Siam is in the lat. of 14 deg. 30' N. It produces great store of fine benzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A taile is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comes from Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coin will purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammel broad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also all kinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper than at Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touching by the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence they go overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2 to 6 fathoms water.

Borneo is in lat. 3 deg. S.[151] This island affords great store of gold, bezoar, wax, rattans, cayulacca, and dragons blood. At Bernermassin, [Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade for these articles; and at this place the following commodities are in principal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks, damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammel broad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weight called taile, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollars the taile, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town in Borneo, in lat. 1 deg. 30' S. and is about 160 leagues N.E. of Bantam. The entrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of the flow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze. There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities of the finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance at all times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October, but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are brought down the river Lavee in proas. They are said to be procured by diving, in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be had more abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and October there falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at the place where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that the people can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it is only four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the best depth for diving.

[Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island, which reaches from the lat. of 4 deg. 20' S. to 6 deg. 40' N. and between the longitudes of 100 deg. 12' and 119 deg. 25' E. from Greenwich; being above 700 English miles from N. to S. and 670 from E. to W.—E.]

The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, very fine sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava, calico lawns, light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammel broad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which are made at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean. These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a masse the 100, a masse being three quarters of a dollar. Likewise Chinese cashes and dollars are in request, but more especially gold; insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold, which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar and three quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending to sail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place to Banjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, which you may purchase at the rate of three cattees of cashes the Mallayan taile, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it has been worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea, and paying it away for diamonds, at four cattees of cashes the taile, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, you gain 3/4 of a dollar on each taile: Yet, after all, the principal profit must be upon the diamonds.

The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into four waters, which they call varna, viz. Varna Ambon, varna Loud, varna Sackar, and varna Bessee. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and a colour between green and yellow; but the white water, or varna ambon, is the best. Their weights are called Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck, and Sa-pead: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2 pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called pahaw, which is four masse, and 16 masse are one taile. By these weights both diamonds and gold are weighed.

In regard to goods from China, the best raw silk is made at Nankin, and is called howsa, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The best taffeta, called tue, is made at a small town called Hoechu, and is worth 30 dollars the corge. The best damask, called towa, is made at Canton, and is worth 50 dollars the corge. Sewing gold, called kimswa, is sold by the chippau, or bundle, each containing ten pahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three pawes, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewing silk, called couswa, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroidered hangings, called paey, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece. Sattins, called lyn, are worth for the best one dollar the piece. Great porcelain basons, Called chopau, are sold three for a dollar. White sugar, called petong, the best is sold for half a dollar the pekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called poa, of the best sort, sell for one dollar the cattee. The best pearl boxes, called chanab, are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called jounckes, the best sells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called saheo, seven dollars the cattee. Cashes, 60 pecoos for one dollar.

Broad-cloth, called toloney, is worth seven dollars the sasocke, which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called kea, are worth 10 dollars each. Tin, called sea, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called la, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called cauching, each barrel worth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or cattans, called samto, are worth 8 dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called ga, worth 200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders, called toawheo, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul.

In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one taile upon a pekul, but no custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying any kind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks bound for Manilla depart from Chuchu, in companies of four, five, ten, or more, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw and wrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry to Bantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days. They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing back dollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employed in this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the whole might be taken by a ship's boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper was worth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling in Bantam for 2-1/2 dollars the timbang.

SECTION III.

Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under the Command of Captain Henry Middleton.[152]

INTRODUCTION.

There are two relations of this voyage in the Pilgrims of Purchas, or rather accounts of two separate voyages by different ships of the fleet; which consisted of four, the Red Dragon, admiral, Captain Henry Middleton general; the Hector, vice-admiral, Captain Sorflet; the Ascension, Captain Colthurst; and the Susan. These were, in all probability, the same ships which had been in the former voyage under Lancaster. The former of these journals, written on board the admiral, confines itself chiefly to Captain Middleton's transactions at Bantam and the Moluccas; having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension to Banda. The latter contains the separate transactions of Captain Colthurst, and is described as a brief extract from a larger discourse written by Thomas Clayborne, who seems to have sailed in the Ascension; and, besides describing what particularly relates to the trip to Banda, gives some general account of the whole voyage. In the Pilgrims of Purchas, these narratives are transposed, the former being given in vol. I. p. 703, and the latter in vol. I. p. 185. "But should have come in due place before, being the second voyage of the company, if we had then had it: But better late than never." Such is the excuse of Purchas for misplacement, and we have therefore here placed the two relations in their proper order, in separate subdivisions of the section. The first indeed is a very bald and inconclusive article, and gives hardly any information respecting the object and success of the voyage to the Moluccas.

[Footnote 152: Purch. Pilgr. I.185, and I. 703. Astl. I.279, and I. 281.]

Sec. 1. Voyage of the General, Henry Middleton, afterward Sir Henry, to Bantam and the Moluccas, in 1604.[153]

Being furnished with all necessaries, and having taken leave of the company, we set sail from Gravesend on the 25th March, 1604, and arrived about the 20th December, after various accidents, in the road of Bantam, with our crews very weak and sickly. After many salutations, and interchange of ordnance between us and the Hollanders, the general of the Hollanders dined with our general on the 31st December. Next day, being 1st January, 1605, the general went on shore with a letter and presents from James I. King of England, to the King of Bantam, then a youth of thirteen years of age, and governed by a protector. The 16th of the same month, our general came on board to proceed for the Moluccas, having appointed Captain Surtlet to go home in the Hector. The 7th February, we anchored under the shore of Veranula, the people of which having a deadly hatred against the Portuguese, had sent to the Hollanders for aid against them, promising to become their subjects if they would expel the Portuguese. In short, the castle of Amboyna was surrendered to the Hollanders; after which, by their command, the governor of the town debarred us from all trade.

[Footnote 153: Purch. Pilgr. I.708. Astl. I. 279.]

At this time there was war between the islands of Ternate and Tidor, the former assisted by the Dutch, and the latter by the Portuguese. Shortly after we got near the coast of Tidor, we saw, between Pulo Canally and Tidor, two gallies or coracoras belonging to Ternate, making great haste towards us; and waving for us to shorten sail and wait for them. At the same time, seven gallies of Tidor were rowing between us and the shore to assault the Ternaters; and seeing them in danger, our general lay to, to see what was the matter. In the foremost of the two gallies were the King of Ternate with several of his nobles, and three Dutch merchants, who were in great fear of their enemies, and prayed our general for God's sake to save them from the Tidorians, who would shew them no mercy if we did not protect them: They likewise entreated him to save the other coracora, which followed them, in which were several Dutchmen, who expected nothing but death if taken by their cruel enemies. Our general thereupon commanded his gunner to fire at the Tidor gallies; yet they boarded the second Ternate coracora even under our guns, and put all on board to the sword, except three; who saved themselves by swimming, and were taken up by our boat.

Being determined to go to Tidor, the Dutchmen entreated our general not to allow the King of Ternate and them to fall into the hands of their enemies, from whom he had so lately delivered them; promising him mountains of cloves and other commodities at Ternate and Makeu, but performing mole-hills, verifying the proverb, "When the danger is over the saint is deceived." One thing I may not forget: When the King of Ternate came on board, he was trembling for fear; which the general supposing to be from cold, put on his back a black damask gown laced with gold, and lined with unshorn velvet; which he had not the manners to restore at his departure, but kept it as his own.

When we arrived at the Portuguese town in Tidor, the governor of the fort sent one Thomas de Torres on board with a letter, stating that the King of Ternate and the Hollanders reported there was nothing but treachery and villainy to be expected from us; but that he believed better of us; considering their reports to be entirely malicious: Such was our recompence from these ungrateful men. Not long afterwards, on coming to the town of the King of Ternate, our general sent Mr Grave on board the Dutch admiral, who gave him only cold entertainment, affirming that we had assisted the Portuguese in the late wars against the King of Ternate and them, with ordnance and ammunition; which our general proved to be untrue by some Portuguese they had taken in that conflict, on which, being ashamed of this slander, the Dutch general pretended he had been so informed by a renegado Guzerate, but did not believe it to be true.

Not long afterwards, when the King of Ternate seemed to affect our nation, the Dutch threatened to forsake him, and to join with his deadly enemy the King of Tidor, if he suffered the English to have a factory, or allowed them any trade; affirming that the English were thieves and robbers, and that the King of Holland, as they called their stadtholder, was stronger at sea than all the other powers of Christendom; a just consideration for all nations, to think what this insolent frothy nation[154] will do, if they gain possession of the East Indies. To these insolent speeches, our general made answer, that whatsoever Hollander made such reports lied like a traitor, and that he would make it good against any one who dared to spread any such report; affirming, if Queen Elizabeth had not taken pity upon them, they had been utterly ruined and enslaved by the King of Spain, and branded for rebels and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our nation would fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear.

[Footnote 154: This is to be understood of the merchants who traded, or warred rather; not of the whole country or best men of Holland. Losers will have leave to speak, and merchants envy each other.—Purch.]

* * * * *

Appended to this very unsatisfactory notice of the voyage of Middleton to the Moluccas, are two letters to the King of England, one from the King of Ternate, and one from the King of Tidor. In the former, the King of Ternate mentions, that one of his predecessors, about thirty years before, had sent a ring by Sir Francis Drake to Queen Elizabeth. He complains that the Hollanders had prevented him from permitting Captain Middleton to establish a factory in the island, for which he craves pardon, being against his will, and promises a better reception afterwards to the English ships.

The letter from the King of Tidor requests the King of England to take pity of him, and not permit him and his country to be oppressed by the Hollanders and the King of Ternate, but to send him succours, which he requests may be under the command of Captain Henry Middleton or his brother.

There is a third letter likewise, from the King of Bantam to King James, acknowledging having received a present by Captain Henry Middleton, and announcing that he had sent in return, two bezoars, one weighing fourteen mas, and the other three.

Sec. 2. Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda.[155]

The 2d of April, 1604, we had sight of the Lizard. The 23d we fell in with the western part of St Jago bearing W. by N. six leagues; when we stood eastward for Mayo, having the wind at north. The 24th we fell in with Mayo, and stood to the southward of that island, coming to anchor in fifteen fathoms. We landed on the 25th, when one of our merchants was taken by the people of the island. Next day we landed 100 men to endeavour to recover our merchant, but could not get near any of the islanders, so that we had to leave him behind, setting sail that night with the wind at north. We passed the equinoctial on the 16th May, and got sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th July.

[Footnote 155: Purch. Pilgr. I.185. Astl. I. 281.]

The 17th July we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 33 deg. 56' S. or 34 deg., having sixty men bad of the scurvy, all of whom, God be praised, recovered their health before we went from thence, where we remained five weeks wanting one day. Here Mr Cole was drowned, who was master of the Hector, our vice-admiral. We weighed anchor from Saldanha bay on the 20th August, standing to the westwards with the wind at south. On Sunday the 23d December, 1604, we came to anchor in Bantam roads, where we found six ships of Holland, and three or four pinnaces. The 18th January, 1605, we sailed out of Bantam roads, with the Dragon and Ascension, but parted at Amboyna, the general going with the Dragon to the Moluccas, while the Ascension, Captain Colthurst, went for Banda, The Hector and Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and sailed thence for England about the middle of February.

We arrived in the Ascension at Banda on the 20th February, and anchored in 4-1/2 fathoms beside Nera, the principal place in these islands. From the south part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is E. by S. and to the southwards, 30 leagues. The latitude of Banda is 4 deg. 40' N. and the going in is to the westwards. There is a very high hill which burns continually, which hill must be left to larboard, having the great island on the starboard. The entry is very narrow, and cannot be seen till within half a mile; but you may stand fearlessly to within two cable's length of the island on which is the high hill, for so you must do, and will have 20 fathoms. Then stand along that island, at the distance of a cable's length, if the wind permit, when you will find the water shoaling, 8, 7, 6 fathoms, and 5 in the narrowest part, which depth continues till you get into the road of Nera. With God's help, a man may go in without danger, keeping near the before-mentioned island. It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side of the narrow passage, but that will shew itself. There are two small islands, Pulo-way and Pulo-rin, about three leagues west of this entrance, but there is no danger about them that is not quite obvious; and you may leave these islands on either side you find convenient, either in going in or out.

At this place we found the wind variable about the middle of March, and it so continued till about the middle of April; when it became stationary between E. and S.E. four months to our knowledge: But, as the people of the country say, it continues so for five mouths; and likewise five months between W. and N.W. the other two months being variable. In the dark moons, they have here much gusty weather with rains. We staid here twenty-one weeks and six days, in which time eleven of our men died, mostly of the flux.

We sailed from Banda the 21st July, 1605, having the wind at E.S.E. and stood to the westwards. The 22d we fell in with the south end of Bourro. The 27th we fell in with Deselem, and then came about to the south end of the island, leaving seven islands to starboard. We then stood close by the wind to the northward, hard by the main island of Deselem, to clear ourselves of a small island, and a shoal off the S.W. part of Deselem; then, leaving this island, and all the other shoals on our larboard side, we stood N.N.W. along the W. side of Deselem, till we came into the latitude of 6 deg. 10' S. Then steered 18 leagues west, and fell in with the shoal off the S.W. point of Celebes, the very southmost part of which is in lat. 6 deg. S. [only 5 deg. 45',] and being clear of that, we steered westwards, coming to anchor in Bantam roads on the 16th August.

We set sail from Bantam on the 6th October, the Dragon and Ascension in company. The 15th November, we were in lat. 31 deg. 48' S. the wind W.N.W. thick foggy weather, when about 10 a.m. we came within our ship's length of a rock or sunken island, on which the water appeared very brown and muddy, and in some places very blue. When a ship's breadth or two to the north of it, the water by the ship's side was very black and thick, as though it had earth or coarse sand boiling up from the bottom. The variation here was 21 degrees westerly. The 16th December, in lat. 34 deg. 20' S. we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, [Africa] about 12 leagues from us. The 26th, being in lat. 34 deg. 30' S. and within one league of the Cape of Good Hope, we steered N.W. and N.N.W. and N. going round the Cape.

The 27th we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, where we found our admiral and the Hector. Our admiral had fallen in with that ship seven days before, driving up and down at sea, about four leagues from the Cape of Good Hope, having only ten men in her; all the rest, to the number of 53, having died since leaving Bantam nine months before. Being in great distress, three months after leaving Bantam, she lost company with the Susan, which ship was never heard of afterwards. We came to anchor at Saldanha bay in seven fathoms water, having the low point going in N.W. by W. the sugar-loaf S.W. half W. the point of the breach of the Penguin island N.W. by N. the hill between the sugar-loaf and the low point, W.S.W. and the peak of the hill to the eastward of the Table S. by E.

In the morning of the 16th January, 1606, we sailed from Saldanha bay, going to the northward of Penguin island, between it and the main. We sounded when we had the land south from us about a mile and a half, and had ground at 20 fathoms, white coral and broken shells. On clearing the island, we stood W. by S. and W.S.W. till we brought the island to bear S.E. by E. being now about six in the evening, when we saw the Hector coming out by the south side of the island, having left her at anchor when we weighed. The wind being at S. we stood all night westwards, and in the morning had lost company with the Hector, when we steered N.W. with little sail till noon, thinking to get sight of the Hector, but could not. The 1st February, in lat. 16 deg. 20' S. we had sight of St Helena, 12 or 13 leagues N.W. The 2d, having the wind at S.E. we lay off and on east of the island most part of the night, and in the following morning we stood to the north of the island, coming to anchor about noon in the road of St Helena, in 20 fathoms, on blackish gravelly sand. We had a point of land to the N.E. a sharp hill like a sugar-loaf, with a cross upon it, N.E. by E. the church in the valley S.E. In this valley there are many trees, the high land S.E. from the church, and the entire valley being full of trees. We moored S.E. and N.W. the anchor in the offing being in 21 fathoms.

At night of the 3d, we had sight of the Hector coming round the south end of the island, but she could not fetch into the road, yet stood to the northward as near as she could, having the wind at east. The 4th and 5th our boats went out to endeavour to help her into the road, but could not. Having a little wind on the 6th, our boats towed her in, bringing her to anchor in 35 fathoms, a mile and half from shore, bearing from us S.W. by W. distant about two leagues. The 11th we set sail from St Helena, the wind at E.N.E. and steering N.W. The N.W. part of St Helena is in lat. 16 deg. S. and the variation is 7 deg. 45'. The church, that bore S.E. of us when we were in the road, stands in the bottom of the fifth valley from that point which bore N.E. from us. We came to anchor in the Downs on the 6th May, 1606, where we lay at anchor eight days, waiting for a fair wind.

SECTION IV.

Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by Captain William Keeling.[156]

INTRODUCTION.

In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; the Dragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general; the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and the Consent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appears from its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commander or general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But, by a side-note, Purchas informs us, that he had abbreviated the narrative from the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, which were very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that he had only retained the most necessary observations for sea and land affairs.

[Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312.]

The editor of Astley's Collection observes, "That this narrative is written very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinks Purchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems to have kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things from time to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only of loose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and often referring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects may have been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; and indeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost every thing he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks, and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now began to lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness of some of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they will consider that our design is to give a series of the English Voyages; and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundance and imperfection."[157]

[Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the previous remarks to the voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley's Collection.—E.]

Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, "That the Consent held no concent with the Dragon and Hector." Her voyage will be found in the sequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it, which have not been noticed in Astley's Collection, and which appeared necessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England with India, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We have endeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it was impossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we have abbreviated or lopt off redundancies and unimportant particulars.—E.

* * * * *

Sec. 1. Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, forcing them back to Sierra Leona; with Occurrences till leaving Saldanha Bay.

By the 1st of April, 1607, the Dragon and Hector had reached the Downs. After passing the line in the beginning of June, and getting four or five degrees to the southwards, we were so crossed by gusts, calms, rains, and sickness, as to be constrained to return northwards. Missing the island of Fernando Noronha, I consulted on the 30th July with the master, named Taverner, who thought we must return for England; but Sierra Leona being mentioned, of which place I had formerly read good accounts, I sent for the book,[158] and both Mr Taverner and myself took a liking to the place. Our company being very much diseased, and being exceedingly in want of water, with no hopes of getting to Fernando Noronha, I called a council, and after dinner desired their opinion what was fittest to be done? They were all of opinion that we could not stand any longer to the south, for many reasons; and, demanding their opinions in regard to a watering-place, Churchman, Savage, and Taverner, proposed Mayo; Earming, Pockham, Molineux, and my master, preferred Sierra Leona for many causes, which likewise was my own opinion, wherefore we concluded to make for Sierra Leona, with which determination I acquainted the crews, to their very great comfort.

[Footnote 158: Purchas makes the following remark in a side-note:—"Mr Hakluyt's book was here of good profit; for, as Sir Thomas Smith affirmed to me, it now saved L20,000 to the company, which they had been endamaged if the ships had returned home; which had certainly been the case if that book had not been consulted."]

On the morning of the 4th August, we saw many flowers, a strong sign of approaching land, and towards evening had ground in from 20 to 16 fathoms, yet saw no land. By means of our skiff, I set the current to the S.E. at the rate of two miles each watch. The 5th we steered all morning eastwards, and E. By S. having from 30 to 20 and 10 fathoms, and still no land to be seen. The greatest depth was on an oose bottom, the least a coarse yellow sand. About nine o'clock we espied land, bearing N.E. about 8 leagues distant, being a round hummock of middling height. By noon we were in latitude 7 deg. 56' N. having steered all day east, sometimes half a point north or south, as our water deepened or shoaled, for we would sometimes have ten fathoms or more one cast, and the next seven fathoms, the ground being full of pits, believing that we were upon the edge of the shoals of Santa Anna, otherwise called Madera bomba. In the afternoon we had 9, 10, 11, and 12 fathoms. The first-seen land proved to be Ilha Verde, a very round land, and a very notable mark for any ship bound for Sierra Leona from the southwards.

About seven p.m. we anchored in 20 fathoms on hard sand, the south part of Ilha Verde, bearing E. and the Cape of Sierra Leona, which is a low point, N. by E. about eight leagues distant. But the land over the cape is very high, and may be seen fifteen leagues off in clear weather. About six next morning we made sail for the road, and had not less than 16, 15, 10, and 9 fathoms, till we ranged north and south with the rocks which lie about 1-1/2 miles west of Cape Sierra Leona; and when one mile from the nearest shore we had seven fathoms, good shoaling between us and the rock. Immediately when past the rock we had 20 fathoms, and shoaled to 18, 16, 12, and 10 fathoms all the way into the roads, keeping very near the south shore; for a sand lies about two miles from the north shore, or a league from the south shore, and upon it the sea continually breaks. We came to anchor in ten fathoms on good ground, the point of Sierra Leona bearing W. by N. the north point of the bay N. by W. and the sand or breaker N.N.E.

In the afternoon we were waved by some men on shore, to whom I sent my boat, which, leaving two hostages, brought off four negroes, who promised us refreshments. My skiff sounded between our anchorage and the breakers, finding fair shoaling, with two fathoms water within two boats length of the breach, or sand on which the sea breaks. All the previous observations of the variation, since our coming from 2 deg. N. latitude to this place, proved erroneous; for to each distance, having reference to any meridian eastwards, there must be added 30 leagues, and from such as referred to western meridians, 30 leagues must be subtracted; for it appeared, by our falling in with the land, that the ship was so much more westerly than we supposed; myself, notwithstanding this error, being as much, if not more westerly than any of the mariners. Yet every man must trust to his own experience; for instruments may deceive, even in the hands of the most skilful.

The 7th August, some negroes of a superior appearance came aboard in my boat, for whom, as for all others, we had to leave one of our men in hostage for every two of them. These men made signs that I should send some men up the country, and they would stay as hostages. I accordingly sent Edward Bradbury, and my servant, William Cotterell, with a present to the captain, or chief, consisting of one coarse shirt, three feet of a bar of iron, a few glass beads, and two knives. They returned towards night, and brought me from the captain, one small gold ear-ring, worth some eight or nine shillings; and as it was late, the hostages remained all night on board without any one in pawn for them. I sent my boat, and brought off five tons of water, very good, and easily come by.

I went ashore on the 11th, when the people came to us, accompanied by their women, yet feared we might carry them away. We got plenty of lemons very cheap, as they gave us 200 for a penny knife. The 18th I bought an elephant's tooth of 63 pounds weight, for five yards of blue calico, and seven or eight pounds of bar iron. The 15th, in an hour and a half, we took six thousand excellent small fish, called cavallos. That afternoon we bought two or three thousand lemons at the village. It rained so much at this place, that we esteemed it a dry day when we had three hours of fair weather. The 16th I allowed our weekly workers to go on shore with me for recreation. In our walk we saw not above two or three acres sown with rice, the surface of the ground being mostly a hard rock. The 16th and 17th were quite fair, and on the latter I caused a quantity of lemon water to be made.

The 20th, John Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of gold in form of a half-moon, worth five or six shillings. He reported the people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing to be two leagues up the river, and the chief's village eight miles from the landing. The 22d I went on shore, and made six or seven barricos full of lemon juice; having opened a firkin of knives belonging to the company, wherewith to buy limes. The afternoon of the 7th September we went all on shore, to try if we could shoot an elephant; when we shot seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as appeared by his track; but night coming on, we had to go on board without effecting our purpose.

The best road and watering-place is the fourth bay to the east of Cape Sierra Leona. The tide where we rode flowed W.S.W. and the highest water upon a spring tide was at the least 12 feet. I made no observation of the sun in this road, neither aboard nor on shore, though I proposed to have so done several times; but the master made the road where we lay 8 deg. 36' N. Cape Sierra Leona being west, a league or four miles off. He also made the variation 1 deg. 50' eastwards; but my instrument was out of order, and I had not time to put it in repair.

We weighed from Sierra Leona the 14th September, with the wind all easterly; but it soon fell calm, and we drove to the north, but drifted again S.W. by S. with the ebb, and when the flood again made, we anchored in 15-1/2 fathoms. Cape Sierra Leona bearing N.E. by E. about seven leagues off. We had not less than ten fathoms all this day. The 16th we found the current setting N. by W.

The 17th December, about two p.m. we saw land, being the Table at Saldanha, and bore up towards it till three, when I ordered the master to steer E.S.E. and S.E. by E. to double the cape; but as all the people, sick and sound, desired to put into Saldanha bay, we bore up for it, and came to anchor about noon, [next day,] in 5-1/2 fathoms, the W. point bearing W.N.W. the island N.N.E. and the sugar-loaf S.W. As soon as we were anchored I sent on shore, when there was found engraven on a rock, Captain Middleton, of the Consent, 24th July, 1607. I went on shore the 21st; and bought 120 sheep, 12 bullocks, and two calves, of which I allowed a proportional share to the Hector. This market continued several days, in which we bought much cattle, paying in all 200 iron hoops for 450 sheep, 46 cows, 10 steers, 9 calves, and one bull.

Sec. 2. Departure from Saldanha, and Occurrences till the Ships parted Company.

By sun-rise of the first January, 1608, both vessels were under sail, and by six p.m. were ten leagues west-southerly[159] from the south point of the bay of Saldanha. The 19th we shipped much sea at the helm port, and at the hole abaft in my gallery, about two hours after midnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. We were then in lat. 35 deg. 22' S. [I allow thirteen leagues S.S.E. wind E.N.E. and N.E. six leagues drift S. and three leagues N.E. wind all westerly.[160]] Our too great quantity of Kintledge goods occasions our ship to labour greatly, which the company must have special care of on another voyage. The 20th I carefully aired and dried our cloth, oiled the fire-arms and sword blades belonging to the company, strengthened the packing cases, &c. This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the astonishment of all our mariners, we saw land bearing N.N.W. about twelve leagues off, being in the lat. of 34 deg. S. If I had not had dear experience of the strong westerly current in my last voyage, I likewise had admired this; yet I am more westerly in my reckoning than any, having doubted the currents for causes before noted; being by reckoning 100 leagues more easterly than the sight of land warranted.

[Footnote 159: This unusual expression, and others similar, as west-northerly, east-southerly, and east-northerly, which frequently occur in this voyage, are most probably the same with the usual expressions of west by south, west by north, east by south, and east by north.—E.]

[Footnote 160: These observations within brackets are unintelligible: Probably notes in the log-book, for being attended to in calculating the ship's day's work; and either left unexplained as a species of short-hand writing of Keeling, or rendered unintelligible by the ignorant abbreviation of Purchas. Such often occur in this article of the Pilgrims; but, except in this instance, as an example, we have omitted such useless unintelligibilities.—E.]

The 17th of February we saw land, bearing E. about eight leagues from us, and, as I judged, in lat. 24 deg. 20' S. About noon we were athwart two small islands, which seemed to make a good road; but not being sure of our latitude, we stood off and on till high noon, when we might take an observation, having no ground with 60 fathoms line within two miles of the shore. The 18th, in lat. 23 deg. 37' we anchored in 71/2 fathoms sandy ground, the two islands bearing S.W. one mile distant. There was an island E. by N. from us about three leagues off, which the master supposed to be St Augustine, for which we proposed to search. The variation here was 15 deg. 30'. The 19th we weighed in the morning, when we broke one of our anchors, through an original defect; which surely deserves much blame, but for which I refer to a certificate I made on the subject. We now steered for the seeming harbour or bay of St Augustine, having from our former anchorage in sailing towards it, from ten to twelve and twenty fathoms; and on coming near the point of the bay, we had no ground with 100 fathoms, till we came far into the bay, our skiffs going before, and then had ground at thirty, shoaling to eight fathoms. We anchored in eighteen fathoms, and laid out another anchor in forty fathoms, the deepest water being on the south shore, the other being made shallow by the coming down of rivers. The land bore W. by S. and N. from our anchorage, and to the north are certain shoals on which the sea breaks, so that it was only open to five points of the wind; but the road is very full of pits and deep water, and a strong stream runs always down from the river.

Captain Hawkins came on board me, and, as I was very unwell, I sent him ashore with the boats of both ships. He returned on board towards night, without having seen any people, though their tracks were quite recent in several places. He left some beads and other trifles in a canoe, to allure the natives. In his opinion we had small chance here of any refreshments; but my fishers from the other side of the bay told me of having seen great store of beasts bones, and bones certainly have once had flesh. George Evans, one of the Hector's men, was severely bitten by an alegarta, [alligator.] I gave orders to fill our water casks with all speed, and propose in the mean time to seek for refreshment. The tide flows here nearest east,[161] and rises high. The 21st we saw four natives, to whom I sent some beads and other baubles, making them understand by signs that we were in want of cattle, when they promised in the same manner to bring plenty next day. Seeing people on shore next day, I went a-land, and found them a subtle people, strong-built and well-made, almost entirely naked, except a cloth of bark carelessly hung before them. We bought a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, but they would only deal for silver. In the afternoon I rowed up the river, which I found shallow and brackish. The 24th we bought three kine, two steers, and four calves, which cost us about nineteen shillings and a few beads. These cattle have far better flesh than those we got at Saldanha, and have bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like camels, only more forward. Some affirmed that the people were circumcised. We here found the beautiful beast.[162]

[Footnote 161: As the bay of St Augustine, in lat. 23 deg. 30' S. is on the west coast of Madagascar, where the coast is direct N. and S. the current of the tide could not set from the east. The expression in the text, therefore, probably means that it is high-water when the moon is nearly east.—E.]

[Footnote 162: This seems to refer to some creature then in the ship, and perhaps brought home with them to England. Astl. I. 316. a.—Mr Finch says, there were in the woods, near the river, great store of beasts, as big as monkies, of an ash colour, having a small head, a long tail like a fox, barred with black and white, and having very fine fur.—E.]

Where we rode at anchor the water by the ship's side was very fresh at high water, and very salt at low water, contrary to what might have been expected; and at high water it was very fresh on one side of the ship, and very salt on the other. In a gust of wind at N.W. on the 25th, our ship drifted and broke a cable, by which we lost the anchor. We bought this day a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, the sheep having a great tail; all three costing us 2s. 3d. I found certain spiders, whose webs were as strong as silk. All along the low land from E. to W about half a mile from the shore, there runs a ledge of rocks on which the sea continually breaks, between which and the shore are two fathoms water, wonderfully full of fish, and having a fine beach on which to haul the nets.

The 28th in the morning we got under sail to put to sea. This bay of St Augustine is a very unfit place for ships to touch at for refreshments, as these are to be had only in small quantities; and the bay is very untoward for riding at anchor, the water being deep and pitty and the ground foul, as appeared by cutting our cable. By the 15th March we had only got into lat. 15 deg. 40' S. and I knew not what course to take to get out of the current, which was very swift setting to the south, as keeping mid-channel may endanger us upon In. de Nova;[163] and in keeping near shore God knows what danger may befal, as it is indiscreet to continue where the wind does not stem the current. The 17th we were in, lat. 14 deg. 57' S. so that we have got 25 leagues farther north, and the main power of the current seems now lessened. My master is of opinion that the age of the moon may have peculiar influence over the currents, causing them to be strong till three or four days after the full: but I rather think that the deep bay between Cape Corientes and Mozambique causes an indraught or eddy of some stream or current, coming either from the N.E. or more easterly, and entering the channel of Mozambique at the N.W. of Madagascar, and so along the land to Cape Corientes; or else the stream from the N.W. of Madagascar, meeting with the land of Mozambique, may be drawn that way by the falling in of the land. If this supposition be true, we committed an error in falling in with the land till we had got to the north of Mozambique point, which bends far into the sea.[164]

[Footnote 163: This I understand to be the island of Juan de Nova, in the narrowing between Madagascar and the coast of Africa towards Mozambique.—ASTL. I.317.]

[Footnote 164: This is by no means the case, and we may therefore conjecture that Cape St Andrew in Madagascar is here meant, which is of that description, and is in some measure opposite Mozambique.—E.]

* * * * *

"Their sailing along the islands, and trucking at Tamara, with other occurrences, I have left out, as being more fully known by later experience. Leaving Abdalcuria they were forced to ride in Delisa road to the north of Socotora, till the monsoon freed them; at which time Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam with the Dragon, and Captain Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow."[165]

[Footnote 165: This latter paragraph is a side-note in the original by Purchas.—E.]

Sec. 3. Instructions learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon, from the Moors and Guzerates; with the Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam.

The Moors of Delisa affirm that pieces of ambergris are some years found weighing 20 quintals, and so large that many men may take shelter under their sides without being seen. This is upon the coast of Mombaza, Magadoxa, Pata, Brava, &c. which indeed are all one coast. From Delisa they make yearly voyages to the Comora islands to buy slaves; and they report that the natives there are very treacherous, having sometimes slain fifty persons by treason; for which reason they trade always afloat, and do not venture ashore. They affirmed that eight Hollanders had been three or four years in Pemba, two of whom had become Mahometans. According to their reckoning the southern monsoon begins yearly on the 1st May, the extremity of it continuing 100 days, and the most wind being in June and July. On the 10th August the south wind diminishes; and soon after the wind comes from the north, with much rain, and so continues for three or four months more. At this time they make most of the aloes on the island, being the juice of an evergreen, put into goats skins and dried.

The 23d May I sent on shore to weigh aloes, and received on board 1250 pounds, which cost 250 dollars, for the company. We bought in all 1833 pounds neat. The chief sent to borrow 500 dollars, which I refused to lend, but sent him two yards of fine coloured kersey, and a knife of my own. I sent again on shore, and bought 575 pounds of aloes for 115 dollars.

The 24th I was informed that the west monsoon began in this year on the 30th April, coming every year eleven days later; so that in thirty-three years they begin again on the same day of the month, which I conceive cannot be true.[166] I was farther informed, that the east monsoon will begin this year on the 13th October, both monsoons falling yearly eleven days later. They have only two monsoons yearly. That this year, called Neyrocze,[167] begins with the first of the east monsoon. The west monsoon here blows all south, and the east monsoon all north. After the 20th September, ships cannot depart from the Red Sea to the eastward. Chaul, Dabul, and Danda Rajipuri are good and safe ports, and rich trading towns on the coast of India. At Saada, Ilbookie, Anzoane, and Mootoo,[168] four of the Comora islands, there is abundance of cheap rice, and the people are good. Inghezeegee and Malala,[169] two others of the Comoras, have very little rice, and the people are very treacherous; and they report that about sixteen years ago an English ship lost many men by treachery on that island, which surely was James Lancaster in Raimond's voyage.[170]

[Footnote 166: This must be the case where they reckon by lunar months, as is done every where by the Mahometans.—ASTL. I. 318. c.]

[Footnote 167: This should be Neuruz, which in Persian signifies New-year's day.—ASTL. I. 318. d.]

[Footnote 168: Probably St Christopher's, St Esprit, Hinznan, and Mayotta,—E.]

[Footnote 169: Probably Gazidza or Angazezio, and Molalio, Moelia, or Senbracas.—E.]

[Footnote 170: In the account of that voyage, as already given in Chap. IX. Sect. 6. of this book, which was in 1591, Lancaster was said to have been lost in a storm. He may have got on shore in this island, and been massacred by the natives.—E.]

We were farther informed, that this day, 26th May, 1608, was the 224th from the Neyrooze, or new-year's-day, according to their account: That there is no rain on the coast of Arabia till the 70th day of this monsoon: That the 305th day from Neyrooze is the best time for going to Surat; and that in ten or twelve days they get to that port. Burrom, Mekella, and Cayxem, [Keyshem, Kashin, Kasseen, Kassin, or Kushem,] on the coast of Arabia, are good harbours for shelter in both monsoons; but are places of no trade. Xael or Xaer[171] has no harbour or road for any season, yet might be a vent for iron or lead. This place is commanded by a Turkish Aga, and they send thence for commodities to Keyshem, a day's journey to the west; but there is no going there at this season. In both monsoons there is a very heavy sea on the coast of Arabia, and the currents there set along with the wind. There is no riding at anchor at the entrance to Surat, so as to have shelter in the west monsoons, both on account of bad ground, and because the tides run with such rapidity as to overset ships that are not aground. This road of Delisa is very safe in the west monsoon; but only two miles either east or west it continually blows so strong that no ship can ride. I can give no reason for this, unless that the distance of the high mountains produce this remarkable difference, as there is much low ground between us and them.

[Footnote 171: This is the Portuguese orthography; in English it should be Shael, or Shaer; but the true name is Shahr, or Shohr, while some call it Seer.—ASTL. I. 318.I.]

We departed from Delisa on the 24th June, 1608; and on the 23d July we saw an island, and about noon two more, in lat. 4 deg. 2' S. We left two of these to the north and one to the south of our course; the most northerly being a large high island full of trees. Between the two southermost of these three islands, ten leagues distant, and half way between them, there is a dangerous reef of rocks, to avoid which we steered through a very good passage within two leagues of the middle island, the reef being then to the south, about three leagues from us, and is very dangerous for ships going through by night. There seemed a likeness of a passage through between the middle island and the northermost, but it was not a league broad. The southern island is the largest of the three.[172]

[Footnote 172: These three islands seem to have been Pulo Minton, Good-Fortune, and Nassau, off the south-western coast of Sumatra.—E.]

The 26th July we were halfway between Priaman and Tecu, about three leagues from the shore, the two hummocks of Tecu, with high land over them, bearing N. by W. and S. by E. half a point east. There is a shoal four miles from shore, bearing N. and S. with the high land of Tecu. We had here 45 fathoms water 21/2 leagues from shore, being then N.E. by E. from the road of Priaman. In the afternoon we got into the road of Priaman, and saluted the town with five guns.

The governor of the town sent me a goat, and I sent him in return three yards of stammel cloth, one piece of blue calico, a stocked musket, a musket-barrel, and two sword blades. The messenger spoke good Portuguese, to whom I gave a piece of blue calico. He was accompanied by a person of Acheen, with whom I conversed in Arabic, and by whom I had great hope of trade. I went ashore early on the 29th, and going to the governor's house, he presented me with a buffalo, and appointed some of his chief men to make the price of pepper with me. Sitting down with about sixty of these men, they first proposed that the pepper should be weighed in town, while I insisted that it should be weighed in the island. They demanded fifty dollars the bahar, which much displeased me, as the Acheen man had desired me only to offer sixteen: But that was his craft, for he was a merchant, and wished to have engrossed much pepper before I bought, and then to have re-sold it to me at his own price. After much time and many words, we agreed at 22-1/2 dollars the bahar, besides six per centum custom. I at first refused to pay two other customs, or exactions rather, the one of 160 dollars, and the other not much less; but at length I consented, and writings were drawn up between us. During the last night a man lay on board my ship who spoke Portuguese, who offered, in the name of the widow of the former governor, calling her queen, to give me half the town if I would help her in taking it from the present governor. But I refused any interference, as not answerable for my sovereign, and sent him on shore. I this day sold cloth to Nakhada[173] for 159 masses of gold.

[Footnote 173: Nakhada, or Nakhadah, signifies the captain or commander of a ship in Arabic—ASTL. I. 519. d.]

The town and bounds of Priaman do not yield above 500 bahars of pepper yearly; but, with the parts adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and the mountains over the town, there are gathered about 2500 bahars yearly, which quantity will load two good ships, and may be bought very reasonable, if a factory had means to buy all the year. Their pepper harvest is in August and September, and is fetched away only by those of Acheen and Java, the Guzerates not being permitted to trade here, by the express command of the King of Acheen. Therefore, a ship touching at Surat, and buying there especially blue calicos, white calicos, blue and white striped and chequered stuffs, with some small fine painted cloths, and then leaving a factory at Priaman, might lay the best foundation for profit that can be wished, against next year. I say against another year, for it does not seem to me that a ship could go to Surat and come hither in time the same year. For this purpose, however, the licence of the King of Acheen must be procured for our safe proceeding in these parts.

We made sail from Priaman on the 18th September, and on the 4th October got into the road of Bantam, where we found six ships of Holland, two of which were almost laden with cloves, and other two were to load with pepper. I found thirteen Englishmen here alive, and received a letter from Captain David Middleton of the Consent. The 6th I paid Uncte and Tegin, the two Chinese, their wages, and dismissed them. The 20th I called the merchants together, having formerly resolved to return with the Dragon for England, and we now concluded that our pinnace, when finished, should go for Banda with Brown and Sidall. John Hearne, John Saris, and Richard Savage, were to remain at Bantam; and when the pinnace returned from Banda, John Saris was to go in her to Sackadanea, in Borneo. The 15th November, I sent for Jaques L'Ermite, the commander of the Dutch vessels at Bantam, and discovered to him a plot of the Javans for cutting the throats of all the Hollanders, of which I had received particular intimation.

The ambassador of Siam came to visit me on the 22d, and dined with me, and asserted that a thousand pieces of red cloth might be sold in his country in two days, and a great quantity yearly, as it is used for housings to their elephants and horses. Gold, he said, was in such abundance in his country as only to be worth three times its weight in silver, though good gold. It has also great abundance of cheap precious stones. He said, moreover, that his king would esteem it a great happiness to have commerce with the King of England, with whom, as he understood, the King of Holland was not to be compared.

The 28th November, I took leave of the king, the governor, the admiral, the old sabander, Jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, and went on board for altogether next day. The 2d December, at night, our merchants came aboard, bringing a letter from the King of Bantam to the King of England, with a present of two picols of Canton. Before we got out of the straits we espied a sail on the 12th December, which proved to be the Hector from Surat, where her captain, William Hawkins, remained. I understood that the Portuguese had taken eighteen of our men, several of whom were factors, and goods to the value of 9000 dollars. The 14th we came back to Bantam roads, forced either to lengthen our voyage, or to go home with lost reputation. The 16th there came a small vessel from Amsterdam, giving notice of peace between France, Spain, and the Dutch. I appointed Messrs Molineux and Pockham for England in the Dragon, taking the rest with me in the Hector for the Moluccas, into which other ship I removed on the 17th, the masters shifting ships. The 21st I forwarded Mr Towerson in all diligence, wishing him to depart in all speed; and on the 23d the Dragon made sail from Bantam, God prosper her voyage.[174]

[Footnote 174: Mr Tewerson seems from this time to have commanded the Dragon on the voyage home; but this whole narrative is so ill expressed and incoherent, that its meaning has often to be guessed at.—ASTL. I. 321.a.]

Sec. 4. Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there.

About one in the morning of the 1st January, 1609, we weighed anchor, and with an off-shore wind got round the east point, three leagues E.N.E. from our former anchorage. Thence easterly to another point other three leagues, a very long shoal with very little water extending between the two, to avoid which it is good to steer halfway between Java and the isles of Tonda, which are five leagues distant. East from the second point is the isle of Tanara, so close to the shore that it cannot be distinguished from any distance. From the second to the third point, are four leagues E.S.E. and one and a half mile off that point N. by W. is the isle of Lackee, between which and the point is only one and a half fathoms water, according to report. We rode all night in six fathoms, having the isle east of us a league. Weighing on the 4th, we steered within half a league of Lackee in seven or eight fathoms; from the isle to the west point of Jackatra being E.S.E. four leagues. There is a dangerous sand off the west point of Jackatra, wherefore it is good to keep nearer the island opposite that point.

The 8th I went to Jackatra,[175] and anchored far out. The king sent his sabander to desire powder and match, and I sent him 30 pounds of powder and a roll of match. I bought of them a Portuguese boy, given by the Hollanders to their king, but who refused to apostatize from Christianity, and paid for him 45 dollars. We have seen thirty or forty islands since leaving Bantam. The 10th we made sail from Jackatra. There is a sunken island even with the water, about two leagues W. by N. from the east point of Jackatra, which we left to larboard, going between it and the easter island. The two points forming Jackatra bay bear E.S.E. and W.N.W. four leagues distant, the eastermost island being in a straight line between both points. At noon on the 11th we were ten leagues N.E. from the east point of Jackatra. The 12th at noon, we were two leagues S.W. by S. from an island, having sailed thirty leagues E. by S. The 15th we came near Madura, contrary to my expectation, whence I suppose that the island of Java is not so long as it is laid down in the charts, or else that we had found a current setting to the east. The 18th we were near the islands of Nossaseres or Nussasira, which were N. by W. a league from us, in lat. 5 deg. 30' S. The 21st, in the forenoon, we saw Celebes; but we could not fetch Macassar. Coming to anchor, we parted our cable and lost an anchor. The 4th February we saw Bourro. The 5th I held a council to consider what was best to be done, as the wind did not serve for the Moluccas, when it was concluded to go for Banda. We saw Amboyna E. by N. from Bourro, twelve leagues. The 6th we saw the high land of Banda, in my opinion 25 leagues E. by S. 1/2 S. from the eastern part of Amboyna.

[Footnote 175: On the Dutch making this place the metropolis of their Indian trade and dominion, they changed its name to Batavia, in honour of their own country, called by the Romans, insula Batavorum.-E.]

We got into the road or harbour of Banda on the 8th February, 1609, when the people and the Hollanders came to welcome me. The 9th I went on shore, and delivered his majesty's letter to Nera, together with a present, being a gilt cup and cover, a head-piece and gorget, and one of Mr Bucke's firelocks, which cost twenty-five dollars. I was received with much state, but they delayed giving an answer about our house till next day. The Hollanders fired five pieces at my landing, and as many when I returned on board, and I dined with them. The 11th we agreed for building a house. The 21st I went to Urtatan, to confer with the people, and on the 25th I went to Lantor, where I delivered our king's letter and present, being a smaller gilt cup and cover, a handsome target, a stocked musket; and a musket-barrel. In the night, Nakhada China, a spy of the Hollanders, came on board, and advised me to be speedy. The 13th the people of Lantor demanded for serepinang[176] 140 dollars, and I demanded leave to sell my cloth as I best might. The priest was sent to demand payment of Rooba-rooba[177] before we traded, which I refused unless they would bind themselves to load me with mace and nutmegs within four months. He offered them at 100 dollars, and I would not give past 90,[178] wherefore he took time for consideration; when I observed that they deferred till the Hollanders might arrive, which was now doubtful, as the monsoon was almost spent. He took his leave, without making any bargain, having a smooth outside, but a rough mind.

[Footnote 176: It appears in the sequel that this was some tax or custom.—E.]

[Footnote 177: Another tax or imposition.—E.]

[Footnote 178: We suppose the Katti is here meant, as no quantity is expressed in the text—ASTL. I. 323. c.]

The 16th three large Dutch ships came in, and shot thirty, sixteen, and nine pieces of excellent ordnance.[179] Two of these came from Ternate, where they had lost Paul Van Cardan, their admiral, with seventy-four of their men, being taken by the Spaniards. The Dutch offered a ransom for him of 50,000 dollars; but they would hearken to no terms, except the surrender of fort Machian, formerly taken from them by him. The 18th the Dutch officers of the two largest came to visit me, and staid to supper; yet an Englishman reported that they meant to surprise me before the end of a month.

[Footnote 179: This strange expression is probably meant to indicate the respective number of cannon in each ship.—E.]

The states sent again for Rooba-rooba, which I refused to pay; so they sent again to say, now that the Dutch were come, I should have no trade unless I gave above 100 dollars; but I refused to give more than 100. After a long dispute, we at length agreed at 100 dollars; Rooba-rooba, 380 dollars; Serepinang, 50 dollars; besides pissalin, being a duty to the four sabanders of four pieces of Sarassa, or Malayan painted cloth. We received a beam and weight, the cattee being 99 dollars, or 5 pounds 13 1/2 ounces avoirdupoise. The 20th we began to weigh, and the Hollanders coming on shore, agreed at 100 dollars, paying 400 for Rooba-rooba, together with serepinang and pissalin. We had to bribe the Dutch in secret, or we must have been idle. The 23d I made a secret agreement with the chief of Pulo-way to send a factory to that island, for which I had to lend him 300 dollars, and to give 100 dollars more as serepinang; and the Dutch hearing of this next day, used their endeavour to prevent me. The 29th six large Holland ships and two small pinnaces came into the roads, which I saluted with nine guns, and was only answered with three. The 1st April I received from Pulo-way 225-1/4 cattees of mace, and 1307 1/2 cattees of nutmegs. The 11th we began to carry our nuts on board, being so constrained by the Dutch, who meant to land in a day or two; so that we had not time to select the best, nor to let them lie long enough in sweats.

The 13th I went on shore, and proposed to the sabander of Nera, as I had done several times before, the formal surrender of Bands to the sovereignty of the King of England, before the Hollanders might land or commence their intended fort. The states seemed to like this proposal, and promised to take it into consideration, and to give me an answer, but I was doubtful of their inconstancy, neither did they come to any conclusion. The Dutch landed 1200 men on the 15th from 20 boats, and the natives fled. The 20th I went on shore to fetch rice, in part of a debt due by Daton Patee to our company; but the Hollanders had dishonestly taken it, though their admiral promised I should have it. I then went among the Javans to buy rice, but they universally said they were enjoined by the Dutch not to sell me any, although I offered five dollars the coyoung more than the Dutch paid. When I got home, I found the person whom the admiral had formerly sent to me, and desired him to tell the admiral, that his taking my rice was great injustice, and if he were a gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I walked about. He answered, that the admiral was a weaver and no gentleman; and being an Englishman, I reprehended him for so speaking; but he affirmed that all the Dutch spoke so of him.[180]

[Footnote 180: We here omit a long series of ill-told disputes with the Dutch; who, presuming on their greatly superior force, interrupted the trade of the English at Banda, and finally obliged Keeling to withdraw, very imperfectly provided with mace and nutmegs, and much dissatisfied. The narrative in Purchas is so abrupt, disjointed, and inconclusive, that it was found quite impossible to give it any consistency or interest.—E.]

The 4th of May I went to Pulo-way, where I got 1000 cattees of nutmegs, and 200 cattees of mace. The 1st August, the Dutch gave me a letter of credit, for the payment at Bantam of all the debts due me at Banda; and this day I went on shore, at the request of the Dutch governor, to view their fort, which was a square redoubt, with thirty pieces of artillery, eight of which were good brass demi-cannon. The 10th I weighed a half hundred against the ordinary Banda weights, and found it to contain 9-1/2 cattees, so that the cattee appears to equal 5 pounds 14-1/3 ounces avoirdupoise. The 11th I anchored near Macassar, in the island of Celebes, hoping to get cloves there in barter for cloth; but learning that a Dutch ship had been lost there lately, I desisted from the attempt, as the road of Macassar was reported to be dangerous. The 21st we anchored off Jackatra, in Java, where we found two Dutch ships, which had brought our people and their goods from Amboyna. The 26th we met a praw, in which was Ralph Hearne, sent to me by Mr John Saris from Bantam, to say that he had ready 3481 bags of pepper for me. We got that day into the road of Bantam, when Mr Saris came immediately on board.

The 13th September, 1609, at the request of the King of Bantam, I sent twenty-five armed men to make him pastime, in honour of his having the night before consummated his marriage. The 23d, having token on board 4900 bags of pepper, I prepared for our homeward voyage; and on the 27th I appointed the following members of our factory at that place: Augustine Spalding chief factor, at L50 a year; Francis Kellie surgeon, at 40s. a month; John Parsons at 30s. a month; Robert Neale 29s. Augustine Adwell 24s. Etheldred Lampre 20s. William Driver 20s. William Wilson 22s. William Lamwell 16s. Philip Badnedge 16s. Francisco Domingo 12s. Juan Seraon 10s. Adrian, Mr Towerson's boy, 10s.[181] Using every possible diligence to get away, I hired six persons to go along with us for England in assistance to our crew; and on the 30th, delivered over the charge of the factory to Spalding, giving him strict injunctions to beware of the Dutch insolence and hatred towards us, and therefore to have as little intercourse with them as possible.

[Footnote 181: These wages are here particularized, as a curious record of the original wages of the Company's servants in India.—E.]

I took leave of the governor or regent of Bantam on the 2d October, 1609, requesting his favour to our factory, which he promised with seeming heartiness; and on the 3d I went on board, after taking leave of all our friends. The 1st November we were in lat. 25 deg. S. with 24 deg. variation, being by our reckoning 650 leagues from Bantam, which we had run in 24 days. The 29th, in lat. 32 deg. 30' S. and above 13 deg. variation, we had all day a severe gale of wind, which at night became a storm at W.S.W. from the northward,[182] and put us to try with our main course, continuing all night and next day. In this, as sundry times before, we found the report of Linschot to be true, that generally all easterly winds, coming about to the northwards, if accompanied by rain, come presently round to W.S.W. with considerable violence.

[Footnote 182: This expression is unintelligible; but from the sequel, it appears the gale had been originally easterly, had then changed to the north, and finally settled in a storm at W.S.W.—E.]

Early in the morning of the 8th December, 1609, we fell in with the Terra de Natal, some six leagues west, being at noon in lat. 81 deg. 27' S. with the variation about 8 deg. 30', we standing S.S.E. under low sails, with the wind at S.W. We met a Hollander, from whom we learnt that the Erasmus, a ship of the fleet which went home from Bantam at the time of my arrival there in the Dragon, had sprung a leak at sea; and, being left by the rest of the fleet, steered for the Mauritius, where she unladed her goods, which were loft there with twenty-five persons till they and the goods could be sent for, the rest of her company being in this vessel. They farther told us, that there are two harbours in the island of Mauritius; one called the north-west harbour, in somewhat less than 20 deg. S. the other called the south-east harbour, in 28 deg. 15' S. All kinds of refreshments are to be had there, as fish, turtles, and manatis, in great abundance.[183] It has an infinite number and variety of fowls. Hogs and goats, only newly introduced, are in some reasonable number, and are fast increasing. The island is healthy, and between 30 and 40 leagues in circumference. The variation there is 21 deg. westwards. They came from Bantam in May, were a month in getting to the Mauritius, had remained there four months and a half, and had been six weeks from thence, seventeen days of which with contrary winds.

[Footnote 183: The Lamantin, Trichechus Manatas Australis, Southern Manati, or Fish-tailed Walrus of naturalists. This singular amphibious animal, or rather aquatic quadruped, inhabits the southern seas of Africa and America, especially near the mouths of rivers, pasturing on aquatic plants, and browsing on the grass which grows close to the water. It varies in size from eight to seventeen feet long, and from 500 to 800 pounds weight, and the flesh is said to be good eating.—E.]

The 22d of December we were in lat. 85 deg. 28' S. within seven leagues of Cape Aguillas,[184] which shews like two islands from where we were, being to the S.E. of it. Coming more athwart, it resembled three isles, two bays, N.E. and N.W. making three conspicuous, low, and seemingly round points. We had ground in the evening in 77 fathoms upon ooze, being about five leagues south from shore, and, as I guess, nearly to the westwards of the shoalest part of the bank. When bound homewards on this coast, and finding no weather for observation, either for latitude or variation, we may boldly and safely keep in sixty fathoms with shelly ground, and when finding ooze we are very near Cape Aguillas. When losing ground with 120 fathoms line, we may be sure of having passed the cape, providing we be within the latitude of 36 deg. S. The 23d we steered all night W. by N. and W.N.W. with afresh easterly gale, seeing the land all along about eight or ten leagues from us, all high land. About noon we were near the Cape of Good Hope, to which we sailed in seventeen hours from Cape Aguillas. Being within three leagues of the sugarloaf, we stood off and on all night. The 28th I received by the Dutch boat from the island, six sheep, the fattest I ever saw, the tail of one being twenty-eight inches broad, and weighing thirty-five pounds. I got a main-top-sail of the Dutch, of which we were in extreme want, and gave them a note on our company to receive twelve pounds twelve shillings for the same. For the fat sheep we got on Penguin island, we left lean in their room. The Dutch here behaved to us in a very honest and Christian-like manner. I left a note here of my arrival and the state of my company, as others had done before me. All the time we remained at the Cape, from the 23d December, 1609, to the 10th January, 1610, the wind was westerly and southerly; whereas the two former times of my being here, at the same season, it blew storms at east.

[Footnote 184: This cape is only in lat. 34 deg. 4S' S. So that their latitude here could not exceed 35 deg. 10', giving an error in excess of eighteen minutes in the text—E.]

The 10th January, 1610, we weighed and set sail homewards. The 20th about noon we passed the tropic of Capricorn; and that evening the Dutch officers came and supped with me, whom I saluted with three guns at parting. The 30th before day-light, we got sight of St Helena, having steered sixty-six leagues west in that latitude. We came to anchor a mile from shore, in twenty-two fathoms sandy ground, N.W. from the chapel. This island is about 270 or 280 leagues west from the coast of Africa. We were forced to steer close under the high land to find anchorage, the bank being so steep as to have no anchorage farther out.

We weighed on the 9th February, making sail homewards, having received from the island nineteen goats, nine hogs, and thirteen pigs. The 16th we saw the island of Ascension, seven or eight leagues to the W.S.W. In the morning of the 28th, the wind westerly and reasonably fair weather, we spoke the Dutch ship, which made a waft for us at his mizen-top-mast head. He told us that he had only eight or nine men able for duty, all the rest being sick, and forty-six of his crew dead. This was a grievous chastisement for them, who had formerly offered to spare me twenty men or more upon occasion, and a never-sufficiently-to-be-acknowledged mercy to us, that they should be in so pitiable a case, while we had not lost one man, and were even all in good health. Towards night, considering our leak, with many other just causes on our part, besides our want of means to aid them, and at my company's earnest desire, we made sail and left them, not without sensible Christian grief that we could give them no assistance. Indeed, without asking us to remain by them, they desired us to acquaint any Dutch ship we might meet of their extreme distress, that the best means might be pursued for their relief. We were then in lat. 45 deg. 6' N.

The 1st May, having fine weather and the wind at S.W. we were in lat. 49 deg. 13' N. Early in the morning of the 2d, the wind came S. and blew a storm, putting us under our fore course. Towards night we spoke a Lubecker, who told us Scilly bore E. by N. thirty-eight German miles from us, which are fifty leagues. I told them of the Dutchman's distress; and as the wind was fair, made sail for England. In the morning of the 9th, Beechy-head was three leagues from us N.N.E. and on the 10th May, 1610, we anchored in the Downs about sunset, having spent three years, one month, and nine days on this voyage.

* * * * *

SECTION V.

Narrative by William Hawkins, of Occurrences during his Residence in the Dominions of the Great Mogul.[185]

INTRODUCTION.

This and the next following section may be considered as supplementary to the one immediately preceding; as Captain Hawkins in the Dragon accompanied Captain Keeling, in the third voyage fitted out by the English Company; and Finch was in the same vessel with Hawkins, and accompanied him into the country of the Mogul. The present narrative is said, in its title in the Pilgrims, to have been written to the company, and evidently appears to have been penned by Hawkins himself, without any semblance of having been subjected to the rude pruning knife of Purchas; except omitting so much of the journal as related to occurrences before landing at Surat. Purchas gives the following account of it in a side-note.—E.

[Footnote 185: Purch. Pilg. I. 206.]

"Captain Keeling and William Hawkins had kept company all the outward-bound voyage, as already related, and therefore not necessary to be here repeated, to the road of Delisa, in Socotora, whence, on the 24th June, 1603, Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as before related. Captain Hawkins sailed from Delisa in the Hector, for Surat, on the 4th August, having previously built a pinnace, and having received from the general, Captain Keeling, a duplicate of the commission under the great seal."—Purch.

Sec. 1. Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits.

Arriving at the bar of Surat on the 24th August, 1608, I immediately sent Francis Bucke, merchant, and two others, on shore, to make known that I was sent by the King of England, as his ambassador to the king of the country, together with a letter and present. In answer, I received a message from the governor, by three of his servants accompanying those I sent, saying, he and all that country could afford were at my command, and that I should be made very welcome if I pleased to come on shore. I accordingly landed, accompanied by our merchants and others, equipped in the best manner I could, as befitting the honour of my king and country. On landing, I was well received after their barbarous manner, and vast multitudes of the natives followed after me, desirous of seeing a new-come people whom they had often heard of, but who had never before visited their country. When I drew near the governor's house, I was told he was not well, but I rather think he was drunk with affion [or opium,] being an aged man. I went therefore to the chief customer, being the only officer to whom sea-faring causes belonged; as the government of Surat pertained to two great noblemen, one of whom, Khan-Khana, was viceroy of the Decan,[186] and the other, Mucrob-Khan, was viceroy of Cambaya or Guzerat, who had no command in Surat except what regarded the king's customs, and with him only I had to deal.

[Footnote 186: He was only viceroy of the projected conquest of the Decan.—E.]

I told him that the purpose of my coming to Surat was to establish a factory there, and that I had a letter from the king of England to his sovereign for that effect, my sovereign being desirous to form a treaty of peace and amity with his; so that the English might freely come and go, and make sales and purchases, according to the usage of all nations; and finally, that my ship was laden with commodities from our country, which, according to the intelligence of former travellers, were there in request. To this he answered, that he would immediately dispatch an express to his master at Cambaya, as he could do nothing of himself in the premises without his orders. So, taking my leave, I departed to the lodging appointed for me, which was at the custom-house. Next morning I went to visit the governor of the city, to whom I made a present, and who received me with much gravity and outward show of kindness, bidding me heartily welcome, and saying that the country was at my command. After compliments on both sides, I entered upon my main business, when he told me that my affairs were not in his department, as all sea-faring or commercial matters belonged to Mucrob-Khan, to whom at Cambaya he promised to dispatch a footman, and would write a letter in my behalf both for the unloading of my ship and the establishment of a factory. In the meantime he appointed me to lodge with a merchant who understood Turkish, who was my trucheman, or interpreter, being the captain of that ship which was taken by Sir Edward Michelburn.

In consequence of the great rains and heavy floods it was twenty days before the messenger returned from Cambaya; in which interval many of the merchants entertained me in a very friendly manner, when the weather was such that I could get out of doors; for, during almost the whole time of the messenger's absence, it rained almost continually. At the end of twenty days, the messenger came back from Cambaya with the answer of Mucrob Khan, giving licence to land my goods, and to buy and sell for the present voyage; but that he could not grant leave to establish a factory, or for the settlement of future trade, without the commands of his king, which he thought might be procured, if I would take a two months journey to deliver my king's letter to his sovereign. He likewise sent orders to the customer, that all the goods I might land were to be kept in the custom-house till the arrival of his brother Sheck Abder Rachim, who was to make all convenient dispatch, on purpose to chuse such goods as were fit for the king's use. It may be noticed, however, that this pretence of taking some part of the goods of all men for the king, is merely for their own private gain. Upon this answer I made all dispatch to ease my ship of her heavy burden of lead and iron, which must of necessity be landed, and were placed under the care of the customer till the arrival of the great man. The time being precious, and my ship not able to stay long, I sent on board for three chests of money, with which to purchase such commodities as are vendible at Priaman and Bantam, being those which the Guzerates carry there yearly, and sell to great profit. I then began to make purchases, to the great dissatisfaction of the native merchants, who made loud complaints to the governor and customer of the leave granted me to buy these commodities, which would greatly injure their trade at Priaman and Bantam, supposing I meant only to have bought such goods as were fit for England. At the end of this business the great man arrived from Cambaya, who allowed me to ship my purchases.

In a council of all our merchants, respecting the delivery of the king's letter and the establishment of a factory, it was concluded that these weighty matters could only be properly accomplished by me, from the experience of my former travels, and my knowledge of the language, and as it was known to all that I was the person appointed ambassador for this purpose. I therefore agreed to remain for these ends, and made all haste to ship the goods and dispatch the vessel. This done, I called Mr Marlow and all of the ship's company who were on shore, and acquainted them with my intentions, directing them all to receive Mr Marlow as their commander; and to give him all due reverence and obedience as they had done me. I then accompanied them to the water-side, and bade them farewell.

Next day, when going about my affairs to wait upon Abder Rachim, I met ten or twelve of the better sort of our men in a great fright, who told me that our two barks, with thirty men, and all our goods, had been taken by a Portuguese frigate or two,[187] they only having escaped. I asked in what manner they were taken, and if they did not fight in their own defence?[188] They answered me, that Mr Marlow would not allow them, as the Portuguese were our friends. They said also that Bucke had gone to the Portuguese without a pawn, and had betrayed them; but, in fact, Bucke went on the oath and faithful promise of the Portuguese captain, but was never allowed to return. I sent immediately a letter to the captain-major of the Portuguese, demanding the release of our men and goods, as we were English, and our sovereigns were in peace and amity; adding, that we were sent to the Mogul's country by our king, with letters for the Mogul to procure licence for us to trade; and that I held the king's commission for the government of the English in that country; that his restoring his majesty's subjects and their goods would be well taken at his own king's hands, but the contrary would produce a breach between the crowns of England and Spain. On the receipt of this letter, as the messenger told me, the proud rascal vapoured exceedingly, most vilely abusing our king, whom he called a king of fishermen, and of a contemptible island, whose commission he despised; and scornfully refused to send me any answer.

[Footnote 187: These frigates could only be small armed boats, otherwise the English in the barks could not have been found fault with for not fighting.—E.]

[Footnote 188: This not fighting was upbraided to our men by the Indians as much disgrace; but was since recovered with interest, by our sea-fights with the Portuguese.—Purch.]

I chanced, on the following day, to meet the captain of one of the Portuguese frigates, who came on business ashore from the captain-major; which business, as I understand, was to desire the governor to send me to him as a prisoner, because we were Hollanders. Knowing what he was, I took occasion to speak to him of the abuses offered to the King of England and his subjects. He pretended that these seas belonged to the King of Portugal, and no one ought to come there without his licence. I told him, that the seas of India were as free to subjects of England as to those of Spain, and that the licence of the King of England was as valid as that of the King of Spain, and whoever pretended otherwise was a liar and a villain; and desired him to tell his captain-major, that in abusing the King of England he was a base villain, and a traitor to his own king, which I was ready to maintain against him with my sword, if he dared to come on shore, whereto I challenged him. Seeing that I was much moved, the Moors caused the Portuguese to depart. This Portuguese came to my house some two hours after, and offered to procure the release of my men and goods, if I would be liberal to him. I entertained him kindly, and gave him great promises; but before he left the town, my men and goods were sent off for Goa.

I had my goods ready about five days before I could get a clearance to ship them, waiting for the arrival of Abder Rachim, which was the 3d October; and two days afterwards the ship set sail. I was now left in Surat with only one merchant, William Finch, who was mostly sick, and unable to go abroad to do any business; all the rest of my attendants being two servants, a cook, and a boy, which were all the company I had to defend us from so many enemies, who went about to destroy us, and endeavoured to prevent my going to the Great Mogul. But God preserved me, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to proceed on my travels. After the departure of our ship, I learnt that my men and goods had been betrayed to the Portuguese by Mucrob Khan and his followers; for it was a laid plot by Mucrob Khan and the Jesuit Peneiro, to protract time till the Portuguese frigates might come to the bar of Surat, which was done so secretly that we never beard of them till they had taken our barks.

So long as my ship remained at the bar I was much flattered, but after her departure I was most unsufferably misused; being in a heathen country, environed by so many enemies, who plotted daily to murder me and to cozen me of my goods. Mucrob Khan, to get possession of my goods, took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price as his own barbarous conscience dictated; where thirty-five was agreed, giving me only eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had his full authority. Even on his own terms, it was hardly possible to get any money from his chief servant, as we only received a small part after the time appointed was expired, before Mucrob came to Surat; and after he came I was debarred of all, though he outwardly flattered and dissembled for almost three months, feeding me with continual promises. In the meantime he came three times to my house, sweeping me clean of all things that were good; and when he saw I had no more worth coveting, he gradually withdrew his attentions and pretended kindness. Most of this time William Finch was ill of the flux, but, thank God, he recovered past all hope. As for me I durst not venture out of doors, as the Portuguese were lurking about in crowds to assault or murder me, their armada being then at Surat.

Their first plot against me was thus. I was invited by Hagio [Haji] Nazam to the dispatching of his ship for Mecca, as it is the custom on such occasions to make great feasts for all the principal people of the town. It was my good fortune at this time, that a great captain belonging to the viceroy of Guzerat, residing in Amadavar, [Ahmedabad,] was then at Surat, and was likewise invited to this feast, which was held at the water-side, near which the Portuguese had two frigates of their armada, which came there to receive tribute for the ships about to depart, and likewise to procure refreshments. Out of these frigates there came three gallants to the tent where I was, and some forty Portuguese were scattered about the water-side, ready to join in the assault on the first signal. These three gallants that came to our tent, were armed in buff-coats down to their knees, with rapiers and pistols at their sides, and, immediately on entering, demanded who was the English captain? I presently rose, and told them I was the man; and seeing some intended mischief by their countenances, I immediately laid hand on my weapon. The Mogul captain, perceiving treason was meant against me, both he and his followers drew their swords; and if the Portuguese had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew had come ill off.

Another time some thirty or forty of them came to assault me in my house, having a friar along with them to animate their courage, and give them absolution. But I was always on my guard, and had a strong house with good doors. Many of the Portuguese at other times used to lurk for me and mine in the streets; so that I was forced to complain to the governor, that I could not go about my business on account of the Portuguese coming armed into the city to murder me; and represented that they were not in use at other times to come armed into the city. The governor then sent word to the Portuguese not to come armed into the city at their peril.

Mucrob Khan came to Surat accompanied by a Jesuit named Padre Peneiro, who had offered him 40,000 dollars to send me prisoner to Damaun, as I was afterwards certainly informed by Hassen Ally and Ally Pommory. On his arrival I went to visit him, giving him presents, besides those formerly given to his brother; and for a time, as already mentioned, I had many outward shows of kindness from him, till such time as I demanded my money, when he told me flatly he would not give me 20 mahmudies the vara, as had been agreed, but would rather give me back my cloth. I dissembled my sense of this unjust procedure as well as I could, entreating leave to proceed to Agra to wait upon the king; telling him I meant to leave William Finch as chief in my place, who would either receive the money or the goods, as he might please to conclude. Upon this he gave me his licence and a letter to the king, promising me an escort of forty horsemen; which promise he did not perform. After I got this licence, Father Peneiro put into his head that he ought not to allow me to go, as I would complain against him to the king; thus plotting to overthrow my intended journey. Mucrob Khan could not prevent my going, because I was sent by a king; but endeavoured to prevail on my interpreter and coachman to poison or murder me by the way; which invention was devised by the Jesuit. But God, of his mercy, discovered these plots, and the contrivances of the Jesuit took no effect.

Sec. 2. Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court of the Great Mogul.

William Finch being now in good health, I left all things belonging to our trade in his hands, giving him instructions how to conduct himself in my absence. So I began to take up soldiers to conduct me in safety; being denied by Muerob Khan. Besides some shot and bowmen whom I hired, I applied to a captain of the Khan-Khana, to let me have 40 or 50 horsemen to escort me to the Khan-Khana, who was then viceroy of Deccan, and resided in Bramport.[189] This captain did all in his power for me, giving me a party of Patan horsemen, who are much feared in these parts for their valour. If I had not done this I had surely been overthrown, as the Portuguese of Damaun had induced an ancient friend of theirs, a Hajah, who was absolute lord of a province called Cruly, situated between Damaun, Guzerat, and the Deccan, to be ready with 200 horsemen to intercept me; but I went so well provided with a strong escort, that they durst not encounter me; and for that time also I escaped. Then at Dayta,[190] another province or principality, my coachman having got drunk with some of his kinsmen, discovered that he was hired to murder me. Being overheard by some of my soldiers, they came and told me that it was to have been done next morning at the commencement of our journey, as we usually set out two hours before day. Upon this notice, I examined the coachman and his friends, in presence of the captain of my escort. He could not deny the truth, but would not reveal who had hired him, though much beaten; and cursed his bad luck that he could not effect his purpose. So I sent him back prisoner to the governor of Surat. My broker or interpreter afterwards told me, that both he and the coachman were hired by Mucrob Khan, by the persuasion of the Jesuit, the one to poison and the other to murder me. The interpreter said he was to receive nothing till the deed was done, which he never meant to perform, being resolved to be faithful. Thus God again preserved me. This was five days after the commencement of my journey, having left Surat on the 1st February, 1609.

[Footnote 189: The names of places in Hindustan are often very much corrupted in the early voyages and travels, so as sometimes to be unintelligible. Burhampoor, or Boorhanpoor, in Candeish, is certainly the place indicated in the text, about 260 English miles almost due east from Surat.—E.]

[Footnote 190: Neither Cruly nor Dayta are to be found in our best modern map of Hindostan by Arrowsmith. It may be noticed on this subject, that most places in Hindostan have more than one name; being often known to the natives by one name in their vernacular language, while another name is affixed in Persian, by the Mogul conquerors. The names of places likewise are often changed, at the pleasure of successive possessors; and the continual wars and revolutions have made wonderful changes in the distribution of dominion, since this journey of Hawkins.—E.]

Continuing my journey for Burhanpoor, some two days after leaving Dayta, the Patans who had hitherto escorted me went back, leaving me to be forwarded by another Patan captain, who was governor of that lordship, by whom I was kindly entertained. His name was Sher-Khan, and having been some time a prisoner among the Portuguese, and speaking that language fluently, he was glad to do me service, being of a nation that is in great enmity to the Portuguese. He escorted me in person with forty horsemen for two days, till we were past the dangerous places; during which time he encountered a troop of outlaws, of whom he took four alive and slew eight, all the rest escaping. Before leaving me, he gave me letters, authorising me to use his house at Burhanpoor, which was a very great courtesy, as otherwise I should hardly have known where to get lodgings, the city being so full of soldiers, which were preparing for war with the people of the Deccan. I arrived in safety at Burhanpoor, thanks be to God, on the eighteenth of February. Next day I went to court to visit the Khan-Khana, who was lord-general and viceroy of the Deccan, and made him a present, as the custom is, which he received very graciously. After three hours conference, he made me a feast; and being, risen from table, he invested me with two robes, one of fine woollen, and the other of cloth of gold; giving me a letter of recommendation to the king, which availed me much. Then embracing me, I departed. The language we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well.

I remained in Burhanpoor till the 2d of March, not being sooner able to effect the exchange of the money I had with me, and waiting likewise to join a caravan. Having then got a new escort of soldiers, I resumed my journey to Agra, where, after much fatigue and many dangers, I arrived in safety on the 16th April. Being in the city, and seeking out for a house in a secret manner, notice was carried to the king of my arrival, but that I was not to be found. He presently charged many troops both of horse and foot to seek for me, and commanded his knight-marshal to bring me in great state to court, as an ambassador ought to be; which he did with a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that he hardly allowed me time to put on my best apparel. In fine, I was brought before the king, bringing only a slight present of cloth, and that not esteemed, as what I had designed for the king was taken from me by Mucrob Khan, of which I complained to his majesty. After making my salutation, he bid me heartily welcome with a smiling countenance; on which I repeated my obeisance and duty. Having his majesty's letter in my hand, he called me to come near him, reaching down his hand from his royal seat, where he sat in great majesty on high to be seen of the people. He received the letter very graciously, viewing it for some time, both looking at the seal and at the way in which it was made up; and then called an old Jesuit who was present, to read and explain the letter. While the Jesuit was reading the letter, he spoke to me in the kindest manner, asking me the contents of the letter, which I told him: Upon which he immediately promised, and swore by God, that he would grant and allow with all his heart every thing the king had asked, and more if his majesty required. The Jesuit told him the substance of the letter, but discommended the style, saying that it was basely penned, writing vestia without majestad. On which I said to the king, "May it please your majesty, these people are our enemies: How can it be that this letter should be irreverently expressed, seeing that my sovereign demands favour from your majesty?" He acknowledged the truth of this observation.