of seventy,) they actually amounted before the Maria (the vessel they were on board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak)." Was not the practice said to have been adopted at Jaffa by an extraordinary character, to be esteemed for mercifulness in comparison of this? Train oil and the flesh of the sea-lion, with a mixture of rye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions of those who are well, either on board a ship or on shore; these, it must be owned, are quite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under whom there can be neither personal property nor individual security, because he is subject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak, or any other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcasts ever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the object of their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease, disappointment, innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, the only solace in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bring them speedily to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave a vacant stage for the miseries of new victims. Should a remnant have a more lengthened career, and having, by infinite pain and trouble, amassed a little property, get back to Ochotsk, thinking to return home and spend their days in comfort with their relatives, they are beset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated vexations. They cannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed accounts with the agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt with the most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they had acquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them), and at last are necessitated to revert to their former slavery with perhaps far less ability than formerly, and with no other expectation of relief than what is afforded by the certainty of their dissolution. It is impossible to contemplate this distressing picture a moment longer. Let us leave it.—E.]

It is now time to give some account of the native inhabitants. To all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth. But, from what I saw of their neighbours, with whom the Russians have no connection, I doubt whether this was their original disposition, and rather think that it has been the consequence of their present state of subjection. Indeed, if some of our gentlemen did not misunderstand the Russians, they had been obliged to make some severe examples, before they could bring the islanders into any order. If there were severities inflicted at first, the best apology for them is, that they have produced the happiest consequences, and, at present, the greatest harmony subsists between the two nations. The natives have their own chiefs in each island, and seem to enjoy liberty and property unmolested. But whether or no they are tributaries to the Russians, we could never find out. There was some reason to think that they are.[16]

[Footnote 16: See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and the natives, in Coxe, as cited above.—D.

It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned of the conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, that the circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjected to their sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from the work referred to, will answer every purpose we can have in view in alluding to them in this place. "The chief agent of the American Company is the boundless despot over an extent of country, which, comprising the Aleutic islands, stretches from 57 to 61 degrees of latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees of east longitude. The population of the islanders annually decreasing, and the wretched condition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves, that, from their first migration to these islands and to the American coast, up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have been entrusted to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage, but frequently more so for that of a few subordinate agents." A Lieutenant Davidoff, he gives us to understand, had collected some very important notices respecting these possessions of the Company, and had imparted to him a fragment of them relative to the situation of the islanders and their conquerors. This however is not communicated, apparently for a reason mentioned, viz. that this officer proposed publishing on the subject when he returned to St Petersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his life in the Neva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the hands of Admiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall wonder if it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already made known. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be made use of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conduct of the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference of the legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be much wanted. Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matters which Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age, in comparison of what we are assured was lately existing in these regions. What changes have been wrought by the representations of Krusenstern we have not heard.—E.]

These people are rather low of stature, but plump and well-shaped, with rather short necks, swarthy chubby faces, black eyes, small beards, and long, straight, black hair, which the men wear loose behind and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.

Their dress has been occasionally mentioned. Both sexes wear the same in fashion, the only difference is in the materials. The women's frock is made of seal-skin, and that of the men, of the skins of birds, both reaching below the knee. This is the whole dress of the women. But over their frock, the men wear another made of gut, which resists water, and has a hood to it, which draws over the head. Some of them wear boots, and all of them have a kind of oval snouted cap, made of wood, with a rim to admit the head. These caps are dyed with green and other colours; and round the upper part of the rim are stuck the long bristles of some sea-animal, on which are strung glass-beads, and on the front is a small image or two made of bone.

They make use of no paint; but the women puncture their faces slightly; and both men and women bore the under-lip, to which they fix pieces of bone. But it is as uncommon, at Oonalashka, to see a man with this ornament, as to see a woman without it. Some fix beads to the upper-lip, under the nostrils; and all of them hang ornaments in their ears.

Their food consists of fish, sea-animals, birds, roots, and berries, and even of sea-weed. They dry large quantities of fish in summer, which they lay up in small huts for winter use; and probably they preserve roots and berries for the same time of scarcity. They eat almost every thing raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods of cookery that I saw them make use of; and the first was probably learnt from the Russians. Some have got little brass-kettles; and those who have not, make one of a flat stone, with sides of clay, not unlike a standing pye.

I was once present, when the chief of Oonalashka made his dinner of the raw head of a large halibut, just caught. Before any was given to the chief, two of his servants eat the gills, without any other dressing, besides squeezing out the slime. This done, one of them cut off the head of the fish, took it to the sea and washed it, then came with it, and sat down by the chief, first pulling up some grass, upon a part of which the head was laid, and the rest was strewed before the chief. He then cut large pieces of the cheeks, and laid these within the reach of the great man, who swallowed them with as much satisfaction as we should do raw oysters. When he had done, the remains of the head were cut in pieces, and given to the attendants, who tore off the meat with their teeth, and gnawed the bones like so many dogs.

As these people use no paint, they are not so dirty in their persons as the savages who thus besmear themselves; but they are full as lousy and filthy in their houses. Their method of building is as follows: They dig in the ground an oblong square pit, the length of which seldom exceeds fifty feet, and the breadth twenty; but in general the dimensions are smaller. Over this excavation they form the roof of wood which the sea throws ashore. This roof is covered first with grass, and then with earth, so that the outward appearance is like a dunghill. In the middle of the roof, toward each end, is left a square opening, by which the light is admitted; one of these openings being for this purpose only, and the other being also used to go in and out by, with the help of a ladder, or rather a post, with steps cut in it.[17] In some houses there is another entrance below; but this is not common. Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families, (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work, not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all round the inside of the house, and covered with mats; so that this part is kept tolerably decent. But the middle of the house, which is common to all the families, is far otherwise. For, although it be covered with dry grass, it is a receptacle for dirt of every kind, and the place for the urine trough; the stench of which is not mended by raw hides, or leather being almost continually steeped in it. Behind and over the trench, are placed the few effects they are possessed of, such as their cloathing, mats, and skins.

[Footnote 17: Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the natives of Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain Cook's. See Russian Discoveries, p. 149. See also Histoire des differents Peuples soumis a la Domination des Russes, par M. Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.—D.]

Their household furniture consists of bowls, spoons, buckets, piggins or cans, matted-baskets, and perhaps a Russian kettle or pot. All these utensils are very neatly made, and well formed; and yet we saw no other tools among them but the knife and the hatchet, that is, a small flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fitting it into a crooked wooden handle. These were the only instruments we met with there made of iron. For although the Russians live amongst them, we found much less of this metal in their possession, than we had met with in the possession of other tribes on the American continent, who had never seen, nor perhaps had any intercourse with, the Russians. Probably a few beads, a little tobacco, and snuff, purchase all they have to spare. There are few, if any of them, that do not both smoke and chew tobacco, and take snuff; a luxury that bids fair to keep them always poor.

They did not seem to wish for more iron, or to want any other instruments, except sewing-needles, their own being made of bone. With these they not only sew their canoes, and make their clothes, but also very curious embroidery. Instead of thread they use the fibres of sinews, which they split to the thickness which each sort of work requires. All sewing is performed by the women. They are the tailors, shoe-makers, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the men, most probably, construct the frame of wood over which the skins are sewed. They make mats and baskets of grass, that are both beautiful and strong. Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.

I saw not a fire-place in any one of their houses; they are lighted as well as heated, by lamps, which are simple, and yet answer the purpose very well. They are made of a flat stone, hollowed on one side like a plate, and about the same size, or rather larger. In the hollow part they put the oil, mixed with a little dry grass, which serves the purpose of a wick. Both men and women frequently warm their bodies over one of these lamps, by placing it between their legs, under their garments, and sitting thus over it for a few minutes.

They produce fire both by collision and by attrition; the former by striking two stones one against another, on one of which a good deal of brimstone is first rubbed. The latter method is with two pieces of wood; one of which is a stick of about eighteen inches in length, and the other a flat piece. The pointed end of the slick they press upon the other, whirling it nimbly round as a drill; thus producing fire in a few minutes. This method is common in many parts of the world. It is practised by the Kamtschadales, by these people, by the Greenlanders, by the Brazilians, by the Otaheiteans, by the New Hollanders, and probably by many other nations. Yet some learned and ingenious men have founded an argument on this custom to prove, that this and that nation are of the same extraction. But accidental agreements, in a few particular instances, will not authorise such a conclusion; nor will a disagreement, either in manners or customs, between two different nations, of course, prove that they are of different extraction. I could support this opinion by many instances besides the one just mentioned.[18]

[Footnote 18: We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject, which may properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cook be any commendation. It is rare with him to venture on theoretic conjectures; but his truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candid and unbiassed enquiry, may justly serve as the basis of very extensive reasoning. His professional career, in short, may be considered as a course of experimental investigations, from which there results a system of philosophy of no ordinary interest or importance. Can one help regretting, that he did not live, like Newton, to deduce the legitimate consequences of his own discoveries? But, alas! how rapidly are we now approaching to the last suggestions of his sagacious mind!—E.]

No such thing as an offensive or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka. We cannot suppose that the Russians found them in such a defenceless state; it is more probable that, for their own security, they have disarmed them. Political reasons too may have induced the Russians not to allow these islanders to have any large canoes; for it is difficult to believe they had none such originally, as we found them amongst all their neighbours. However, we saw none here but one or two belonging to the Russians. The canoes made use of by the natives are the smallest we had any where seen upon the American coast, though built after the same manner, with some little difference in the construction. The stern of these terminates a little abruptly; the head is forked, the upper point of the fork projecting without the under one, which is even with the surface of the water. Why they should thus construct them is difficult to conceive; for the fork is apt to catch hold of every thing that comes in the way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick from point to point. In other respects, their canoes are built after the manner of those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; the framing being of slender laths, and the covering of seal-skins. They are about twelve feet long, a foot and a half broad in the middle, and twelve or fourteen inches deep. Upon occasion, they can carry two persons; one of whom is stretched at full length in the canoe, and the other sits in the seat, or round hole, which is nearly in the middle. Round this hole is a rim or hoop of wood, about which is sewed gut-skin, that can be drawn together, or opened like a purse, with leathern thongs fitted to the outer edge. The man seats himself in this place, draws the skin tight round his body over his gut-frock, and brings the ends of the thongs or purse-string, over the shoulder to keep it in its place. The sleeves of his frock are tied tight round his wrists, and it being close round his neck, and the hood drawn over his head, where it is confined by his cap, water can scarcely penetrate either to his body, or into the canoe. If any should, however, insinuate itself, the boatman carries a piece of spunge, with which he dries it up. He uses the double-bladed paddle, which is held with both hands in the middle, striking the water with a quick regular motion, first on one side and then on the other. By this means the canoe is impelled at a great rate, and in a direction as straight as a line can be drawn. In sailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, two or three canoes kept way with the ship, though she was going at the rate of seven miles an hour.

Their fishing and hunting implements lie ready upon the canoes, under straps fixed for the purpose. They are all made, in great perfection, of wood and bone, and differ very little from those used by the Greenlanders, as they are described by Crantz. The only difference is in the point of the missile dart, which, in some we saw here, is not above an inch long; whereas Crantz says, that those of the Greenlanders are a foot and a half in length. Indeed, these darts, as well as some others of their instruments, are so curious, that they deserve a particular description; but, as many of them were brought away on board the ships, this can be done at any time, if thought necessary. These people are very expert in striking fish, both in the sea, and in rivers. They also make use of hooks and lines, nets and wears. The hooks are composed of bone, and the lines of sinews.

The fishes which are common to other northern seas, are found here; such as whales, grampusses, porpoises, swordfish, halibut, cod, salmon, trout, seals, flat-fish; several other sorts of small fish; and there may be many more that we had no opportunity of seeing. Halibut and salmon seem to be in the greatest plenty, and on them the inhabitants of these isles subsist chiefly; at least, they were the only sort of fish, except a few cod, which we observed to be laid up for their winter store. To the north of 60 deg., the sea is, in a manner, destitute of small fish of every kind; but then whales are more numerous.

Seals and that whole tribe of sea-animals, are not so numerous as in many other seas. Nor can this be thought strange, since there is hardly any part of the coast, on either continent, nor any of the islands lying between them, that is not inhabited, and whose inhabitants hunt these animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horses are, indeed, in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otter is, I believe, no where found but in this sea. We sometimes saw an animal, with a head like a seal's, that blew after the manner of whales. It was larger than a seal, and its colour was white, with some dark spots. Probably this was the sea-cow, or manati.

I think I may venture to assert, that sea and water fowls are neither in such numbers, nor in such variety, as with us in the northern parts of the Atlantic Ocean. There are some, however, here, that I do not remember to have seen any where else; particularly the alca monochroa of Steller, before mentioned; and a black and white duck, which I conceive to be different from the stone-duck described by Krascheninicoff.[19] All the other birds seen by us are mentioned by this author, except some that we met with near the ice; and most, if not all, of these, are described by Martin in his voyage to Greenland. It is a little extraordinary, that penguins, which are common in many parts of the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses too are so very scarce, that I cannot help thinking that this is not their proper climate.

[Footnote 19: History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.]

The few land birds that we met with are the same with those in Europe; but there may be many others which we had no opportunity of knowing. A very beautiful bird was shot in the woods at Norton Sound, which, I am told, is sometimes found in England, and known by the name of Chatterer. Our people met with other small birds there, but in no great variety and abundance; such as the wood pecker, the bullfinch, the yellow finch, and a small bird called a tit-mouse.

As our excursions and observations were confined wholly to the sea-coast, it is not to be expected, that we could know much of the animals or vegetables of the country. Except musquitoes, there are few other insects; nor reptiles, that I saw, but lizards. There are no deer upon Oonalashka, or upon any other of the islands. Nor have they any domestic animals, not even dogs. Foxes and weasels were the only quadrupeds we saw; but they told us, that they had hares also, and the marmottas mentioned by Krascheninicoff.[20] Hence it is evident, that the sea and rivers supply the greatest share of food to the inhabitants. They are also obliged to the sea for all the wood made use of for building, and other necessary purposes; for not a stick grows upon any of the islands, nor upon the adjacent coast of the continent.

[Footnote 20: History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.]

The learned tell us, that the seeds of plants are, by various means, conveyed from one part of the world to another, even to islands in the midst of great oceans, and far remote from any other land. How comes it to pass, that there are no trees growing on this part of the continent of America, nor any of the islands lying near it? They are certainly as well situated for receiving seeds, by all the various ways I have heard of, as any of those coasts are that abound in wood. May not nature have denied to some soil the power of raising trees, without the assistance of art? As to the drift-wood upon the shores of the islands, I have no doubt that it comes from America. For although there may be none on the neighbouring coast, enough may grow farther up the country, which torrents in the spring may break loose, and bring down to the sea. And not a little may be conveyed from the woody coasts, though they lie at a greater distance.[21]

[Footnote 21: More extensive observations than what Cook's time allowed him to make, would be requisite to determine the questions which he has just now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, that there is some reason for demurring at one of the premises, with which he sets out, viz. that the islands, he speaks of, are as well situate for receiving seeds, as any of the coasts are that abound in wood. At least, before admitting it, we ought to be assured of the equal vicinity of sources from which these seeds might be received, the predominance or occasional alteration of currents fit for their conveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about the variety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. With respect to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way of corroborating a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason to believe, that much of the internal parts of North America, and even the declivities, though not the summits of most of the high ranges of mountains traversing it, either have been, or are, well covered with trees. Here, it is worth while to allude to a very singular circumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis and Clarke's Travels to the Source of the Missouri, &c. viz. that a great number of the trunks of trees of the pine genus were found standing erect, and with their roots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the Columbia river, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on the supposition of some considerable change in the course of the river; and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know have often occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of trees from their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time or room to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no reader can be at a loss to estimate the probable results of the fact now mentioned. To some persons, however, it may be necessary to mention, that the Missouri itself is a striking instance of both changeability of course, and a corresponding operation in transporting trees, &c.; the latter circumstance being apparently both the cause and the effect of the former. Thus we are informed in the work already referred to, that at the place where the party embarked on the last-mentioned river, its current, which was extremely rapid, brought down great quantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was full of logs of trees, and that the course of the water was frequently varying from the effects of sand-bars, &c. of its own formation. For an obvious reason, it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species of trees the drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even intelligent persons quite aware of the importance of the facts which are presented to them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the same thing, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness with which they have been examined!—E.]

There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and most of them were in flower the latter end of June. Several of them are such as we find in Europe, and in other parts of America, particularly in Newfoundland; and others of them, which are also met with in Kamtschatka, are eat by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krascheninicoff has given us descriptions. The principal one is the saranne, or lily root, which is about the size of a root of garlic, round, made up of a number of small cloves, and grains like groats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop; the taste is not disagreeable, and we found means to make some good dishes with it. It does not seem to be in great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloff gave us. We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some other wild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling angelica, and berries of several different sorts; such as bramble-berries, cran-berries, hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small red berry, which, in Newfoundland, is called partridge-berry, and another brown berry, unknown to us. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlike it in every other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in any quantity. Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke attempted to preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if they had been steeped in spirits.

There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable, but are not made use of by either Russians or natives. Such as wild purslain, pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass, cresses, and some others. All these we found very palatable, dressed either in soups or in sallads. On the low ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows very thick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that cattle might subsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without being housed. And the soil, in many places, seemed capable of producing grain, roots, and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem satisfied with what nature brings forth.

Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the island; but I had no opportunity of learning where they got it. We found also ochre, a stone that gives a purple colour, and another that gives a very good green. It may be doubted, whether this last is known. In its natural state, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It easily dissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely loses its properties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka; but we were told, that it was in greater plenty on the island Oonemak. As to the stones about the shore and hills, I saw nothing in them that was uncommon.[22]

[Footnote 22: Very probably the stone that gave a green colour was an ore of copper; but the scanty description renders it difficult to ascertain the species. The other, which is said to have given a purple colour, may also have contained the same metal.—E.]

The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits of hills, and raise a little hillock over the grave. In a walk into the country, one of the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these receptacles of the dead. There was one of them, by the side of the road leading from the harbour to the village, over which was raised a heap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed it, added one to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks, that seemed to have been raised by art. Many of them were apparently of great antiquity.

What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future state, I know not. I am equally unacquainted with their diversions; nothing having been seen that could give us an insight into either.

They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each other, and always behaved with great civility to us. The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this island are also subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it, which those whom it attacks are very careful to conceal. They do not seem to be long-lived. I no where saw a person, man or woman, whom I could suppose to be sixty years of age; and but very few who appeared to be above fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means of shortening their days.

I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the time of our arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the natives, on this north-west side of America, resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, in various particulars of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and the like. However, I was much less struck with this, than with the affinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's Sound and Oonalashka. This will appear from a table of corresponding words which I put together.

It must he observed, however, with regard to the words which we collected on this side of America, that too much stress is not to be laid upon their being accurately represented; for, after Mr Anderson's death, we had few who took much pains about such matters; and I have frequently found, that the same words written down by two or more persons, from the mouth of the same native, on being compared together, differed not a little. But still, enough is certain, to warrant this judgment, that there is great reason to believe, that all these nations are of the same extraction; and if so, there can be little doubt of there being a northern communication of some sort, by sea, between this west side of America and the east side, through Baffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually shut up against ships by ice, and other impediments. Such, at least, was my opinion at this time.[23]

[Footnote 23: This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction, and will in all probability receive consideration in the course of this Collection. It is unnecessary, therefore, to enter upon it in this place. We shall merely mention a few particulars. The west coast of Greenland has not been explored beyond 72 deg. latitude. Little or nothing, that can be relied on, is known concerning the sea of Davis or Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being generally considered as imaginary, and having no other evidence for its existence, than the assertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit. The whole distance from the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to the point where Hearne saw the sea, viz. in 69 deg. latitude, being about sixty degrees of longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said of both the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at which Mackenzie's river is conceived to enter, which is denominated the Arctic Sea, amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and also of about an equal space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, the highest point at which Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If any passage do exist, it is certain, that it must be beyond 69 deg. latitude, as high as which, it has been indubitably proved by the labours of Cook, Mackenzie, and Hearne, that the continent of America is unbroken by any navigable passage from sea to sea. Above that latitude, it is not only possible, but also even probable, that the Arctic Sea, supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and Hearne saw, and that it is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the other spaces alluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the passage of canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much higher latitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean, might seem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify some renewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has been proved by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in the Pacific Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, that Greenland forms an integral part of the American continent. Still, however, in every view of the subject, there does appear encouragement to make some experiments of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's, particularly towards the east of the track explored by the former; and it is even extremely probable, that some marine co-operation in the direction of both Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate and secure some discovery of more utility, than a mere improvement of our maps. But it is improper to disburden imagination on such a subject in this place.—E.]

I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particulars relative to the tides and currents upon the coast, and an account of the astronomical observations made by us in Samganoodha harbour.

The tide is no where considerable but in the great river.[24]

[Footnote 24: Cook's River.]

The flood comes from the south or south-east, every where following the direction of the coast to the north-westward. Between Norton Sound and Cape Prince of Wales, we found a current setting to the north-west, particularly off the cape and within Sledge Island. But this current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was it either consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales, we found neither tide nor current, either on the American or on the Asiatic coast, though several times looked for. This gave rise to an opinion entertained by some on board our ships, that the two coasts were connected, either by land or by ice; which opinion received some strength, by our never having any hollow waves from the north, and by our seeing ice almost the whole way across.

The following are the results of the several observations made ashore, during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha.

The latitude, by the mean of several observed meridian altitudes of the sun, 53 deg. 5' 0" By the mean of 20 sets of lunar observations, } 193 47 45 / with the sun east of the } The longitude { moon / By the mean of 14 sets, with the sun and stars } 193 11 45 west of the moon / ——————- The mean of these 193 29 45 The longitude assumed 193 30 0

By the mean of equal altitudes of the sun, taken on the 12th, 14th, 17th, and 21st, the time-keeper was found to be losing on mean time 8", 8 each day; and, on the last of these days, was too slow for mean time 13^h 46^m 43^s, 98. Hence the time-keeper must have been too slow on the 4th, the day after our arrival, by 13^h 44^m 26^s, 62; and the longitude, by Greenwich rate, will be 13^h 23^m 53^s, 8 200 58 27

By King George's (or Nootka) Sound rate, 12^h 56^m 40^s, 4 194 10 6

The 30th of June, the time-keeper, by the same rate, gave 193 12 0

The error of the time-keeper, at that time, was 0 18 0 W.

At this time, its error was 0 39 54 E.

The error of the time-keeper, between our leaving Samganoodha, and our return to it again, was 0 57 54

On the 12th of October, the variation /A.M. 20 deg. 17' 2" Mean 19 deg. 59' By the mean of three compasses, P.M. 19 41' 27 / 15" East.

Dip of the needle / Unmarked end Dipping, /68 deg. 45' Face / 69 deg. 30' Marked end / face East 69 55 / West 69 17

Mean of the dip of the north end of the needle 62 deg. 23' 30".

SECTION XII.

Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views,—The Island Amoghta.—Situation of a remarkable Rock.—The Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella repassed.—Progress to the South.—Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery.—Mowee, one of the Sandwich Islands, discovered.—Intercourse with the Natives.—Visit from Terreeoboo.—Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.—The Ships ply to windward to get round it.—An Eclipse of the Moon observed.—The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer.—Cordage deficient in Strength.—Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.—The Resolution gets to Windward of the Island.—Her Progress down the South-East Coast.—Views of the Country, and Visits from the Natives.—The Discovery joins.—Slow Progress Westward.—Karakakooa Bay examined by Mr Bligh.—Vast Concourse of the Natives.—The Ships anchor in the Bay.

In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodha harbour; and, as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward.

My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spend a few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessary refreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to endeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In consequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how to proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for the first place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, in Kamtschatka, for the second.

Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S.E. and E.S.E., which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western part of Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched to the westward, till seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, and stood to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manner as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls, attended with rain, hail, and snow.

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashka bore S.E., four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to the westward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward evening the little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E., where it continued but a short time before it got to N.E., and increased to a very hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as the wind inclined to the N. and N.W., I steered more westerly.

On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extending from E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be the island Amoghta. At eight, finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind had now veered, to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for Oonalashka, with a view of going to the northward and eastward of that island, not daring to attempt a passage to the S.E. of it, in so hard a gale of wind. At the time we bore away, the land extended from E. by S. 1/2 S. to S.S.W., four leagues distant. The longitude by the time-keeper was 191 deg. 17', and the latitude 53 deg. 38'. This will give a very different situation to this island from that assigned to it upon the Russian map. But it must be remembered, that this is one of the islands which Mr Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubt if this be Amoghta;[1] for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no land appeared upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observed before, we must not look for accuracy in this chart.

[Footnote 1: On the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage in 1768 and 1769, which we find in Mr Coxe's book, p. 251, an island called Amuckta, is laid down, not very far from the place assigned to Amoghta by Captain Cook.—D.]

At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N.E., we discovered an elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N.N.E. 1/2 E., four leagues distant. It lies in the latitude of 53 deg. 57', and in the longitude of 191 deg. 2', and hath no place in the Russian map.[2] We must have passed very near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from this circumstance, that the sea, which now run very high, broke no where but against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight of Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time to get through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning, we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard gale at W.N.W., with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon, we were in the middle of the Strait, between Oonalashka, and Oonella, the harbour of Samganoodha bearing S.S.E., one league distant. At three in the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of the isles, Cape Providence bearing W.S.W., two or three leagues distant, we steered to the southward, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, with the wind at W.N.W., a strong gale, and fair weather.

[Footnote 2: Though this rock had no place in the Russian map produced by Ismyloff, it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage above referred to. That chart also agrees with Captain Cook's, as to the general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented shores of the island of Oonalashka are represented in both charts much alike. These circumstances are worth attending to, as the more modern Russian maps of this Archipelago are so wonderfully erroneous.—D.]

On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward; and, before night, blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. The Discovery fired several guns, which we answered; but without knowing on what occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight of her, and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten, she joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and the wind had veered back to W.N.W., we made sail, and resumed our course to the southward.

The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42 deg. 12', and in the longitude of 201 deg. 26'", the variation was 17 deg. 15' E. The next morning, our latitude being 41 deg. 20', and our longitude 202 deg., a shag, or cormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds are seldom, if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judged that some was not far distant. However, we could see none. In the afternoon, there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board, and informed me of a melancholy accident that happened on board his ship, the second night after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gave way, killed one man, and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more. In addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the evening of the 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable damage; and that the guns which he fired were the signal to bring to.'

On the 8th, the wind was at N.; a gentle breeze with clear weather. On the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2 deg., we had eight hours calm. This was succeeded by the wind from, the S., attended with fair weather. Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle a needle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were employed to put the boats in order.

On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38 deg. 14', and in the longitude of 206 deg. 17', the wind returned back to the northward; and, on the 15th, in the latitude of 33 deg. 30', it veered to the E. At this time, we saw a tropic-bird, and a dolphin, the first that we had observed during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 19th, when a squall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the W. to the N. This was in the latitude of 32 deg. 26', and in the longitude of 207 deg. 30'.

The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended with rain, so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In lowering down the main top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of the foot rope, and it was split in several other parts. This sail had only been brought to the yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale proved to be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in, latitude 25 deg., veered to E. and E.S.E.

I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in the morning of the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20 deg. 55'. I now spread the ships, and steered to the W. In the evening we joined, and at midnight brought-to. At day-break, next morning, land was seen extending from S.S.E. to W. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight, it extended from S.E. 1/2 S. to W., the nearest part two leagues distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to the east, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group of the Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as those of them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the leeward of our present station.

In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appeared above the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, and terminated in a steep rocky coast, against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I bore up, and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long before we saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses and plantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered, and running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places.

As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no chance to succeed in this if a free trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for this substantial reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all persons from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and Captain Clerke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. Women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent by this regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them.

At noon, the coast extended from S., 81 deg. E., to N. 56 deg. W.; a low flat, like an isthmus, bore S., 42 deg. W.; the nearest shore three or four miles distant; the latitude was 20 deg. 59', and the longitude 203 deg. 50'. Seeing some canoes coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they got alongside, many of the people, who conducted them, came into the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to be of the same nation with the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward, which we had already visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew of our having been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for these people had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet, I knew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse with their neighbours since our leaving them.

We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for nails and pieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told us that they had plenty or them on their island, as also hogs and fowls. In the evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judged the westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that off which we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to the ships next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying off all night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only a few of the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the company of a good many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro, or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which they exchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else to give them. We continued trading with, them till four o'clock in the afternoon, when, having disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeming inclined to fetch more, we made sail, and stood off shore.

While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed that the ships drifted to the east, consequently there must have been a current setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply to windward, with a view to get round the east end of the island, and so have the whole lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being off the N.E. end of the island, several canoes came off to the ships. Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo, who came in one of them. He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter, from the other people, a little fruit. After a stay of about two hours they all left us, except six or eight of their company, who chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came soon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all night. In the evening, we discovered another island to windward, which the natives call Owhyhee. The name of that, off which we had been for some days, we were also told is Mowee.

On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended from S., 22' E, to S. 12 deg. W.; and Mowee from N. 41 deg. to N. 83 deg. W. Finding that we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from Mowee not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and went ashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north side of Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on.

In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of the mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be of any extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to be of a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As we drew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were a little shy at first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and at last prevailed upon them to return to the island, and bring off what we wanted. Soon after they reached the shore, we had company enough; and few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs, fruit, and roots. We continued trading with them till six in the evening; when we made sail, and stood off, with a view of plying to windward round the island.

In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr King made use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed at the object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture. I observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, I think, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following times are the means, as observed by us both:

Longitude. 6^h 3' 25" beginning of the eclipse 204 deg. 40' 45" 8 27 25 end of the eclipse 204 25 15 —————— Mean 204 35 0

The penumbra was visible at least ten minutes before the beginning and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part of the moon with one of Ramsden's sextants, several times before, at, and after the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the middle so near as might have been effected by this method. Indeed, these observations were made only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I also measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought alternately the reflected and direct images on contrary sides with respect to each other; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one case, to the left of the beginning of the divisions; and, in the other case, to the right hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these two numbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error of the quadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend.

But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer; and that this method maybe useful when neither the beginning nor end of an eclipse can be observed, which may often happen.

Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance of each limb of the moon from Pollux and alpha Arietis; the one being to the east, and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe, under all these circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, it ought not to be omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which these observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all other cases, would require the observations of a whole moon. The following are the results of these observations:

Myself with / a Arietis - 204 deg. 22' 07" mean 204 deg. 21' 5" Pollux - 204 20 4 /

Mr King with / a Arietis - 204 27 45 mean 204 18 29 Pollux - 204 9 12 / —————- Mean of the two means 204 19 47

The time-keeper, at 4^h 30', to which time all the 204 04 45 lunar observations are reduced /

The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, had now ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th, in the evening, being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near the shore, we had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnished only a trifling supply, I stood in again next morning, when we had a considerable number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with them, till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, and continued to ply to windward.

Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having, upon a trial, made but a few days before, found, that a strong decoction of it produced a very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed for our general use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of my crew-would even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing this beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gave myself no trouble, either by exerting authority, or by having recourse to persuasion, to prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that there was no danger of the scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful supply of other vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship. I myself, and the officers, continued to make use of the sugar-cane beer whenever we could get materials for brewing it. A few hops, of which we had some on board, improved it much. It has the taste of new malt beer; and I believe no one will doubt of its being very wholesome. And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injurious to their health.

They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took on our first arrival in King George's Sound, not to drink the spruce-beer made there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not the first time of their being required to use that liquor, or from some other reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual execution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed their ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Every innovation whatever on board a ship, though ever so much to the advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highest disapprobation. Both portable soup, and sour krout, were, at first, condemned as stuff unfit for human beings. Few commanders have introduced into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties of food and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders have had the same opportunities of trying such experiments, or been driven to the same necessity of trying them. It has, however, been, in a great measure, owing to various little deviations from established practice, that I have been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, from that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps, destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions.[3]

[Footnote 3: So much for the effect of ignorance and prejudice. One requires the strong evidence of such a careful observer as Captain Cook to be convinced of their existence, in such intense degree, among a set of people, accustomed, from the nature of their profession, to witness the vast variety of different manners and modes of life in different countries; though every notion we could form of their habits and tempers might lead us to infer a priori, the obstinacy with which they would resist any innovation on their established practices. Probably, however, when left to themselves, they readily enough fall in with changes; and hence it may often be more judicious to put temptations in their way, in order to obtain a salutary purpose, than to recommend or enforce it as conducive to their welfare. It is easy to understand, on the common principles of human nature, that the former method will generally prove most efficient; whereas the latter, because it implies a kind of restraint, will, consequently, be disliked, and opposed or evaded. Sailors, on the whole, perhaps, bear the greatest resemblance to children of any of the full-grown species. It is of some consequence to know how to treat them as such. A little coaxing and flattery is a very necessary ingredient in any thing intended for them; and often it may be extremely politic to seem to refuse, or to be averse to give them what we are at the same time really anxious they should have. But it is easy to prescribe in such cases!—E.]

I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stood in again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached; and, after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returned to sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for a supply of fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at S.E. by S., and S.S.E., I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward, in order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the S.E. end of the island. The wind continued at S.E. by S., most part of the 16th. It was variable between S. and E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it was continually veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes, in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly for a few hours; but in the evening it shifted to E. by S., and we stood to the southward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the Discovery was at some distance astern. At this time the S.E. point of the island bore S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and I made no doubt that I should be able to weather it. But at one o'clock, next morning, it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast towards the land; so that, long before day-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more than a league distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the S.E. by E., blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the N.E., thinking it the best tack to clear the coast; but, if it had been day-light, we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was seen extending from N. by W., to S.W. by W.; a dreadful surf breaking upon the shore, which was not more than half a league distant. It was evident that we had been in the most imminent danger. Nor were we yet in safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for some time, we did but just keep our distance from the coast. What made our situation more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way, which was the occasion of the sail's being rent in two; and the two top-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half worn out. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to the yards, and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at some distance to the north, was never near the land, nor did we see her till eight o'clock.

On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found, that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strength or substance. This at different times, has been the source of infinite trouble and vexation, and of much expence of canvas, ruined by their giving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room for remarking, that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the other stores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those, in general, used in the merchant service.

It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval officers of all ranks, that the king's stores are better than any others, and that no ships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly they are in the right, as to the quantity; but, I fear, not as to the quality of the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are generally condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time as they are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that we have an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation makes it necessary to wear every thing to the very utmost.[4]

[Footnote 4: Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison of some cordage used in the king's service, with what is used in that of the merchants; especially in time of war, when part of the cordage wanted in the navy is, from necessity, made by contract. But it is well known, that there is no better cordage than what is made in the king's yards. This explanation of the preceding paragraph has been subjoined, on the authority of a naval officer of distinguished rank, and great professional ability, who has, at the same time, recommended it as a necessary precaution, that ships fitted out on voyages of discovery, should be furnished with no cordage, but what is made in the king's yards; and, indeed, that every article of their store, of every kind, should be the best that can be made.—D.]

As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed a white flag, which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Some of them ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it not being safe to wait, they were soon left astern.

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern extreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had seen its extent to the S.E., which was the thing I aimed at; and, according to the information which we had got from the natives, there is no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were so near the S.E. end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our favour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the idea of weathering it, and therefore continued to ply.

On the 20th, at noon, this S.E. point bore S., three leagues distant; the snowy hills W.N.W., and we were about four miles from the nearest shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came off in their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for one day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or four miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden with provisions. We brought-to, and continued trading with the people in them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the inhabitants of Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observed amongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They understand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they brought off provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than they thought they were worth, would take them on shore again.[5]

[Footnote 5: The reader is desired to pay particular attention to the high testimony borne by Cook to the characters of these islanders. It is a circumstance too singularly interesting not to give rise to some painful reflections, that, on apparently good grounds, he should have entertained the best opinion of those very people, from whom he was destined shortly afterwards to receive the greatest of injuries. However that event is to be explained, it seems very fair that his evidence in their favour obtain full regard, and that they, therefore, be entitled to any benefits it may be supposed to confer.—E.]

On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, with a fresh breeze at E. by N. At noon, the latitude was 20 deg. 28' 30"; and the snowy peak bore S.W. 1/2 S. We had a good view of it the preceding day, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extend lower down the hill. I stood to the S.E. till midnight, then tacked to the N. till four in the morning, when we returned to the S.E. tack; and, as the wind was at N.E. by E., we had hopes of weathering the island. We should have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, and left us to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast toward the land, which was not two leagues distant. At length, we got our head off, and some light puffs of wind, which came with showers of rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we got a goose, which was about the size of a Muscovy duck. Its plumage was dark-grey, and the bill and legs black.

At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that the natives had brought off, which was full as much as we had occasion for, we made sail, and stretched to the N., with the wind at E.N.E. At midnight, we tacked, and stood to the S.E. Upon a supposition that the Discovery would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not see us, as we afterwards found, and continued standing to the N.; for at day-light next morning she was not in sight. At this time the weather being hazy we could not see far, so that it was possible the Discovery might be following us; and, being past the N.E. part of the island, I was tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N.E., we could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently we could not stand to the N, to join, or look for, the Discovery. At noon, we were, by observation, in latitude of 19 deg. 55', and in the longitude of 205 deg. 3'; the S.E. point of the island bore S. by E. 1/4 E, six leagues distant; the other extreme bore N, 60 deg. W., and we were two leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the southernmost extreme of the island bore S.W., the nearest shore seven or eight miles distant; so that we had now succeeded in getting to windward of the island, which we had aimed at with so much perseverance.

The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as we had it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded, that it would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruizing off this S.E. point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 19 deg. 34', and in the longitude of 205 deg. 6', till I was satisfied that Captain Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured, that he had not been able to weather the N.E. part of the island, and had gone to leeward, in order to meet me that way.

As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes, except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by a dozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual, the produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken the trouble to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our old stock not being, as yet, consumed; and we had found, by late experience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor the roots preserved from putrefaction, many days. However, I intended not to leave this part of the island before I got a supply, as it would not be easy to return to it again, in case it should be found necessary.

We began to be in want on the 30th, and I would have stood in near the shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up at midnight from S. and S.W., we were enabled to stand in for the land at day-break. At ten o'clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders with fruit and roots; but, in all the canoes, were only three small pigs. Our not having bought those which had been lately brought off, may be supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. We brought-to for the purposes of trade; but, soon after, our marketing was interrupted by a very hard rain, and, besides, we were rather too far from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not depend upon the wind's remaining where it was for a moment; the swell also being high, and setting obliquely upon the shore, against which it broke in a frightful surf. In the evening the weather mended; the night was clear, and it was spent in making short boards.

Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds, and the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued, at intervals, till past ten o'clock. The wind was southerly; a light breeze with some calms, when the rain ceased and the sky cleared, and the breeze freshened. Being, at this time, about five miles from the land, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots, and, at last, some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with, them till three o'clock in the afternoon, when, having a tolerable supply, we made sail, with a view of proceeding to the N.W., or lee-side of the island, to look for the Discovery. It was necessary, however, the wind being at S., to stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack. For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedingly unsettled, and there fell a great deal of rain.

The three following days were spent in running down the S.E. side of the island. For, during the nights, we stood off and on; and part of each day was employed in lying-to, in order to furnish an opportunity to the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board, while we were five leagues from the shore. But, whether from a fear of losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market, they never brought much with them. The principal article procured was salt, which was extremely good.

On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 18 deg. 54', and beyond it we found the coast to trend N. 60 deg. W. On this point stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board, and no women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me, that they visited us with no other view, than to make a surrender of their persons. As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased no hogs but such as were fit for salting, refusing all that were under size. However, we could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds weight. It was happy for us, that we had still some vegetables on board, for we now received few such productions. Indeed this part of the country, from its appearance, did not seem capable of affording them. Marks of its having been laid waste by the explosion of a volcano, every where presented themselves; and though we had as yet seen nothing like one upon the island, the devastation that it had made in this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye.

This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds, but we could find no bottom to anchor upon, a line of an hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from the shore. The islanders having all left us, toward the evening, we ran a few miles down the coast, and then spent the night standing off and on.

The next morning, the natives visited us again, bringing with them the same articles of commerce as before. Being now near the shore, I sent Mr Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the coast, with orders to land, and to look for fresh water. Upon his return, he reported, that, at two cables' lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when he landed, he found no stream or spring, but only rain-water, deposited in holes upon the rocks, and even that was brackish from the spray of the sea, and that the surface of the country was entirely composed of slags and ashes, with a few plants interspersed. Between ten and eleven we saw with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point of the island, and at one in the afternoon she joined us. Captain Clerke then coming on board, informed me, that he had cruised four or five days where we were separated, and then plied round the east side of the island, but that, meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carried to some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on board all this time, who had remained there from choice, and had refused to quit the ship, though opportunities had offered.

Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in again the next morning, and when we were about a league from the shore, many of the natives visited us. At noon, the observed latitude was 19 deg. 1', and the longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203 deg. 26', the island extending from S. 74 deg. E. to N. 13 deg. W., the nearest part two leagues distant.

At day-break on the 8th, we found that the currents, during the night, which we spent in plying, had carried us back considerably to windward; so that we were now off the S.W. point of the island. There we brought-to, in order to give the natives an opportunity of trading with us. At noon our observed latitude was 19 deg. 1', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203 deg. 13', the S.W. point of the island N. 30 deg. E., two miles distant.

We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened, that four men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day, still remained with us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stood in shore towards noon, principally with a view to get them out of the ship; and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of sending away our guests.

We had light airs from N.W. and S.W., and calms, till eleven in the morning of the 10th, when the wind freshened at W.N.W., which, with a strong current setting to the S.E., so much retarded us, that, in the evening, between seven and eight o'clock, the S. point of the island bore N. 10-1/2 deg. W., four leagues distant. The south snowy hill now bore N. 1-1/2 deg. E.

At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed at W., I stood in for the land, in order to get some refreshments. As we drew near the shore, the natives began to come off. We lay to, or stood on and off, trading with them all the day, but got a very scanty supply at last. Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thing to barter, which convinced us, that this part of the island must be very poor, and that we had already got all that they could spare. We spent the 12th plying off and on, with a fresh gale at W. A mile from the shore and to the N.E. of the S. point of the island, having tried soundings, we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth, the bottom a fine sand. At five in the evening, we stood to the S.W., with the wind at W.N.W., and soon after midnight we had a calm.

At eight o'clock next morning, having got a small breeze at S.S.E., we steered to the N.N.W., in for the land. Soon after, a few canoes came along-side with some hogs, but without any vegetables, which articles we most wanted. We had now made some progress; for at noon the S. point of the island bore S. 86-1/2 deg. E., the S.W. point N. 13 deg. W., the nearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation, 18 deg. 56', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203 deg. 40'. We had got the length of the S.W. point of the island in the evening, but the wind now veering to the westward and northward, during the night we lost all that we had gained. Next morning, being still off the S.W. point of the island, some canoes came off; but they had nothing that we were in want of. We had now neither fruit nor roots, and were under a necessity of making use of some of our sea-provisions. At length, some canoes from the northward brought us a small supply of hogs and roots.