On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuant to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that we would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now high-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. I immediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men, who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came, leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the door. By this time I had seized Wencatadra by the arms, and held him fast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried him immediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I and all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length of the shore, on account of the channel, they came in all haste after us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least 3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it, and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.

I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was assaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship, accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain every thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone, I pretended to be revenged on Wencatadra; but allowed myself to be prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged, which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that no one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that the governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its nullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane.

In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating or drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest pay, except Miriapeik and Datapa, who were in Golconda, on which I sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]

[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text, as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six entire days.—E.]

After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visit me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king, and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moors that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time, but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I then dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the succession: yet I left letters with them for the first English ships that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th December, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to sea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave: but the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.

Sec. 4. Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England.

The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James, come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went ashore, and received from Mr John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam, letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Macasser, saying he had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with other circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complaining of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, of his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander should be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was constituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master, while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the Concord.

[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure, proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint stock.—E.]

On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at the Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale went, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch ship Zelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr Cox, advising that Mr Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.

The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a council, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, and about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan to visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution. They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February.[396] They came into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James, which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.

[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe was the ship in which Floris returned to England.—E.]

* * * * *

Note. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 328—332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton of London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written by John Tatton, Master." This ship was not fitted out by the Company; but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly belonging to the East India Company, yet holding society with the East Indian society. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains, as licensed by King James I. in contradiction to the exclusive charter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the English East India Company.

This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible. We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance it contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no water. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is now called Saldenha bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given to that now called Table bay. The only water found in that nameless bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole adjoining country very barren.—E.

* * * * *

SECTION XV.

Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris.[397].

INTRODUCTION.

Purchas has chosen to place this, and the subsequent early voyages of the English to the East, in a separate division of his Pilgrims, which he entitles "English Voyages beyond the East Indies, &c. In which their just commerce was nobly vindicated against Turkish treachery; victoriously defended against Portuguese hostility; gloriously advanced against Moorish and Heathenish perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch malignity; and justly maintained against ignorant and malicious calumny."

[Footnote 397: Purch. Pilg. I. 884, Astl I. 451.]

The full title of this voyage in the Pilgrims is, "The Eighth Voyage set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three Ships, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain John Saris: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas, and Japan, by the Inhabitants called Neffoon, where also he first began and settled an English Trade and Factory; with other remarkable Rarities: The whole collected out of his own Journal." In the preface to the 4th book of his Pilgrims, Purchas makes the following observations respecting this voyage: "We here present the East Indies made westerly, by the illustrious voyage of Captain John Saris; who, having spent some years before in the Indies, by observations to rectify experience, and by experience to prepare for higher attempts, hath here left the known coasts of Europe, compassed those more unknown coasts of Africa from the Atlantic to the Erithrean Sea, and after commerce there, tum Marte quam Merurio, compasseth the shores, and pierceth the seas, to and beyond all just names of India and Asia, penetrating by a long journey, the islands, cities, and court of the Japonian empire, there settleth an English factory; and after safe return, is ready to render to the readers the pleasure of his pain, and [why stay I thee any longer?] by a more pleasant discoursive way, to discover to thee the rarities of that discovery, and by hand, by the eyes, to lead thee along with him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell thee of after accidents and later occurrences in the Japonian, Indian, and Asian affairs."—Purch.

"What Purchas has called collected out of the Journal of Captain Saris, means probably abbreviated by himself from that source. Saris was factor at Bantam in 1608, at the time of the third voyage of the East India Company, and has given an account of occurrences there from the time Scott left off, as contained in Section II. of this chapter of our Collection. In this voyage, he went farther eastwards than any English navigator had gone before, being the first of our nation that sailed to Japan in an English ship. William Adams indeed had been there some years earlier, having been carried there in a Dutch ship, by a western course. The remarks of Captain Saris are generally curious, judicious, and full of variety. As already noticed in the extended title by Purchas, Captain Saris had three ships under his command, the Clove, in which he sailed as general, the Hector, and the Thomas."—Astl.

This journal occupies fifty pages in the Pilgrims of Purchas, besides eleven pages more of observations on various occurrences at Bantam, during the residence of Saris there from October 1605 to October 1609, and other circumstances respecting the English affairs in the East, which will be noticed in the sequel. In the present edition, while we scrupulously adhere to that of Purchas, we have used the freedom of abridging even his abridgement, particularly respecting the nautical remarks, courses, distances, winds, currents, &c. which are now much better understood by navigators, and which would be quite uninteresting and tedious to most of our readers.—E.

* * * * *

Sec. 1. Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora.

We sailed from the Downs on the 18th April, 1611, passed the equator on the 6th June, and arrived at Saldanha bay on the 1st of August. Having well refreshed ourselves there for eight days, we set sail on the 9th August. The 3d September we made the land of Madagascar, near the bay of St Augustine. The 10th we made the island of Primeiras; and the 17th we made the islands of Angoza to the southwards of Mosambique. Finding a dangerous shoal and bad anchoring ground, with a lee shore and westerly current, we stood off on the 21st for Madagascar. In the chart we found these islands of Angoza laid down in lat. 15 deg. 40' S. but by our observation they are in 16 deg. 20' S.[398] The 24th, in lat. 16 deg. 16', our course being N.E. we unexpectedly saw land bearing N. by W. five leagues off, while expecting the island of Juan de Nova to the eastwards, and being becalmed, we feared the current might set us upon it in the night. When day-light appeared next morning, we found it to be the northernmost island of Angoza, whence we had departed on the 21st, to the great amazement and discouragement of our mariners.

[Footnote 398: The town of Angoza is in lat. 15 deg. 50', and the most southerly island in the bay of that name is in 16 deg. 30' S.—E.]

The 3d October, after much trouble by currents, we came to anchor between Mosambique and Sofala, in lat. 16 deg. 32' S. and long. 76 deg. 10' E.[399] Our anchorage was in thirteen and fourteen fathoms, under an island near the main, upon which were no people, neither could we find fresh water, though we dug very deep for it in the sand. We weighed on the 10th, and stood over E. by N. for Madagascar, in hopes of getting out of the currents, and on the 26th came to anchor under Moyella, [Mohilla] one of the Comoro islands, in lat. 12 deg. 13' S.[400] We here refreshed for eight days, procuring bullocks, goats, poultry, lemons, cocoas, pine-apples, passaws, plantains, pomgranates, sugar-canes, tamarinds, rice, milk, roots, eggs, and fish, in exchange for small haberdashery wares and some money, and had kind usage and plenty of fresh water, yet stood much on our guard for fear of any treachery. I invited the king of Moyella, being a Mahometan, aboard the Clove, and entertained him with a banquet, and with trumpets and other music; but he refused to eat, as it was then their Lent or Rammadan, yet he carried off the best part of the banquet for the queen his mother, saying that they would eat it after sunset. The name of the queen was Sultana Mannungalla, and the king's was Sharif Abubekr.[401] He requested me to give him a letter of recommendation for those who might come afterwards to his island, having formerly procured one to that effect from Stephen Verhagen, the admiral of twelve Dutch ships, in 1604, which he shewed me. I complied with his desire, yet left this caution at the end, that they ought not to repose too much confidence in this people, but stand well on their guard, as oft-times weapons preserve peace.

[Footnote 399: The longitude of that part of the coast of Africa, in the latitude indicated in the text, is 38 deg. 30' E. from Greenwich. It does not appear what might have been the first meridian referred to by Saris.—E]

[Footnote 400: Mohilla is in 13 deg. 40'. The latitude in the text is nearly that of Johanna or Hinzuan.—E.]

[Footnote 401: In Purchas Sarriffoo Booboocarree, and afterwards Sharefoo Boobackar, which comes near the true name.—Astl. I. 454. a.]

The inhabitants are negroes, having short curled hair, and wear painted cloths round their middles, some having white caps, and others turbans, by which we knew them to be Mahometans. The king wore a white cotton coat, with a turban on his head, and a painted calico of Guzerat about his middle, being little whiter than the rest. He was very lean, with a round thin black beard and large eyes. His stature was short, and he was a man of few words, having some knowledge of Arabic, which he had learnt when on a pilgrimage to Mecca, on which account he had the name or title of Sharif.[402] At this place they chiefly desire money, or Spanish dollars, rather than commodities. Yet, for crimson broad-cloth, red caps, Cambaya, or Guzerat cloths, and sword-blades, you may purchase any commodities that the island produces, which indeed are only fit for refreshments, and not for traffic. He gave me a note of friendship under his hand.[403]

[Footnote 402: Haji is the title acquired by the pilgrimage, while Sharif signifies noble, and denotes being of the posterity of Mahomet.—Astl. I. 454. c.]

[Footnote 403: This note, in Arabic characters, is inserted in Purchas, consisting only of two lines, under which the name of John Sarris is written in the same characters. By this writing, the name of the king appears to have been as we have put it in the text.—Astl. I. 454. d.]

We sailed from the island of Moyella on the 4th of November, and on the 17th in the morning made the main land of Africa on the coast of Melinda, the bay or gulf of Formosa being N.W. four leagues distant. The 29th, in lat. 4 deg. 44', being, as we supposed, twelve leagues off the shoals called Baxos de Malhina, we had a great rippling and over-fall of water, as if it had been a shoal, yet found no ground with 100 fathoms. The 1st December, in 3 deg. 40', we had a fearful rippling, much like the fall at London bridge, being then not in sight of land, and still had no ground with a line of 100 fathoms. When we stood in towards the land it left us, but standing off again, and when fifty leagues from the land, we found it very terrible. The 2d, in lat. 2 deg. 55', the rippling still continued. The 6th, in lat. 5 deg. 5', steering S.E. by E. we had at times still more fearful ripplings than before, and still no ground at 100 fathoms. These ripplings shewed like shelves or ledges of rocks, not being always alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less, occurring many times each day, making as great a noise by the ship's sides as if she ran at the rate of five leagues in a watch, even when she hardly made any way a-head. We were much alarmed by them, not knowing whence they proceeded, and seeing no land. We now supposed ourselves near the easternmost of the islands which are off the northern end of Madagascar. [The Maha or Sechelles, to the eastwards of the Almirante islands.] We had here much rain, with thunder and lightening, and sudden gusts of wind, which did not continue long.

On the 25th of December, it was just a month and five days since we reached the equator, having been one minute north close to the shore, since which we have been forced back to 5 deg. 25' S. Wherefore, those bound for Socotora at this time of the year must hold 200 leagues to the eastwards of Pemba, which will enable them to get to the northward.

The 1st of January, 1612, in lat. 3 deg. 58' N. we made the land, being the main of Magadoxa, Cape das Baxas bearing N.N.E. eight leagues distant.[404] The whole coast seemed low, sandy, and barren. The 18th, in lat. 6 deg. 27' N. we again got sight of the main land of Africa called Doara, at about eight leagues distance, seemingly not high, but sandy and barren. The 1st February we made Cape Dorfuy[405] about seven leagues off, having soundings in twenty-seven and twenty-eight fathoms, soft sand. The land at this cape is very high and barren close to the sea. The 10th, in lat. 11 deg. 20', about eight leagues off the high land of Cape Gardafui,[406] we had ground in forty-five fathoms on small black sand, and found the current setting N. by E. Towards evening we had sight of Abdal Kuria, bearing E.N.E. about ten leagues off, being high land rising in two parts, so as to seem two islands at a distance. The 17th at night we came to anchor on the coast of Socotora, one and a half league to the westwards of the king's town called Tammarin, two miles from shore, in twenty fathoms water, small white sand. The 18th we came to anchor in nine fathoms on fine sand in the road of Tammarin, a league from shore, and right over against the king's house.

[Footnote 404: Cape das Baxas, on the coast of Samhar, is in lat. 5 deg. N. so that the latitude in the text must be too short by about thirty-eight minutes.—E.]

[Footnote 405: Cape Orfui is in lat. 11 deg. N.]

[Footnote 406: Cape Guardafui is in lat. 12 deg. 24' N.]

Sec. 2. Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea.

I sent ashore Mr Richard Cockes, our cape merchant, well accompanied, to wait upon the king of Socotora, to acquaint him who we were and the cause of our coming, and to procure cattle and fish to refresh our men. Mr Cockes was received and entertained in a friendly manner, and came back with a present of fresh provisions, together with a letter left there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated 1st September, 1611, aboard the Trades-increase in Delisha road, the original of which I retained, and returned an accurate copy for the information of future ships.[407] The 19th we went ashore in state, and were welcomed by the king, who feasted the whole company. He was superbly dressed in crimson velvet, richly decorated with gold lace. His house was built of freestone, in the fashion of a castle, and he had above an hundred attendants, fifty of whom were well clothed according to the Moorish fashion, the rest being natives of the island. His name was Sultan Amur Bensaid,[408] being the son of the king of Cushin [Caixem, Caxem, Kushem, or Kessem] on the coast of Arabia. After many compliments and courtesies, we took our leave of him at night, and returned on board. At this place we paid for cattle twelve dollars each, three shillings for sheep, and a dollar for goats; which, though dear, were hardly fit for men's meat, being so vilely and in a more than beastly manner abused by the people, that they were quite loathsome to see when opened. For rice we paid three-pence a pound, and the same price for dates. Hens a shilling each. Tobacco 700 leaves for a dollar. Eggs a penny each. And the king, who is universal merchant, would only take Spanish dollars, refusing our English money.

[Footnote 407: This letter was a brief summary of the disadventures of Sir Henry in the Red Sea by Turkish perfidy; as in his own journal has already appeared, with a caveat to all English ships, and notice of the road of Assab.—Purch.]

[Footnote 408: The editor of Astley's Collection, who appears to have been an orientalist, gives this name and title, Soltan Amor Ebensayd.—E.]

The 27th, I called a meeting of the merchandizing council, to whom I read the company's instructions, and the letter from Sir Henry Middleton, received from the king of Socotora. By the instructions, we were led to expect good store of aloes at this place, but the king was quite unprovided, and could not furnish any before next August. And as we were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Mokha, in the Red-sea, in case the monsoon did not serve for Surat, which we were now strongly dissuaded from by an account of the wrongs done there by treachery to Sir Henry, I represented that we should find it very chargeable to remain here or in Delisha roads for six months waiting the monsoon, as there was no getting to the coast of Guzerat until the end of September. My opinion was therefore, notwithstanding the bad tidings from Sir Henry, that we should proceed for Mokha, having with us the pass of the Grand Signior, which the former ships had not; by which means we would be able to certify to the company of what avail the pass might be, taking, care, however, to stand well on our guard, and not to trust any one ashore without a sufficient pledge. In this way we might ride securely, and might obtain trade aboard, if not on shore, our force being able to defend us, or to offend, upon occasion, against any force that port could fit out. If therefore we found no means of commerce, we could then avail ourselves of his majesty's commission, in respect of the violence used against Sir Henry and his company, and so enforce the vent of our English commodities, or make spoil of their trade and custom, by not permitting the entry of the Indian ships which were expected there on the 5th of March; but, till then, I should be very unwilling to deal with them by force. I considered this to be our best plan of procedure, as by it our fleet might remain together, and go in company to Surat when the monsoon would permit, according to our instructions, our joint force being better able to resist any inimical attempts. The council agreed to my proposal, so that we concluded to keep company together, and to proceed for the Red Sea.

We accordingly weighed anchor on the 1st March, and made sail for the Red Sea. The road of Tammarin has good anchorage in four fathoms, a musket-shot from the shore; and farther in are three, and three and a-half fathoms all along the bay, keeping two cables length from shore, all fair sand, with some stones, the coast being all bold. A demi-culverin shot may reach the castle from the anchorage, and the castle is of no strength. The latitude of Tamniarin bay is 12 deg. 35' N.[409] The king of Socotora advised us, in sailing for the Red Sea, to keep to the south of Abdal Kuria, as, if we went to the north of that island, we should be forced over to the Arabian coast, and would find great difficulty to fetch Cape Guardafui; and, indeed, by experience, we found it best to keep the Abyssinian, or African shore aboard. The 4th, we saw Cape Guardafui, bearing west eight or nine leagues, being in lat. 12 deg. 1' N. [12 deg. 28'.] In the evening, standing in along the land to find the bay of Feluk, [Filek or Felix] our depths were twenty-six, eighteen, and seventeen fathoms. We here resolved to go for Mokha, not Aden, because the latter is merely a garrison town, and has little trade, besides other inconvenience, such as the exaction of heavy customs, and the like, as appeared by the sixth voyage under Sir Henry Middleton. Here, off Feluk, we took good store of mullets with our sein, and other large and excellent fish with hooks and lines. At this place there are several sorts of gums, very sweet in burning, as also fine mats, much in request at Aden, Mokha, and the Indies. Ordinarily the India ships touch here both going to the Red Sea and returning, purchasing there mats and gums, as likewise provisions, such as sheep and butter, which are far cheaper here than at Mokha. Boats from hence go daily with provisions to sell at Mokha and Aden, but they will only barter for linen-cloth [cotton.] At Feluk there is plenty of wood and water to be had, but not in the bottom of the bay. The passage up to the town is so large, that three ships may go up a-breast without danger. The entry is between a high hummock and a low sandy point. The masters proposed to steer from Feluk W. by N. along the African shore, to the island of Demiti or Mete, and then to shape a course for Aden.

[Footnote 409: In reality, 13 deg. 30' N. in Arrowsmith's great Chart of the World. In Astley's Collection, V.I. chart vii. it is placed only in 12 deg. 20'.—E.]

The 10th, in the morning, we had sight of two small islands off the high land of Demiti, about a league from the coast, and about four leagues distant from each other, the eastermost bearing S. by W. seven leagues, and the westermost S.W. the same distance. We now stood over for the high land of Aden, N.W. by N. and N.W. the wind at E. and E. by N. a stiff breeze, and the current easterly, lat. 11 deg. 58' N.[410] The 11th we had sight of the high land of Arabia, being that of Darsina, and having a strong easterly current in coming over, though we steered between N.N.W. and N.W. we were so carried to the eastwards, that we only made our course N. by W. But after we were shot about twelve leagues off the African shore, we found no current, being broken off, as we supposed, by the point, or head-land of Aden. I now sent instructions to Captain Towerson and Mr Davis for their conduct on our arrival at Mokha roads, that our ships and people might be guarded against the treachery of the Turks. The 12th we were in sight of the high land of Aden, bearing W. by S. ten leagues off. The 13th, in the evening, we were fourteen leagues eastwards of the entry of the straits, and sixteen leagues west from Aden, and came here to anchor on a fine sandy bottom. The 14th, we weighed in the morning, steering for the straits, having a small gale at W. by N. with rain, being the first we had seen for four months. In the evening, believing ourselves off the straits, we stood off and on under easy sail all night, constantly heaving the lead, being eight or nine leagues off the Arabian coast. About noon of the 15th we opened the straits, and at night anchored in fifteen and a half fathom, on black oose, three leagues from the Arabian, and ten from the Abyssinian shore, the weather being so clear that we could distinctly see both.

[Footnote 410: The island or islands of Demiti or Mete, are in lat. 11 deg. 45' N.—E.]

The 16th we weighed in the morning, and stood for Mokha, where we came to anchor in five and a half fathoms. Not long after anchoring, the governor sent off a poor old slave in a small canoe, to know the cause of our coming. I used this man kindly, who told me the English had been lately here, and were ill used by Regib aga, then governor, who was therefore cashiered, and the government was now in the hands of Ider [Hayder] aga, a Greek by birth, who was the friend of strangers and merchants. Giving him a present of two dollars, I sent him back to his master to tell him we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and, upon sending us a worthy person, we should acquaint him farther of the cause of our coming. Soon afterwards there came off an Italian renegado, well dressed, with a similar message, and to know if we had the Grand Signior's pass. I told him we had not only such a pass, but letters from the king of Great Britain to the pacha, which the Italian desired to see; but, holding him a base fellow for changing from the Christian religion, I refused,[411] and desired him to acquaint the governor with these things, and that we were appointed, in honour of the said pass, to fire fifty-one pieces of artillery on our arrival in these roads, which we meant presently to do. The Italian requested he might be allowed in the first place to inform his master of our intended salute, which was granted, and the purser directed to give him five dollars, and one to his boat's crew. His name was Mustafa Trudgeman.[412] We shot off nineteen pieces from the Clove, seventeen from the Hector, and fifteen from the Thomas, which the town answered with five pieces of excellent ordnance, and three each from two gallies. These were stout vessels, having twenty-five oars of a side, and were well fitted, having their yards up. The name of the captain of these gallies was Mami, and that of the captain of the town was Mahomet Bey.

[Footnote 411: He might have overthrown his affairs by this preposterous proceeding, which was the effect of religious malice, not zeal.—Astl. I. 459. a.]

[Footnote 412: Astley corrects this name to Tarjiman; but that word, variously written, is merely what is usually called Dragoman, linguist, or interpreter.—E.]

The 17th, I received a present from Hayder Aga of three bullocks, twenty hens, two baskets of plantains, and two of lemons, with many compliments, together with an invitation to come on shore. I sent back a handsome fowling-piece, desiring the messenger to say that I would come ashore to visit the governor if a sufficient pledge were given for my safe return, and that my reasons for this caution could not be unknown. The governor at this time sent his secretary aboard with a letter to me, desiring to know what message I had formerly sent by Mustafa Tarjiman, for he having, by much entreaty, procured a bottle of wine, had got so drunk before his return, that he could not speak. On the 18th, Mr Cockes, our chief merchant, and Bolton, our linguist, went ashore to inform the governor that the purpose of our coming was to enter into trade; and whenever the governor thought proper to send a person of equal rank to remain as a pledge in the ship for my security and safe return, I was willing to visit him in person, and to say farther, that I was not ignorant of the wrongs formerly done by Regib Aga to Sir Henry Middleton and his people; yet, if we might now have quiet trade, all past matters should be overlooked, and we would treat with him of such business as the Grand Signior had permitted by his pass or licence, which we had, which we hoped might extend to the sale of all our goods. The secretary remained on board as pledge for Mr Cockes and Mr Bolton, and eat freely of our victuals, which, however, he had cooked for him by his own people. They returned at night, having been feasted and kindly used, being carried through the town dressed in silver tissue robes, with music before them, by way of giving the people to know that we were made welcome; but, on coming away, they were divested of their robes. The secretary was now dismissed, with a present of half a piece of violet-coloured kersey. He was very desirous to learn if I were related to Sir Henry Middleton, which question was likewise put to Mr Cockes when ashore.

Mr Cockes brought off a letter from the governor, stating how handsomely he had treated the messengers; inviting Mr Saris on shore, with promises of good entertainment, without guile or deceit, offering to send his secretary, or any other person required, to remain in pledge; informing him that he had written to Jaffar Pacha, from whom he expected an answer in fourteen or fifteen days; and that, in the meantime, any of the English should be made welcome a-shore to buy fresh provisions, or any thing else the place could afford for their use; as also to sell any thing they pleased without molestation. This letter, dated at Mokha, the 25th of Moharem, ann. 1021 of the Hejeira, has the following singular subscription:

Dus como bono amco, Haydar Aga, aga de Mokha.

"This letter seems to have been inserted by Parchas, who informs us likewise, that he possessed divers letters from Mami, captain of the gallies at Mokha, to Captain Saris, which he omits, as he says, to avoid prolixity, being similar to that of Haydar aga. In the Pilgrims he has inserted figures of three of their seals, by way of novelty, stating that these seals were stamps in ink, not on wax. He likewise adds a piece of a letter in the Banian language and character, commonly used in a great part of India, written to Captain Saris by the sabandar of Mokha. He likewise gives a facsimile of the Grand Signior's seal, or superscription rather, together with two lines and a half of the pass, or licence, in the Turkish language and character, stating that, in the original, all the larger strokes are gold, the rest being azure, intermixed here and there with red, the whole very beautifully executed. After which follows the letters patent, pass, or licence, rendered into English, of which the following is the substance:"

"You, who are my most laudable, fortunate, wealthy, and great beglerbeys or viceroys, both by sea and land, under the authority of my most happy and imperial throne, &c. Hereby you shall understand, that the ambassador of the king of Great Britain, residing at our most high port, hath informed us by his supplications, that some of the subjects of his master have discovered, with great cost and labour, a trade in the East Indies, &c. We do therefore command and charge you all and each of you, our before-mentioned officers and subjects, kindly to receive and entertain the said merchants and subjects of the king of Great Britain, coming to, or passing through, any of our dominions, intending to trade, especially in our dominions of Yaman, Aden, and Mokha, and the parts adjoining; assisting and relieving them, their men and ships, in all things needful; and also freely to permit them, by land or sea, to go or sail outwards or inwards, as their occasions may require, without let, hindrance, injury, or molestation. And if, contrary to the capitulations and league of amity between us and the king of Great Britain, you offer them the least wrong, or any way molest and trouble the said merchants in their traffic or otherwise in any respect, you shall not only incur our high displeasure, but shall be punished for example to others. Therefore, take care you carry yourselves conformably to this our imperial command, and give entire credit to this our imperial ensign. Given at our mansion in Constantinople, this 15th of Zulhajjeh, in the year of the Hejirah, 1019."[413]

[Footnote 413: The abbreviated passages, marked in the text by inverted commas, were too long for insertion in a note; and the circumstances they detail appeared too long and uninteresting in the original for being given at full length.—E.]

The 20th of March, according to agreement made the day before, the governor sent aboard Mahomet aga, admiral of the shore and commander of the roads, for receiving the Turkish customs and anchorage,[414] together with a grave old man, named Nasuf and two attendants, to remain as pledges of my safety. I went accordingly on shore, with all the merchants, in three skiffs, or boats, well fitted, and had a salute of fifty-one pieces of cannon fired off at our departure. We were received at the landing-place by the captain of the gallies and other principal persons, with music, drums, and trumpets, which played before us, while the inhabitants followed in such crowds that we could hardly pass; at the same time several cannon were fired as a salute from the castle. After passing two guards of very proper men, well clothed, we were conducted into the governor's house, all built of freestone, having large handsome stairs, by which we were led to a room spread with rich carpets, having a bow-window at the upper end, where a silken quilt was laid on the floor, with two cushions of cloth of silver, on which I was desired to sit down. Presently the governor entered from another chamber, himself dressed in a gown of cloth of silver, faced with rich fur, and accompanied by five or six persons richly apparelled. After taking me by the hand, he kissed his own hand, and put it to his head, in token of respect. He then led me to the bow-window, where we sat down, and, after some compliments, I delivered to him our king's letter, which was read by Mr Cockes, and interpreted by our linguist, Mr Bolton, to the captain of the gallies; who repeated it to the aga, such being their custom by way of state or ceremony. I then gave him the pass, or licence of the Grand Signior, which was read aloud by the secretary, after which he kissed it, and laid it on his head, giving it to his secretary to take a copy of it, after which, it was returned.

[Footnote 414: Probably the person called formerly Mahomet bey, captain of the town-E. This person seems to have been the person styled Lord of the Sea, or Amir al Bahr, in the voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, a different officer from the Shah bandar.—Astl. 1.460. a.]

The governor now bid us heartily welcome, desiring that what had formerly taken place with Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten for that quarrel had originated between two drunken men, and had been improperly followed up by the former aga, for which he had now been five months displaced. In regard to trade, he could not permit any great matter till he received directions from his master, Jaffar Pacha, to whom he had written, and expected an answer in ten or twelve days; desiring me to allow my people in the meantime to come ashore freely, to buy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, that the inhabitants might see we were in peace and amity, and that the past was forgotten. These speeches made good what I had formerly suspected, concerning the doubts the India ships might entertain of our being here, unless they understood we were friends; and their staying away would prove a great injury to every officer of the port. Besides, we were purposely so placed at anchor, that no laden ship could come into the port but must ride under our guns; by which I reckoned we were sure of trade, either ashore or aboard, and by thus holding the town in awe, I might venture our boats and people the more freely on shore, to procure any thing our ships might need.

We were royally feasted by the governor, the dinner consisting of all sorts of wild fowl, poultry, goat's-flesh, mutton, cream, custards, various made dishes, and sundry confections, all served in vessels of tin, different from our pewter, made goblet-fashion, with feet, and so placed in piles, one above the other, that they reached a yard high, yet each dish could be served from without removing the others. All these meats were served up at once, before we sat down. Our drink was simple water, or boiled with an herb called Cauhaw,[415] giving it a somewhat bitter taste. Dinner being over, the governor led me into an inner room, where he was attended by four little boys, who were his catamites. Being here seated on a crimson velvet carpet, all the rest of the room covered with rich carpets, one of these boys, having in his hand a linen napkin, ushered in two other boys, one of whom carried a silver chaffing-dish, with burning coals, and the other a dish with sundry rich perfumes, as ambergris, lignum aloes, and others. The governor desired me to permit the boy to cover my head close with the napkin, after which the other boy held the chaffing-dish with perfumes under my head, that I might receive the perfume, which was very pleasant. The governor, and two principal persons who were with him, then did the like, which seemed a ceremony much used among them.

[Footnote 415: It ought to be called Kahwah, that is, coffee, which every one knows is a berry; but perhaps it was made of the husk, which the French say is most delicious, and never exported. See Voy. de l'Arabie Heureuse, p. 243, et seq.—Astl. I.461. d.]

After conversing for some time, three of the boys came in again, one carrying a vest, or gown, of cloth of gold, wrapped in a covering of taffety, which was dyed with saffron to preserve the colour of the gold; another had a sash, or turban, twenty-two yards long, all striped with gold; and the third bore a damaskeen, or Turkish sword, richly mounted in silver gilt, both hilt and scabbard. The governor himself put the vest, or gown, upon me, and girt the sword to my side, telling me that they were not presents from himself, but ordered by the Grand Signior, whose gifts they were. He then entreated me to ride about the town, along with the cadi, or chief justice, and the captain of the gallies, that the people might see the amity there was between us. A horse was brought for this purpose, very richly caparisoned, all the metal of the bridle being of silver; but I chose rather to go on foot, that I might the better see the town, which was agreed to. So, having walked with these officers all about the town, and having viewed the house proposed for our factory, I was conducted to the house of the captain of the gallies, where another costly banquet was prepared. From thence I returned to the house of the governor, who met me on the stairs, and who again earnestly entreated, that all the injuries done to Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten, and that our perfect amity might be apparent by my frequent coming or sending ashore. Then taking leave, I was accompanied to the sea-side by a large train of the principal people of the town, and I returned on board under a salute of fifteen guns. The Turks who had remained as pledges were now gratified with sundry presents, and sent ashore in a friendly manner, giving them likewise a salute of fifteen guns.

The 21st, I sent Mr Cockes and others ashore, with a present to the aga of a case of bottles of rosa solis, which he had earnestly desired, and that it should be so wrapped up as not to be known. They were also directed to make enquiry into the amount of the customs, both inwards and outwards; the weights, measures, value of coins, and prices of indigos, calicos, cotton-yarn, and other commodities fit for us to lade with; also to endeavour to get the Jew to come aboard who was in the Ascension when cast away near the bar of Surat, who could give us certain intelligence respecting Sir Henry Middleton. It is to be noted, that this road of Mokha is very open and dangerous, with very shoal water a mile off, the town being built on low land, almost even with the sea. At this time the wind blew strong from the S.S.W. causing so high a sea that we did not send less than seven feet with every billow, riding in five fathoms. When the wind is at west there is no shelter; but the people told us, that when that wind prevails, which begins in the end of May, the heat is so extreme as to dull the wind, at which season there is much sickness.

The 31st, I understood from the captain of the town, that letters had come the night before from the pacha to the governor, ordering him to allow us free trade, both on shore and with the India ships, and to furnish us with all we might need, as he should answer at his peril to the contrary. I was very doubtful of the truth of these good news, as Mr Cockes had been with the governor only half an hour before, and had not heard a word of the matter. The captain said, that the reason why the governor had not mentioned it was, that there was a jelba in the port bound for Mecca, and ready to depart, and that the governor was unwilling it should be known the pacha had granted us free trade, lest on its coming to the ears of the sharif of Mecca, he might write to the Grand Signior and have the grant revoked. But our opinion rather is, that the pacha has returned a harsh answer, with directions for the aga to do with us what he cannot yet effect, by reason of our being so watchful over him, and therefore conceals his having an answer from Zenan till a more favourable opportunity. At this time, one Ashraf, who had secretly sent a letter of Mr Femell's, testifying their treacherous conduct here, gave notice to our linguist, that I ought to beware of coming on shore myself unless with good pledges, when I might come boldly, otherwise to put no trust in them, even though the governor should swear upon the Alcoran; for all the Turks here were soldiers, who cared little for oaths, and he had heard that the news from the pacha did not tend to our benefit, as the copy of the Grand Signior's pass had not yet reached him: After which, it would be seen fully what was meant to be done, and that would now be in other six days.

The 2d April, the caravan from Grand Cairo in Egypt arrived at Mokha, and on the 3d two ships arrived from India, one of Chaul and the other of Cananor, laden with indigo, calicos, chintzes, ambergris, and cotton-yarn, and at the least 400 passengers, who had much wealth along with them. We saluted them with nine pieces of cannon from our fleet, which they returned with three chambers each, being all they had. I sent my skiff aboard one of them to enquire what were the news on the coast of Surat, and got back word that three English ships were trading there; but they knew nothing more. This day the captain of the town came aboard with five chiefs of the janisaries, being sent by the governor to inform me that the pacha had sent orders to use us kindly, and give us a free trade; and desiring me therefore to come ashore next morning, when I should learn the particulars: But, remembering the caution given by Ashraf, I begged to be excused. Yet, as Captain Towerson wished to go on shore, I requested Mahomet Bey to tell the aga, that I would send my brother on shore next morning, on good pledge for his safety. Mahomet took this well, and being feasted with his retinue, besides giving them several presents, I saluted him when he went ashore with twenty pieces of cannon; on which he sent me word that he was so much gratified by my attention, I might rely on his best assistance at all times.

Though the pledges did not come off next morning, the 4th of April, yet Captain Towerson was so desirous of learning the orders of the pacha that he went ashore, considering that the two India ships, being absolutely in our power, were sufficient pledges if any injury should be offered. The governor used him kindly, and presented him with a handsome vesture; but nothing was effected in the business on which he went, the Turks not performing their promise. The governor however sent word, that it would be proper to send two of our men of consequence to wait upon the pacha at Zenan, with the king's letter and a present; after which we might depend upon speedy dispatch to our entire satisfaction. I approved of this, and even intended next day to have looked out a proper present; but next day, being the 5th April, the captain of the gallies sent aboard three letters, which the governor had received the night before, written by Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Sharpey, who were then at anchor at Bab-al-Mondub. The purport of these was, that Sir Henry had come from Surat, where he had little or no trade: That Captain Hawkins, disgusted with Agra, was aboard with his wife; and that Sir Henry had brought all the English away, except one man who had gone for England by land: And, finally, that Sir Henry was come back to be revenged of the Turk, and wished me to get off my people and goods in all haste. I therefore altered my determination of last night, and immediately sent off one of my merchants with a letter to Sir Henry, giving an account of the proceedings of my voyage, and of our entertainment here; and if he had not come thus to the Red Sea, I meant to have sent two of my principal men up to Zenan.

It may be proper to note, that the two India ships, formerly mentioned, discharged the following goods at Mokha. Lignum aloes, 60 quintals: Indigo, 600 churles, out of both ships: Sashes of all sorts, or Jong narrow cloths for turbans, a great quantity: Cinnamon of Ceylon, 150 bahars, each bahar being three churles and a half: Osfar, which is a red dye, a large quantity: A great store of cloves: A great quantity of bastas, or white calicos, from 20 to 40 dollars the corge, a corge being twenty pieces. The price of indigo was from as low as 30, to 35, 40, and 50 dollars the churle.

I wrote on the 7th to the captain of the town, Mahomet Bey, desiring him to induce the India merchants to barter with me at reasonable rates, for such commodities as suited us, so as to load one of our ships; by which Sir Henry Middleton would be satisfied they now meant to deal in a friendly manner with us, and would be induced to forbear hostilities. At this time there was a report in the town, that Sir Henry had taken a jelba or two, coming over with provisions from the Abyssinian side, so that we durst hardly venture our skiff and gang on shore. This day I had a letter from the Mami, or captain of the gallies, saying that the answer from the pacha to the governor was in these words: "Haydar Aga, You write me that three English ships are come to Mokha for trade, having the pass of the Grand Signior. Give them from me a faithful promise to come on shore, to take a house, and to buy and sell till the monsoon be past. You likewise write, that they mean to send up two men to me: Give them all things fit for their journey, &c." The Captain Mami said farther, that whatever I chose to propose, the aga and he would underwrite; and that as for traffic and bartering, they would do much for love, but nothing for force, and were as willing to load all our three ships as one of them.

We were informed that the weight in use at Mokha is called Incu, which is two rotulas. Ten incus, or twenty rotulas, make 23 pounds English haberepoize, sometimes 24, as the weigher chuses to befriend you. A churle of indigo is 150 rotulas, and of our weight between 166 and 170 pounds. Cotton-wool is sold by the bahar, which is 300 rotulas, or between 332 and 334 English pounds averdupois, and is sold very good and clean at 18 dollars the bahar. Their measure of length is called a pike, containing 27 inches, or 3/4 of our yard. According to the report made by the governor to Mr Cockes, the custom of this port of Mokha is worth yearly to the Grand Signior, 150,000 chekins; which, at five shillings each, amount to L37,500 sterling.[416]

[Footnote 416: It is proper to mention, that in Purchas it is said, The customs are worth fifteen hundred thousand chicqueens yearly, which, at five shillings each, are thirty-seven thousand five hundred pounds sterling.—In our correction we have used the most moderate rate, by reducing the 1,500,000 chequins to 150,000, to correspond with the rated sterling money; which otherwise must have been increased to L.375,000 sterling; assuredly immensely too much.—E.]

On the 9th the governor sent off a canoe, entreating me to send ashore next morning, when I should both have the pacha's answer, and a warrant to detain all such junks as might pass Sir Henry, or be forced to Mokha, and to trade with them for such goods as we desired, &c.; and entreating that I would allow my people to come ashore, as the merchants were become fearful in consequence of Sir Henry having detained some of the ships. The 10th, Mr Cockes went ashore, and had a conference with the governor and Captain Mami, who said they could not now perform what they had formerly promised, as the cadi said their lives would be in danger by so doing. They said likewise, that neither merchant nor broker would come aboard our ships, as I had requested, they were all so disconcerted by the conduct of Sir Henry: That the merchants of Cairo had their factors resident in Mokha, who purposely lay by to engross indigos and other Indian commodities, which they refused to purchase till they saw what quantities might come to market this season; and that the Banians, or Indian residents, who held all the indigos, and other commodities, refused to sell, under the impression of a scarcity in the market this season. He also brought word that those ashore were resolved not to buy any of our goods, unless we landed them in the first place.

* * * * *

Sec. 3. Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and other Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam.[417]

The 13th May, 1612, understanding that Sir Henry Middleton was very desirous to confer with me, I resolved to go to him at the Bab, for which place I desired the master to sail with the first fair wind; and wishing to keep still on friendly terms with the Turks at Mokha, I gave information of this intention to the aga, from whom I took a letter for Sir Henry. The 14th, in the morning, we arrived at the Bab, where we found the Trades-increase riding, with four ships, or junks, of India, which she had detained. I went that day on board Sir Henry's ship, and remained with him till night, but no agreement could be formed between us that day. The 15th Sir Henry spent with me aboard the Clove. Seeing Sir Henry determined to proceed in a hostile manner with the Turks, I called a meeting of our commercial council on the 16th, and informed them, that owing to these disputes between Sir Henry and the Turks and Cambayans, our hopes of trade at Surat was now as small as what we had hitherto experienced at Mokha, for which reason our best plan would be to join Sir Henry in his intentions of forcing trade with the India ships. Wherefore I proposed that the Hector and Thomas should ply between Aden and the Bab, while the Clove kept the Abyssinian channel to take care that no vessels should pass that way in the night, by which means we might intercept as many India ships as possible, to which we might put off our broad-cloth, lead, tin, iron, and elephants teeth, the commodities we had provided for those parts, receiving in barter such articles as we knew would answer for those countries where we intended afterwards to proceed; besides, if we should procure indigo, that would answer towards our home investment. I informed the council that I had intelligence of two great ships expected daily, called the Rhemi and the Hassam; the smallest of which, by report, was able to load the Hector with suitable commodities.

[Footnote 417: As the adventures with Sir Henry Middleton have been already narrated with sufficient amplitude, these are here only slightly mentioned, to avoid prolixity and unnecessary repetition.—E.]

My proposals being agreed to, I went aboard the Trades-increase, where I agreed with Sir Henry that our two fleets should unite in trading with as many of the India ships as we could intercept, making exchange of our English commodities for such as they had suitable for us; Sir Henry to dispose of two-thirds of all the goods that should be bartered from this day forwards, and I to have the other third, paying, however, the customs to the Grand Signior. Accordingly, the Hector and Thomas were directed to ply between the north end of the island of Bab-al-Mondub and the Habesh shore, to intercept all ships that came that way, but with strict charges that no one should take from them the value of a penny, or offer them the slightest violence or injury.

The 18th I set sail for Mokha, where we arrived in five hours. The 20th the governor desired a list of our commodities, which Mr Cockes carried him. He picked several colours of our broad-cloth, promising to purchase to the extent of 1000 dollars, besides some quantity of lead and tin. Many others desired to have lead and iron, wherefore the governor requested some quantity might be brought ashore next morning, saying, that when he once began to trade with us, the merchants would certainly follow. He sent three samples of indigo, but none of the Lahore kind, which is round, and the best. The price asked was 100 dollars the churle, or 127 rotulas of Mokha, or about 150 pounds English. This price was quite unreasonable, as we estimated the three sorts to be only worth respectively thirty, forty, and forty-five dollars the churle. The 21st, we sent ashore eight pieces of cloth, one ton of iron, a ton of lead, and two chests of tin, of six cwt. For four of the best cloths they offered one and a half dollar the pike, which ought to be twenty-seven inches, but proposed to measure by a pike of thirty-one inches. They likewise offered 120 dollars for the bahar of tin, twelve for the bahar of iron, and fifteen for the lead, prices which we could not accept, and therefore our merchants returned aboard with their commodities at night.

The 25th we went for Assab, where, on the 27th, we found the Trades-increase and the Hector, with eleven sail of junks, or India ships, from various parts. On coming into the road, or harbour of Assab, it is proper to keep the northern shore aboard, leaving a little rock or hummock on the starboard side, when we have twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, on a sandy bottom. We anchored in seven fathoms, about half a mile from the shore. The 30th, the nakhadas, or Indian ship-masters, requested that such of their goods as we wanted might be sorted immediately, that they might not lose the monsoon for returning to India, offering to bring aboard our ships any packages we pleased, to be there examined, and to carry back what we refused. The 9th May, I caused two large India ships to be measured, which were of the following scantlings:—The Rhemi from stem to stern-port, was 153 feet long, her rake aft from the post being seventeen feet, the top of her sides in breadth forty-two, and her depth thirty-one feet. The Mahamudi was 136 feet long, her rake aft twenty, her breadth forty-one, her depth twenty-nine and a half, and her main-yard 132 feet.

The 15th May, the king of Rahayta, a petty prince on the African coast of the Red Sea, came to Assab to visit Sir Henry and me, riding upon a cow. He had a turban on his head, from which a piece of periwinkle shell hung down on his forehead instead of a jewel. He was entirely naked, except a piece of painted cloth about his loins, and was attended by 150 men, armed with darts, bows and arrows, swords and targets. Sir Henry and I went ashore, taking with us a guard of 100 men, shot and pikes, to prevent treachery, lest the Turks might have planned any trick through his means, under cover of courtesy, and we were loth to let him go back without an interview, lest we might lose his friendship, and the refreshments we procured at the port of Assab, which is in his dominions. We gave him several presents, and, at his particular entreaty, gave him his fill of aquavitae, so that he could hardly stand. These people are Mahometans, being black and hard-favoured, with crisp hair. The king presented us with five bullocks, and promised every assistance in his power.

This day I got a note of the prices of commodities, as lately bought and sold at Surat, of the following tenor:—Broad-cloth of twenty pounds each piece, of several colours, twenty mahmudies the conido, of thirty-five inches; five mahmudies being equal to one rial of eight, or Spanish dollar. Kersies, eighty-four mahmudies the piece, being less than ours cost in England. Lead; the great maund, of thirty-three pounds, seven one-third mahmudies. Tin, the small maund, of twenty-five pounds, five and a half dollars. At Dabul, iron sold for twenty-one dollars the bahar, of 360 pounds. Damasked pieces,[418] from twelve to eighteen dollars each. Elephants teeth, sixty-five mahmudies the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Indigo cirkesa,[419] three sorts, the best at fourteen rupees, each worth half a dollar; the second sort, twelve rupees, and the third, eight rupees for the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Three sorts of Lahore indigo, being the best of all, the best, thirty-six, the second, thirty, and the third, twenty-four rupees for a maund weighing fifty-five pounds. Charges of bringing it to the water-side, ten in the 100 for the cirkesa, and twenty in the 100 custom for the lahore indigo.

[Footnote 418: Perhaps these were damasked gun-barrels.—E.]

[Footnote 419: Cirkesa, by others named Serkes and Sherkes, is a village near Ahmedabab, the capital of Cambaya, or Guzerat, where indigo is made.—Astl. 466. d.]

The 23d May, the Thomas, having forty-nine men all in health, set sail for Socotora for aloes, and to go thence for Priaman and Tekoo in Sumatra, for pepper. The 8th August the Hector sailed for Priaman and Tekoo, having eighty-eight Englishmen aboard in perfect health, the monsoon being now favourable. The 10th and 11th all reckonings were cleared between us and the junks Hassani, Caderi, Mahmudi, Rehemi, and Salameti. Our whole cargo, including commodities and dollars, bartered for at this place, did not exceed 46,174 dollars. The two following acquittances on this occasion will enable the reader the better to understand the nature of the dealings at this place, in this forced trade with the India ships.[420]

[Footnote 420: These appear to have been translated by or for Purchas, the former from Arabic, and the latter from Malabar, as the one has a subscription and seal in Arabic, and the other a subscription in some Indian character, yet considerably different from that formerly inserted in Purchas under the name of Banian.—E.]

In Mokha Roads, in the Red Sea, 10th August, 1612.

Be it remembered, that I, Mahomed Hassan Comal Adin Ashen, captain of the Hassani of Surat, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, general of the eighth voyage to the East Indies, for the sum of 7400-11/48 rials of eight, in the following goods, viz.

Indigos of all sorts, 86 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 3046-7/48 Cambaya cloth, 316 corges, 7-1/2 pieces, amount, &c. 4136 Three carpets, valued at 20 Two cotton quilts, at 80 rials a corge, 8 Rice, butter, ginger, and sugar, amount 53-7/24 For 18 yds. broad cloth, received back in account, 96 Four bales gum-lac, with profit 40-10/24 ————— Sum total of merchandise sold, Rials 7400-11/48

And I have received in payment these following goods, viz.

Broad cloths, 28-1/2 pieces, amounting, in rials, 4574-30/48 Ten pieces of kersies, 501-1/3 Thirty bahars of lead, 720 Twenty bahars of iron, 480 Four and a half bahars of tin, 679-1/2 Fifteen fowling-pieces, 445 ————— Sum total of these goods received, Rials 7400-11/48

* * * * *

In Mokha Road, in the Red Sea, the 12th August, 1612.

Be it remembered, that I, Nakhada Hassan, captain of the good ship Caderi of Diu, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, &c. for the sum of 2947-9/10 rials of eight, in these following goods, viz.

Indigo of both sorts, 31 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 1694-11/16 Brought over, Rials 1694-13/16

Spikenard, one bale; turbith,[421] one bale; cinnamon, five bales; amount, with profit, 64-1/4

Cambaya cloth, 137 _corges_ and 3 pieces, amount, with profit, 1188-1/2 ___ Sum total, Rials 2947-9/16

And I have received in payment these goods following, viz.

Broad cloths, six pieces, amounting, in rials, 890-2/3 Kersies, ten pieces, 477-1/3 Lead, 31-3/4 bahars, 762-17/48 Iron, 10 bahars, 240 Tin, 1-1/2 bahar, 226-2/3 Fowling-pieces, fourteen, 350 Received in money to balance 0-17/24

Sum total of goods received, Rials 2947-9/16

The 13th of August, 1612, we set sail from Mokha in the Clove, having on board seventy-five men, all in perfect health. The 14th we got sight of the Bab, but the wind being large at N.W. we steered through the great channel on the Abyssinian side, having 18 fathoms water about one league from the island of Babo, where is a good and safe harbour for shipping, but the place is barren. The 3d September we arrived at Socotora in Delisha road; when we understood the Thomas had been here three months before, but made no stay, as they could not agree for the aloes. The 4th the merchant and linguist went ashore, and were kindly treated by the king, but could not agree in the price, as he asked 40 dollars the quintal of 104 pounds, saying he had only 25 quintals, and was much solicited for it by the Portuguese. At length we agreed to give 30 dollars for one parcel, and 38 for another, and he delivered us 4067 pounds, which cost 1418-1/2 rials of eight, or dollars. On this occasion we found the king false both in his weights and word, yet we treated him well for the good of future voyages. We sailed for Bantam on the 8th September.

[Footnote 421: Perhaps turmeric is here meant—E.]

The 22d, in lat. 8 deg. 12' N. by the stars, steering E. by S. with the wind W.S.W. we fell at midnight into the strangest and most terrifying shining water that any of us had ever seen, the water throwing so great a glare about the ship that we could discern the letters in a book perfectly, whereas it had been so dark only half an hour before, that we could not see half the length of our ship any way. We doubted it had been the breach of some sunken ground, and thought to have cast about; but after sailing in it half an hour without any alteration, we held on our course, and at length it proved to be cuttle-fish that made this fearful show.

We got sight of the island of Ceylon on the 27th in the morning, bearing N.E. by E. about 7 leagues off, being very high land up the country, but very low near the sea. The 29th we saw Cape Comorin about 14 leagues off, being very high land. This cape is in the latitude of 7 deg. 42' [more accurately 7 deg. 57' N.] whereas our charts lay it down in 6 deg. 10'. During our course we did not fall in with any of the islands laid down in our charts, neither did we see any of the Maldive islands, which are said to be so numerous.

The 15th October, when in lat. 4 deg. 49' S. we got sight of Sumatra, where we found a strong current setting us from the land. Such as are bound for the straits of Sunda, must keep the coast of Sumatra on board after they get into lat. 1 deg. 30' S. as the current begins there. It is proper to keep thirty leagues off the coast of that island and with a good look-out, as there are many cayos[422] fifteen or twenty leagues out at sea, but which we did not see, as we were kept farther out by the current. The 24th we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, all our people being in as good health, or better, than when we left England. Contrary to our expectation, we here found the Hector, which had arrived only the day before, in company with the James and several Dutch ships. The arrival of all these ships, and the daily expectation of the Trades-increase, Pepper-corn, Darling, and Thomas, occasioned a great and sudden alteration in the prices of commodities. Such as were in considerable request, were raised nearly to three times the price for which they sold the day before the Hector arrived. Cloves, which the people of the Hector and James had bought the day before at sixteen dollars the pekul, were now risen to forty dollars and upwards. Pepper, which was ten dollars for ten sacks, rose upon our coming to twelve and a half dollars; and so of other commodities.

[Footnote 422: Keys, islands and rocks.—E.]

We went to court on the 26th, accompanied by our merchants, and gave divers presents to Pangran Chamarra, who enjoyed the entire authority of government as protector, although the king was now of full age. From him we procured a licence to land our goods, providing the royal officers were made acquainted with all that were brought on shore, that the king might not be wronged of his duties. The 28th a letter from Mr William Adams, written from Japan, was read in presence of all our merchants, that they might consider what hopes there were of trade in that country. It was now concluded in a council of commerce, considering the power of the Dutch in the Moluccas and Banda, where they were almost absolute masters, and that Bantam was exceedingly unhealthy, where besides our people injured themselves greatly on shore with drink and loose women, that the Hector should be dispatched in all speed to England, and that 14,000 sacks of pepper should be provided for her and the Thomas without delay, fearing that pepper might be raised still higher when the natives got news of the other expected ships. We accordingly bargained with Lackmoy for 2000 sacks of pepper, at 127-1/2 dollars the 100 sacks; and with Keewee for 1000 sacks at 125 dollars the 100 sacks, and for 3000 more at 150 dollars the 100. We now tried ashore what was the weight of a pekul of cloves, which we found to be 132 pounds English.

The 9th November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived at Bantam in the Pepper-corn. The 15th, at the earnest request of Chamarra the protector, we mustered before the palace eighty of our men in arms from our different ships, to assist in celebrating the breaking up of the Mahometan Lent, which gave him much content, more especially as the Dutch refused to gratify him. The 16th we agreed with Keewee for 4000 sacks of pepper at 160 dollars the 100 sacks, with an allowance of three in the hundred basse. The 18th eleven large Dutch ships arrived, the Thomas being in their company. She had only got at Priaman 312 bahars of pepper, and twenty tael of gold. On the 22d, 100 Dutchmen, armed with firelocks and pikes, all in brave array, marched to the front of the palace, where they drew up in a ring and gave three vollies. The protector sent word in the king's name to thank them, saying they had done enough, and might depart with their iron hats; for so the Javanese call head-pieces. The 28th, three Dutch ships sailed homewards bound, mostly laden with pepper and mace, and five more of their ships sailed for Banda and the Moluccas.

The 4th December, a Dutch ship arrived from Coromandel, from which we had intelligence that the Globe was at Patane bound for Siam. The 11th, the Hector, having taken in her lading, sailed from Bantam to the watering-place called Morough, where the air is good and healthy, and where refreshment of oranges is to be had in abundance, besides other wholesome fruits, intending to wait there till the Thomas was fully laden. The 22d, the Trades-increase and Darling arrived from Priaman. The 25th, in honour of the birth-day of the Saviour, certain chambers were discharged at our English factory, which were answered by ordnance from our ships. The 28th, Keewee, the chief China merchant, invited Sir Henry Middleton and me, with all our merchants, to dinner at his house, where he had a play acted by Chinese actors on a stage erected for the purpose, which they performed with good pronunciation and gesture. The 12th January, 1613, the Thomas set sail for England, having a crew of thirty-six English and three Indians.

Sec. 4. The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, with Observations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca Islands.[423]

In the morning of the 4th January, 1613, we weighed anchor from the road of Bantam for Japan, having taken in 700 sacks of pepper to make trial of trade at that place. Our crew consisted of seventy-four Englishmen, one Spaniard, one Japanese, and five Swarts, [blacks] or Indians. The 15th, in the morning, having little wind, we hauled off into fourteen fathoms, and steered E. by S. and E.S.E. leaving Pulo Lack on our starboard, and eleven or twelve small islands on our larboard; our depth shoaling from, fourteen to ten fathoms us we passed between two islands to the east of Palo Lack. In this fair way there is a shoal which has not above six feet water, and does not exceed half a cable's length in extent either way. Close in with it there are ten fathoms water, and the very next cast is on ground, as we had sad experience, having lain three hours beating on it with a reasonably stiff gale, but got off through God's mercy, and the extraordinary exertions of the crew. Our ship sprung a leak, which kept every man at the pump, myself only excepted, during the whole night, and till ten o'clock next day. Every one took his spell in turn, and little enough to keep the leak from increasing, so that we were all doubtful of being obliged to put back for Bantam, to the great risk of losing our men by sickness, and disappointing our voyage to Japan; but, thank God, our carpenter found the leak, and made it tight. To avoid this shoal it is necessary to keep close to the islands, as the main of Java is shoally.

[Footnote 423: In this voyage, being one not now usual, we have followed the course minutely along with Captain Saris—E.]

The 16th, we anchored at a watering-place called Tingo Java, fourteen leagues from Bantam, and about three and a half leagues westwards of Jacatra. We rode between two islands, which are about five miles off the point, having nine and ten fathoms close to the islands, but towards the main land is shoally. I sent presents to the king of Jacatra and to his sabandar and admiral, requesting leave to purchase such necessaries as we wanted; and on the 18th the king sent his chief men aboard, thanking me for the presents, and offering me every thing his country afforded. The 21st we set sail, steering near the eastermost of the two islands that are over against the watering-place, having nine and ten fathoms, and so to seawards of all the islands E.N.E. from the watering-place. The outwardmost of them beareth E. by N. northerly; and off its northern point is a shoal half a league distant, on which the sea is seen to break, at which time the east point of Jacatra bears east-southerly, depth seventeen and eighteen fathoms, and all the way out from twenty to fourteen fathoms. You will here find a current setting E.S.E. for which you must allow according as you have the wind. In the evening, having little wind at N. by W. and the current setting us to the S.E. upon the shore, we came to anchor in, thirteen fathoms, having shot three leagues to the eastward of the east point of Jacatra, with the wind at N.W.

We weighed on the 22d, with the wind at S.W. and steered E.N.E. to get into deep water, and had fourteen fathoms, when the high hill over Bantam bore W.S.W. half a point westerly. The morning of the 23d we deckt up our sails, the wind being at S.E. and had sight of an island off Cheribon, with three of those high-peaked hills of Java, the easternmost of which bore S.E. while Cheribon bore S. by E. Our latitude at noon was 6 deg. 10' S. The wind at N.N.W. and the island bearing E. by N. three and a half leagues off. You may boldly keep in twenty-three or twenty-four fathoms water in the offing, and in twenty fathoms upon Java in the darkest night that is, and during the day upon Java in any depth you please. The 24th, in the morning, we had sight of the three high-peaked hills, and of three others farther eastwards, that looked like islands. Our depth was twenty fathoms, the point of Japara bearing S.E. by S. and the island [Carimon Java] bearing S.E. and N.W. about nine leagues off. We steered E. by S. and E.S.E. latitude 6 deg. 10' and made our course twenty leagues E.

At day-break of the 26th, we had sight of Pulo Lubek, bearing N.E. by E. eight leagues off, wind at W. by N. We steered E. by S. in thirty-four and thirty-five fathoms; and about nine a.m. saw land bearing S.E. and S.E. by S. the before-named island now bearing N.E. by N. At noon our latitude was 6 deg. 12' S. and our course twenty-two leagues E. and E. by N. By four p.m. Pulo Lubek bore W. by N. nine leagues off, and our depth was thirty-four fathoms. Noon of the 27th our latitude was 6 deg. 4' S. our course twenty-eight leagues E. northerly, depth thirty-eight fathoms; and by three p.m. we had sight of an island N.N.E. seven leagues off. At five p.m. we had thirty-four fathoms.

At four a.m. of the 20th, we had twenty-five fathoms, steering E. till noon, when our latitude was 5 deg. 55' S. our course having been twenty leagues E. northerly, and our depth was now thirty-five fathoms. From noon we steered E. by S. Early in the morning of the 29th, having the wind at W. by N. we steered E. by S. and had no ground with forty fathoms line; but at noon we found fifty-two fathoms, with many overfalls. Our latitude was this day at noon 6 deg. 9' S. our course twenty-eight leagues E. by S. the wind W. and W. by N. and a current setting to the westwards. We steered E. and in the afternoon had no ground with 100 fathoms.

The 30th, in the morning, our latitude was 5 deg. 57' S. our longitude from Bantam 224 leagues E. our course E. northerly twenty-eight leagues, the overfalls continuing, but had no ground at 100 fathoms. At three p.m. we had sight from the topmast-head of a low flat island, bearing N.E. by N. five or six leagues off, full of trees. We had eighteen fathoms water, and the next cast eighty-five fathoms. We steered E. by S. and at four p.m. the island bore N. by E. half a point N. three or four leagues off. We then had sight of two other low flat islands, one opening to the eastwards, and the other to the westwards, so that the first seen lay in the middle between them. At six p.m. that first seen island bearing N. half a point E. we sounded, and had no ground at eighty fathoms. We steered E. by S. constantly throwing the lead, in regard to the overfalls or ripplings, which were very fearful, yet had no ground at sixty fathoms.

At day-break of the 31st, we had sight of Celebes, its western extremity rising like an island, and the outermost high land bearing E. by N. six leagues off, our latitude 5 deg. 52' S. our course E. northerly sixteen leagues, and a current setting N.W. At sun-set we took in our sails, that we might not overshoot the straits of Desalon, called Solore by the natives.[424] Keeping our lead going all night, while under easy sail, we had first twenty fathoms, the high land being then north, and drove thence into thirty-three and forty-seven fathoms, fearing a shoal about two-thirds of a league from Celebes, on which the sea breaks at low-water. The passage, or straits, on the Celebes side, is very dangerous, and full of sunken ground, wherefore we hauled off to the Desalon side, giving it a good birth, having a peaked hill next the sea-side, rising like an island. When you are to the westward, this hill bears N.N.E. When it bears north, then you are athwart the west end of the shoal, and then will the island on your starboard-hand bear E.N.E. so that you may boldly steer through in the middle between the two islands. When the peaked hill bears N. by W. then you are athwart the east end. This east end of Desalon shews like an island, and will deceive you till you come to it; but when you have brought the north end of the point E.N.E. you may be bold, as being now clear of the before-mentioned shoal. It is about four leagues between these islands, and we came within half a mile of the island on our starboard. While going through, the wind took us suddenly short, but on sounding, we had no ground at fifty-five fathoms.