When the governor heard how his friend Figuero had been maltreated by Herrera, he sent the officers of justice to apprehend him, but he made his escape to the rocks and woods. They took a soldier named Cortejo who used to accompany him, whom they brought prisoner to Mexico, where the governor ordered his right hand to be cut off, without hearing him in his defence, although he was a gentleman. About this time also, a servant belonging to Sandoval wounded one of Estradas servants in a quarrel. The governor had him arrested, and sentenced him to have his right hand cut off, Cortes and Sandoval resided at this time in Quernavaca, partly on prudential considerations; and immediately posted off to Mexico, where he is said to have used such severe expressions to the governor as to put him in fear of his life. He called his friends about him to form a guard for his person, and immediately released Salazar and Chirinos from prison, by whose advice he issued an order for the expulsion of Cortes from Mexico. When this was represented to Cortes, he declared his readiness to obey; and since it was the will of God, that he who had gained that city at the expence of his best blood, should be banished from it by base and unworthy men, he was resolved to go immediately to Spain and demand justice from his majesty. He quitted the city instantly, and went to one of his country residences at Cojohuacan, from whence in a few days he proceeded towards the coast. Estradas lady, a person worthy of memory for her many virtues, seeing the dangerous consequences which were likely to result from this absurd and arbitrary conduct, remonstrated with her husband on the subject, reminding him of the many favours he had received from Cortes, the ingratitude with which he now repaid him, and the many powerful friends of the general. These representations are said to have induced the treasurer to repent sincerely of the violent steps he had taken. Just at this time, Fra Julian Garrios, the first bishop of Tlascala arrived in New Spain, who was much displeased on hearing the proceedings of the governor; and two days after his arrival in Mexico, where he was received with great pomp, he undertook to mediate a reconciliation between the governor and Cortes. Many seditious persons, knowing the dissatisfaction of Cortes, offered him their services if he would set himself up as an independant monarch in New Spain, and he even received similar offers from many persons in Mexico. He immediately arrested all of these men who were in his reach, threatening to put them to death, and wrote to inform the bishop of Tlascala of their treasonable offers. The bishop waited on Cortes, and found his conduct in every respect satisfactory, of which he sent word to Mexico; and finding that Cortes was positively determined upon going to Spain, the prelate added to his letter a severe censure from himself upon the misconduct of those who had driven him from thence.

[1] The harbour of Medelin is fifteen or twenty miles south from Vera Cruz; but I suspect the place named St Juan de Ulua in the text is the modern town of Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is protected by the island and castle of St Juan de Ulua. The ancient town of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, now called Antigua, is about twenty-five miles north from modern Vera Cruz.—E.

[2] Diaz is frequently inattentive to dates, and does not on this occasion inform us of the year: By reference to Robertsons History of America, II. 266, 12mo. ed Lond. 1800, it certainly apoears to have been in the year 1524.—E.

[3] It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives. Clavigero, I. 366. says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by xiquipils, or in sacks containing each three xiquipils, or 24,000 nuts. 2. Small cotton cloths, called patolquachtli. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4. Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of tin.—E.



SECTION XXII.

Narrative of Occurrences, from the Departure of Cortes to Europe till his Death.

About this time likewise, Cortes received letters from the president of the council of the Indies, the Duke of Bejar, and several others of his friends in Spain; strongly urging the necessity of his appearance at court to counteract the malignant accusations of his numerous enemies[1]. By the same conveyance, he received notice of the death of his father. Having performed funeral obsequies in memory of his father, he ordered two ships to be purchased, which he stored so abundantly with provisions of all kinds, that after his arrival in Spain the overplus might have served for a voyage of two years. I am uncertain whether Cortes returned to Mexico in order to arrange his private affairs; but he appointed several agents for that purpose, the principal of whom was the licentiate Altamirano. His major-domo, Esquival, was employed in making preparations for the voyage; who, in crossing the lake to Ajotzinco in a large canoe with six Indians and a negro, having some ingots of gold in his possession, was waylaid and murdered; but the manner of his death could never be ascertained, as neither canoe, Indians, nor negro could ever be traced. The body of Esquival was found four days afterwards on a small island, half eaten by the birds of prey. There were many suspicions about this affair, some of such a nature as I cannot relate; but no great inquiry was made as to his death. Cortes appointed other persons to complete the preparations for his voyage; and offered by proclamation a free passage for all Spaniards who had license from the government to go to Spain, with a supply of provisions during the voyage. He took home with him from Mexico a great number of the curiosities of the country to present to his majesty, among which were various unknown birds, two tigers[2], many barrels of ambergris and indurated balsam, and of a kind resembling oil[3]: Four Indians who were remarkably expert in playing the stick with their feet: Some of those Indian jugglers who had a manner of appearing to fly in the air: Three hunchbacked dwarfs of extraordinary deformity: Some male and female Indians whose skins were remarkable for an extraordinary whiteness, and who had a natural defect of vision[4]. Cortes was likewise attended by several young chiefs of the Mexican and Tlascalan nations, who went over along with him into Spain at their own request[5].

Every thing being in readiness for the voyage, Cortes confessed and received the sacrament, after which he embarked along with Sandoval, de Tapia, and other gentlemen; and in forty-one days arrived in Spain, where he disembarked near the town of Palos, in the month of December 1527. As soon as he set his foot on shore, he knelt down and returned thanks to God for the safety of his voyage. This fortunate voyage was soon succeeded by severe grief, in consequence of the death of the valiant Sandoval, who expired after a lingering illness in the house of a rope-maker in Palos, who robbed him in his presence of thirteen bars of gold, in the following manner: Perceiving the extreme weakness of Sandoval, he sent away all his servants on a pretended message to Cortes; and then went into Sandovals room, where he broke open his chest and took out the gold, our poor friend being too ill in bed to hinder him, and even apprehensive if he made any outcry, that the robber might take his life. As soon as he got the gold, he made his escape into Portugal, where he could not be pursued. Sandoval grew worse hourly, and as the physicians pronounced his end approaching, he prepared himself for death like a good Christian, and made his will, by which he left all his property to a sister, who afterwards married a natural son of the Conde de Medelin. Sandoval died universally regretted, and was followed to the grave by Cortes and a great train of mourners. May God pardon his sins! Amen.

Cortes transmitted by express, an account of his arrival and of the death of his friend Sandoval to his majesty and to his patrons at court; and when the Duke of Bejar and the Conde de Aguilar waited on his majesty on the occasion, they found him already acquainted by means of letters from Cortes, and that he had been pleased to issue orders for his being received in the most honourable manner in all the towns and cities where he might have occasion to pass. On his arrival at Seville, Cortes was entertained by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who presented him with several beautiful horses. He proceeded from thence to attend the nine days devotion at the shrine of our lady of Guadaloupe, where Donna Maria, the lady of the commendador Don Francisco de los Cobos, and many other ladies of high rank arrived at the same time. After Cortes had performed his devotions, and given charity to the poor, he went in grand style to pay his respects to Donna Maria, her beautiful sister, and the many other ladies of distinguished rank who were along with her, where he exhibited that politeness, gallantry, and generosity, in which he surpassed all men. He presented various golden ornaments of great value to all the ladies, giving a plume of green feathers richly ornamented with gold to every one of the ladies, but his presents to Donna Maria and her sister were particularly rich and valuable. He then produced his Indian dancers and players with the stick, who astonished all the spectators. And learning that one of the mules belonging to Donna Marias sister had fallen lame, he presented her with two of the finest which could be procured. Waiting the departure of these ladies, he attended them during their journey to the court, entertaining them magnificently on all occasions, doing the honours with a grace peculiar to himself, insomuch that Donna Maria de Mendoza began to have thoughts of a marriage between her sister and Cortes, and wrote in such strains of the politeness and generosity of Cortes, that she brought over the commendador her husband entirely to his interest.

On his arrival at court, his majesty was pleased to order apartments for him, and all his friends came out to meet him on the road. Next day he went by permission to throw himself at his majestys feet, accompanied by the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral of the Indies, and the commendador of Leon. His majesty commanded him to rise, on which Cortes, after a short enumeration of his services and vindication of his conduct from the aspersions of his enemies, presented a memorial in which the whole was fully detailed. His majesty then honoured him with the title of Marquis della Valle de Oaxaca and the order of St Jago, giving him an estate for the support of his new dignity, and appointed him Captain-general of New Spain and of the South Seas. Thus loaded with honours, Cortes retired from the royal presence; and shortly afterwards falling dangerously ill, the emperor did him the honour of paying him a visit in person. One Sunday after his recovery, when the emperor was at mass in the cathedral of Toledo, seated according to custom with all the nobility in their proper stations, Cortes came there rather late, designedly as it was said, after all were seated; and, passing before all the others, took his place next the Conde de Nasao, who sat nearest the emperor. This gave great offence to many, though some said it was done by desire of the emperor. Indeed Cortes felt his elevation so much, that he ceased to hold some of his patrons in the estimation they deserved, bestowing his whole attentions on the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral, and the Conde de Nasao. He applied likewise to the emperor to be reappointed to the government of New Spain; but, though supported in this request by his noble patrons, his majesty refused compliance, and from this time he did not seem so much in favour as before.

The emperor now proceeded on a journey to Flanders; and shortly after his departure, Cortes was married to Donna Juanna de Zuniga, on which occasion he presented his lady with the most magnificent jewels that had ever been seen in Spain. Queen Isabella, from the report of the lapidaries, expressed a wish for some similar jewels, which Cortes accordingly presented to her; but it was reported that these were not so fine or so valuable as those he had given to his lady. At this time Cortes obtained permission from the council of the Indies to fit out two ships on a voyage of discovery to the south seas, with the condition of enjoying certain privileges and revenues from all lands that were acquired through his means to the crown of Spain. Don Pedro de la Cueva, who was to have gone to Mexico with a commission to try Cortes and to put him to death if found guilty, was now upon the most intimate footing with him, and told him that even his innocence would have been sufficiently expensive, as the cost of the expedition, which he was to have paid, would have exceeded 300,000 crowns.

Cortes sent Juan de Herrada, a brave soldier who had attended him in his expedition to Honduras, to carry a rich present of gold, silver, and jewels, to his holiness Pope Clement, with an ample memorial of all the circumstances respecting the newly discovered countries; and on this occasion solicited some abatement of the tithes of New Spain. Herrada was accompanied to Rome by several of the Indians who shewed feats of agility, and with whose performances the pope and cardinals were highly diverted. His holiness, on the receipt of the letters and memorial, gave thanks to God for the opportunity of making so many thousands converts to the holy catholic faith, praising the services which Cortes and we had rendered to the church and our sovereign, and sent us bulls of indulgence, freeing us from the penalties of our sins, and others for the erection of churches and hospitals; but I know not what was done in regard to the tithes. When Herrada had concluded his business at Rome, he returned to Spain with a liberal reward from the pope, who gave him the rank of Count Palatine, and strongly recommended that he should have the grant of a considerable plantation in New Spain, which he never got. After his return to America, he went to Peru, where Diego de Almagro left him in the office of governor to his son. He was high in the favour and confidence of the family and party of Almagro, with whom he served as maestre de campo under young Almagro, and headed the party which put to death the elder Don Francisco Pizarro.

While Cortes remained in Spain, the members of the court of royal audience arrived in Mexico. Of this court, Nuno de Guzman, who had been governor of Panuco, was president; the four oydors or judges being the licentiates, Matienzo, Delgadillo, Parada, and Maldonado; not the good Alonzo Maldonado who was afterwards governor of Guatimala. These magistrates had greater powers than had hitherto been confided to any officers in New Spain, being entrusted with the final distribution of landed property, in which his majesty had particularly charged them to take care of the interests of the conquerors, and they evinced from the very first a determination to do justice. Immediately after their arrival, they issued a proclamation, requiring the attendance of an agent from each settlement, and to be furnished with memorials and returns of the several districts; and the agents accordingly arrived as soon as possible. Being then in Mexico in the execution of my office of procurator-syndic of the town of Coatzacualco, I posted to that place in order to be present at the election of agents, and after a violent contest, Captain Marin and I were elected by the majority. On our arrival in Mexico, we found that two of the oydors had died of pleurisies, and that the factor Salazar had acquired so complete an ascendancy over the others that they followed his advice in every thing. The agents pressed a final distribution of lands; but Salazar persuaded the president and the two remaining oydors not hastily to part with that source of patronage, which would necessarily diminish their influence. Salazar even set out for Spain, to solicit the government for the president, Nuno de Guzman; but was shipwrecked on the coast near Coatzacualco, and had to return to Mexico. Estrada died soon after being superseded, which he owed more to his own tameness than to any right the members of the court could found on his majestys orders, which left the government entirely with him, without saying any thing of the association of Guzman; who yet usurped the sole government to himself as president. Estrada was universally regretted, as he conducted himself with perfect impartiality, and would assuredly have been supported, if he had insisted on retaining his office of governor.

A commission was appointed at Guatimala, where Jorge de Alvarado commanded, of which I never learnt the result. In Mexico the most severe proceedings were adopted against the Marquis della Valle, during which the factor Salazar reviled and slandered him in the grossest manner. The licentiate Altamirano, his friend and manager of his affairs, remonstrated with the court against these indecent proceedings, but to no purpose, as Guzman and the surviving judges gave their countenance to Salazar, who became more abusive than ever; insomuch that on one of these occasions Altamirano drew his poniard, and would have stabbed the factor, throwing the court into confusion and uproar, if he had not been prevented. Altamirano was sent prisoner to the citadel, and Salazar was ordered into arrest in his own house, and the city was thrown into an universal ferment. At the end of three days, the licentiate was liberated from confinement at our earnest desire, and the dispute was quieted for the present; but a more serious disscution succeeded. One Zavalos, a relation of Narvaez, had been sent by his wife in quest of him, as he had gone as governor to the Rio Palmas, and had not been heard of for a long while. On coming to Mexico, Zavalos, as is supposed by instigation of the members of the royal court of audience, lodged criminal information against all the soldiers of Cortes who had been concerned in the attack upon Narvaez; so that about two hundred and fifty of us, then in the city, myself among the rest, were apprehended, brought to trial, convicted, and sentenced to a fine of a certain quantity of gold, and banishment to the distance of five leagues from Mexico: But the banishment was remitted and very few paid the fine.

The enemies of the marquis took a new ground of attack, alleging that he had embezzled the treasure of Montezuma and Guatimotzin, and was answerable to the soldiers both for what he had appropriated to his own use, and for that which had been sent to Spain as a present to his majesty and had been captured by Florin the French corsair. A long list of other demands followed, on every one of which he was found liable, and his property was sold under executions for the payment. At this time likewise, Juan Suarez the brother of Donna Catalina, the first wife of Cortes, charged him with her murder, offering to produce witnesses of the manner of her death. Many of us the veteran conquerors, who were the friends of Cortes, seeing the harsh manner in which he was treated, met by appointment at the house of Garcia Holguin, under the license of an alcalde or judge of police, where we entered into a resolution to renounce all our claims to the treasure: But when the judges of the royal tribunal heard of our proceedings, they ordered us all to be arrested for an illegal meeting; and though we produced the license under which our meeting was held, they again banished us five leagues from Mexico; but we were allowed to return. A proclamation was issued about this time, that all persons of Moorish descent, or from those who had been burned or sanbenited[6] by the holy tribunal, as far as the fourth generation, should quit New Spain within four months, under the penalty of losing half their property. Vast numbers of informers and accusers started up on this occasion, by which an infinite number of most infamous slanders were propagated; and yet after all only two individuals were expelled.

The court was generous in fulfilling the royal commands respecting the veteran conquerors, who were all amply provided for; but they granted an excessive license in regard to the branding of slaves, in consequence of which so many were made in the province of Panuco that it became almost depopulated. Guzman made a new-years-gift to Albornos, who was newly returned to Spain, of the whole district of Guazpaltepec. Albornos brought with him a royal patent for erecting some sugar-works at Chempoalla, which soon went to ruin. The oydor Delgadillo was much censured for his free gifts, as it was observed he always reserved some rents to himself, and the consequent extortions and oppressions of those he patronized were excessive. The other oydor Matienzo was superannuated. The abuses of the members of this supreme court became at length so notorious, that other members of more discretion were sent out to supersede them. Old Matienzo, who was the least exceptionable, was sent to Panuco to inquire into and remedy the abuses committed in that province; where he revoked the grants made by the president and Delgadillo to their friends and clients, bestowing the plantations on those who were pointed out by the royal instructions; but all those who were desired to deliver up their plantations endeavoured to bring proof that they had been granted in reward of former services, disclaiming all favour or patronage from Guzman or Delgadillo, and most of them succeeded in keeping what they had got, the only persons deprived being Albornos of his new-years-gift, Villareal, and Villegas.

When the members of the royal tribunal understood that they were to be superseded, they resolved to send agents to Spain, provided with witnesses and documents to vouch for the propriety of their conduct; and for this purpose all the veteran conquerors and other persons of distinction were convened in the great church, to choose an agent for our interest. The president and judges of the royal tribunal recommended Salazar the factor; and though they had committed some improprieties, as they had in the main done us justice in the repartimientos, or distribution of property and vassals, we were all disposed to vote for the person they recommended; but when we had assembled in the church, so many persons had crowded in who had no right, making a prodigious noise and confusion, that we could not proceed to business; and though all who had not been summoned were ordered to withdraw, they refused and insisted to vote as well as the others. We therefore adjourned to the next day, at the house of the president; and none being admitted but those summoned, the business was soon amicably adjusted by agreement with the members of the royal audience, and two agents were chosen. One, named Antonio de Carvajal, for the court; and Bernardino Vasquez de Tapia, for Cortes and the conquerors. In my opinion, both of these were equally devoted to the views of the president; but this was natural on our part, as Guzman had done much more for us during his short administration, than Cortes during all the period of his power. Yet we were always more attached to Cortes, who had been our commander, than he was to our interest, notwithstanding that he had his majestys orders to provide for us; of which the following is a striking proof. The president and judges used their influence with us to petition his majesty that Cortes might never be permitted to return to New Spain, under pretence that his presence might occasion factions and disturbances, tending to the loss of the country. We opposed this to the utmost of our power; and as Alvarado arrived at this time from Spain with the commission of governor and lieutenant-general of Guatimala, and decorated with a commandery of St Jago, he and the friends of Cortes agreed to lay a statement of every thing before his majesty, giving a clear developement of the views and conduct of the members of the royal audience. From this it appeared to the royal council of the Indies, that all the measures they had taken against Cortes were dictated by passion and interest, and the determination of recalling the present members of the audience was thereby confirmed. The presence of Cortes in Spain at this time was also highly favourable to his interests, and he was now rapidly advancing to the pinnacle of his fortune.

As Guzman was now quite certain of being superseded, he determined upon an expedition into the province of Xalisco, now called New Gallicia[7]. For this purpose he collected a large military force, partly of volunteers, and partly by the influence of his supreme authority, obliging those who did not serve personally to find substitutes, and those who had horses to sell them for half value. He took with him likewise a considerable number of Mexicans, partly as soldiers, and others to carry the baggage. In this expedition, he cruelly oppressed the provinces through which he passed, that he might amass riches. From Mechoacan[8] he obtained a large quantity of gold much alloyed with silver, which the inhabitants had been collecting for ages; and as the unfortunate prince or cacique of that country was unable to gratify his avarice sufficiently, he had him tortured in the first place, and afterwards hanged on some false or trifling allegations, to the great displeasure of all the Spaniards in his army, who considered it as the cruellest and most unjust action ever committed in New Spain. All the booty which he had made in this expedition was collected at the town of Compostello, which he founded at a heavy expence to the crown and to the inhabitants of Mexico, and he remained in this place until his arrest.

In consequence of the injustice of the former court of audience, his majesty was pleased to suppress it, and to cancel all its grants, and to appoint a new one consisting of wise and upright men. Of this new tribunal, Don Sebastian Ramirez, bishop of St Domingo was president, and the oydors or judges were the licentiates Maldonado de Salamanca, Vaco de Quiroga y Madrigal, afterwards bishop of Mechoacan, Zaynos de Toro, and Solomon de Madrid. On commencing their sittings, such crowds of complainants of all descriptions, settlers, agents, and native chiefs from every city, town, and district of New Spain made application for redress against the partiality and oppression of the former court, that the members were quite astonished. The demands made by the agents of Cortes for what had been unjustly taken from him, amounted to above 200,000 crowns. As Nuno de Guzman was absent, the whole blame was laid upon him by the other members of the former tribunal, who alleged that they were compelled to act according to his orders. He was accordingly summoned to appear, which he did not think proper to do, and it was judged proper to refer the whole affair for the present to the supreme court in Spain. Accordingly, one Torre, a licentiate, was sent with full powers from Spain to Xalisco, having orders to transmit Guzman to Mexico, and to commit him to prison. Torre was also commissioned to indemnify us for the fines which had been imposed on us respecting the affair of Narvaez.

The properties of Delgadillo and Martienzo, were sold to pay the damages of those who had gained causes against them, and their persons imprisoned for the deficiency. A brother of Delgadillo, who was alcalde-major in Oaxaca, and another who was alcalde among the Zapotecas, were fined and imprisoned for the same reason, and died in jail. Delgadillo and Martienzo returned afterwards to Spain in poverty, where they soon died. The new judges were wise and just, regulating their conduct entirely according to the will of God and the king, and shewing a laudable zeal for the protection and conversion of the Indians. They prohibited all branding of the natives for slaves, and made many other excellent regulations. In about four years, Solomon and Zaynos, two of the judges, being old and wealthy, petitioned for leave to retire. The president also was ordered to repair to Europe, to give an account of the affairs of New Spain. He was then bishop of St Domingo, having been formerly inquisitor in Seville. After his return to Spain, he was advanced successively to the bishopricks of Toro, Leon, and Cuenca, with astonishing rapidity, and was also made president of the royal chancery in Valladolid. The good conduct of the oydor Maldonado was rewarded by the government of Guatimala, Honduras, and Veragua, and the title of adelantado or lieutenant governor of Yucutan. The other judge, Quiroga de Madrigal, obtained the bishoprick of Mechoacan. Such were the rewards of these just judges!

His majesty was pleased to appoint Don Antonio de Mendoza viceroy of New Spain. This most illustrious nobleman, worthy of all praise, was brother to the Marquis of Montejar. Along with him there came out as oydors or judges of the court of audience, the doctor Quesada, and the licentiates Tejada de Logrono and Loaysa. The latter was an old man who staid only three or four years in Mexico, where he collected a good deal of money, and then returned home to Spain. Santilana, another licentiate came out at the same time, appointed to succeed Maldonado as oydor when he might vacate his office. All were excellent magistrates. On opening their court, they gave leave to every one to make objections against the conduct of their predecessors; but which was found on inquiry to have been perfectly right. When the viceroy Mendoza arrived, as he knew that the licentiate Torre had orders to arrest Nuno de Guzman, he invited him to Mexico, meaning to save him from insult, and gave him apartments in the palace, where he was treated with all respect. But Torre, who had orders to communicate his commission to the viceroy, not finding himself countenanced in the strong measures he was inclined to pursue, and being naturally violent, arrested Guzman in the palace and carried him to the common prison, saying that he acted by royal authority. Guzman remained several days in custody, but was at length released at the intercession of the viceroy. The licentiate was much addicted to cards, particularly at the games of triumpho and primero, on which circumstance one of Guzmans friends played him the following trick to hold him up to ridicule. The civilians at that time wore gowns with loose hanging sleeves, into one of which some wag contrived to convey a pack of cards, so that when Torre was walking across the great square of Mexico in company with several persons of quality, the cards began to drop from his sleeve, leaving a long trail behind him as he walked along. On discovering the trick, which was heartily laughed at, he became very much enraged; and either from vexation or the influence of the climate, he died soon after of a calenture or burning fever, by which the affair of Guzman was respited.

Cortes having now been long in Spain, advanced to the dignity of marquis, captain-general of New Spain, and admiral of the south sea, being anxious to revisit his estates in New Spain, embarked with his family and twelve fathers of the order of mercy. On his arrival at Vera Cruz, he was by no means so honourably received as formerly, and went from thence to Mexico, to present his patents to the viceroy and to take possession of his offices. Considerable difficulty occurred in regard to the interpretation of the royal grant of towns and lands to the marquis, which I do not pretend to understand. The grant, in mentioning the districts which were granted to him, enumerated the vicinos or neighbours who were considered as belonging to it and as constituting his vassals. Cortes insisted that the head person only of each family was to be considered as the vicino or vassal; but the Doctor Quesada, who was deputed to allot his districts, contended that every adult male in a family, master, son, servant, or slave, was to be reckoned in the number of the vicinos. The marquis was much disappointed by this interpretation, as there were often twelve or fifteen of these in one household or family, which would have prodigiously reduced his revenue, and several law-suits ensued in consequence. This matter was reported for his majesties determination, and continued for several years in suspence, during which the marquis received his full rents without hindrance: But finding the great diminution of his importance in the country which he had subdued, by the appointment of a viceroy, he retired to Quernavaca, where he established his residence, being on his own estate, never returning to Mexico. While Marcos de Aguilar held the government of New Spain, Cortes caused four ships to be fitted out at Zacatula on the south sea, under the command of Alvarado de Saavedra, and provided with various articles of merchandize, for a voyage to China and the Molucca or spice islands. He was likewise directed to look out for a squadron which had sailed from Spain for China, commanded by Don Garcia de Loaysa, a commander of the order of St John at Rhodes[9]. While Saavedra was preparing for his expedition, a vessel belonging to the squadron of Loaysa arrived at Zacatula, from the pilot and crew of which he acquired all the information he wished. Taking with him the pilot and two sailors of this ship, Saavedra proceeded on his voyage in December 1527 or 1528, and sustained many misfortunes and hardships on the way to the Moluccas. I do not know the particulars of this voyage: But, about three years afterwards, I met a sailor who had sailed in this expedition, who told me many strange things respecting the cities and nations he had seen. I also heard that the Portugueze had captured Saavedra and several of his people, whom they had sent prisoners to Europe. After his return to New Spain the marquis sent two ships, in May 1532, from Acapulco, commanded by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to make discoveries in the south sea. One of his ships mutinied and returned to New Spain, to the great mortification of Cortes, and Hurtado was never heard of afterwards. After this, Cortes sent out two other vessels, one commanded by Diego Bezerra de Mendoza, and the other by Hernando de Grijalva. The first night after their departure from Tehuantepec, they were separated in a gale of wind and never joined again, Grijalva being well pleased to escape from under the command of Bezerra, who was of a haughty temper; and besides, Grijalva was desirous to take the merit of any discoveries he might make to himself. After sailing 200 leagues, he came to an uninhabited island, which he named St Thomas. Bezerra made himself so odious by his domineering disposition, that his pilot Ximenes entered into a plot for his assassination, which he carried into effect, and took the command of the vessel. Continuing the voyage, he discovered an island which he named Santa Cruz, which was inhabited by savages, and where he set on shore two Franciscan friars and several persons who had refused to join in the mutiny. Being in want of water, he went at the same time on shore for that purpose; but he and all who landed were put to death by the savages within view of the ship. After this misfortune the survivors returned to New Spain.

The Marquis del Valle was so much vexed by these disappointments that he resolved to go in person upon discovery, with three ships which he had ready for launching at Teguantepec. When the Spaniards learnt that he meant to embark on a voyage of discovery, they thought that success was quite certain, and great numbers resolved to accompany him. Above 320 persons, including women, offered their services, as there were above 130 of them married men, who brought their wives along with them. Leaving Teguantepec in May 1536 or 1537, accompanied by Andres de Tapia and several other officers, with some ecclesiastics, physicians and surgeons, and as many colonists as the vessels could contain, he sailed for the island of Santa Cruz, where he arrived after a prosperous voyage, and sent back the ships to bring over the remainder of the people[10]. The second voyage was not so fortunate, as they separated in a gale of wind near the river of St Peter and St Paul, one only of the ships arriving at the island of Santa Cruz, where the marquis anxiously expected them, as provisions were growing scarce. One of the other vessels, which contained the provisions, was stranded on the coast of Xalisco, whence most of the people returned to New Spain. The other vessel came to a bay which the people named Guayaval, from the quantity of guayavas which they found there. During this time, the marquis and his people were experiencing extreme distress on the uncultivated island of Santa Cruz, twenty-three of the soldiers dying of famine, and the rest sinking daily, and cursing his expeditions and discoveries. Taking fifty soldiers with him in the ship which had arrived, he went in search of the other two; and after some considerable search he found one stranded, as already mentioned, on the coast of Xalisco, and abandoned by the people, and met the other among some rocks. Having repaired these vessels, he brought them with a quantity of provisions to Santa Cruz, where his famished colonists eat so voraciously that half of them died. Anxious to quit this scene of misery, the marquis embarked from Santa Cruz, and, continuing his project of discoveries, fell in with the land of California, heartily tired of his fruitless pursuit, yet unwilling to return to New Spain without effecting some important discovery. When the Marchioness del Valle had notice of the loss of one of the vessels, she became very apprehensive of her husbands safety, and fitted out two ships to go in search of the marquis and his unfortunate colonists. These sailed under the command of Francisco de Ulloa, who carried letters from the marchioness and the viceroy, requesting the return of Cortes to New Spain. Ulloa had the good fortune to fall in with Cortes, who suffered himself to be prevailed on, and returned to New Spain by way of Acapulco, leaving Ulloa to command the squadron. His return rejoiced the Spaniards, who were always afraid the natives chiefs might revolt, when not awed by his presence. The people whom he left in California returned soon afterwards; but whether they were so ordered by the government I know not.

After a few months, the Marquis fitted out other two ships, which he sent upon discovery under the command of Ulloa, who sailed from the port of Navidad in the month of June, but I forget the year. Ulloa had orders to explore the coast of California, and to search for Hurtado, who had never been heard of. After an absence of seven months, Ulloa returned to Xalisco, without having effected any discovery of importance; and was assassinated a few days afterwards on shore by a soldier who bore him a grudge. Thus ended the projected discoveries of the Marquis del Valle, in which I have heard him say that he expended above 300,000 crowns. He never prospered after his first conquest of New Spain; and his bad fortune was ascribed to the curses of his companions, for having treated them so ill in the distribution of the property acquired by their bravery. He now determined on going to Spain, in order to solicit an allowance from his majesty for the expences he had been at in these voyages, as also to endeavour to end the dispute concerning the vassals of his estates in New Spain, and to procure restitution of the property which had been seized from him by Nuno de Guzman, who was now a prisoner in Castille.

After the departure of the Marquis, the viceroy and court of audience sent a military force from Xalisco by land to the north west, under the command of Francisco Vasquez Coronado, who married the beautiful and virtuous daughter of the treasurer Estrada. Coronado left his government of Xalisco, under the charge of an officer named Onate, and marched into the country named Celibola[11] or the Seven Cities; whence he sent a Franciscan friar, named Marcos de Nica, to Mexico, to give the viceroy an account of the country. He described it as consisting of fine plains, with great herds of cattle quite different from those of Europe; having populous towns, in which the houses were of two stories with stairs. He also represented that it lay on the coast of the south sea, by means of which necessaries and reinforcements could be easily sent to the Spanish force. Accordingly, three ships were sent for that purpose, under the command of Hernando de Alarco, an officer belonging to the household of the viceroy.

In the year 1537, Don Pedro de Alvarado fitted out a great armament of thirteen vessels from the port of Acaxatla[12] on the south sea, in consequence of a license from his majesty, in which he had a grant of certain rents and advantages in such countries as he might discover; that is to say, in China and the Moluccas or Spice Islands. As the port where this armament was fitted out was above 200 leagues from Vera Cruz, whence all the iron and most other articles had to be carried by land, its cost might easily have fitted out eighty such vessels from Old Spain. All the wealth which Alvarado brought from Peru[13], together with what he had got from the mines in Guatimala, with the rents of his estates, and rich presents from his friends and relations, were insufficient for his preparations on this occasion, although all the merchandize was procured on credit. Great as was the expence of the ships, it was far exceeded by that of his army, consisting of 650 soldiers with their officers, and a number of horses, as a good horse at that time cost 300 crowns. Alvarado sailed some time in the year 1538 for the harbour of Navidad near the city of Purification, in the province of Xalisco, or New Galicia, where he meant to take in water, and to embark more soldiers. When the viceroy heard of this great armament, he became desirous to have a share in it, and went to Navidad to view the fleet, whence he and Alvarado returned to Mexico. Alvarado wished to have a relation of his own named Juan appointed to have the command of this expedition, while the viceroy was desirous to have another officer, named Villalobos, joined in command with Juan Alvarado. On his return to the port of Navidad, and when just ready to sail, Alvarado received a letter from Onate, who had been left in the command of the province of Xalisco, earnestly entreating his immediate assistance, as he and the settlement were threatened with destruction by the Indians of Cochitlan. Alvarado, who was always zealous in his majestys service, marched immediately with his troops to their relief, and found them in a most desperate situation. The insurgents rather diminished in the violence of their attacks on the arrival of Alvarado, but hostilities were still continued; and one day, as Alvarado was following the enemy among some rocky mountains, a soldier on horseback, who was at a considerable height above him on the steep side of a mountain, came rolling down above him, horse and all, by which he was so much bruised, that soon after his removal to the town of the Purification, he was seized with fainting-fits, and expired in a few days. On the news of Alvarados death being known to his fleet and army, many of the people returned to their homes with what they had received. The viceroy sent off the licentiate Maldonado to prevent confusion as much as possible, whom he followed soon after to take the charge of the remaining soldiers, with whom he marched against the insurgents, and after a tedious and difficult warfare of some continuance, reduced them to submission.

The loss of Alvarado was severely felt in his family, and his memory was long held in high esteem through all New Spain. On receiving the fatal intelligence in Guatimala, the worthy bishop Maroguin and all his clergy celebrated his obsequies with much honour, and his major-domo caused the walls of his house to be painted black, which colour has remained ever since. Many gentlemen waited on Donna Beatrix de la Cueva, his lady, to console her for her loss. They advised her to give God thanks, since it was his will to take her husband to himself. Like a good Christian, she assented to this sentiment, yet said that she now wished to leave this melancholy world and all its misfortunes. The historian Gomara has falsely said that she spoke blasphemously on this occasion, saying that God could now do her no more injury; and injuriously ascribes the subsequent misfortune which befel her to these words which she did not utter. A deluge of mud and water burst forth from the volcano near Guatimala, which overwhelmed the house in which she was praying along with her women. Although Alvarado and his four brothers had served his majesty with much zeal, no part of his property descended to his children, and the whole family was peculiarly unfortunate. Don Pedro died, as I have already related, by an uncommon accident in Cochitlan, or Culiacan. His brother Jorge died in Madrid in 1540, while soliciting his majesty for a recompence of his services. Gomes de Alvarado died in Peru. Gonzalo in Mexico or Oaxaca, I am uncertain which. Juan on his voyage to Cuba. The eldest son of Don Pedro, while on a voyage along with his relation the younger Juan, to solicit a recompence for his fathers services, was lost at sea. Don Diego, the younger son, seeing the fortunes of the family desperate, returned to Peru, where he died in battle. Donna Beatrix[14], the lady of Don Pedro, with the female part of the family, were destroyed, as before related, by a torrent from a volcano, one of his daughters only excepted, Donna Leonora, who was saved from the torrent, and has caused two sepulchres to be built in the great church of Guatimala, to receive the bones of her relations. May our Lord Jesus take them all with him into glory! Amen.

About a year after the death of Don Pedro Alvarado, the viceroy sent the best of his ships under Villalobos to make discoveries to the westwards of the Pacific Ocean; but with what success I never learnt. No part of the expences of this armament were ever recovered by any of the descendants of Alvarado.

As the Marquis del Valle was in Spain at the time of the expedition against Algiers, he attended his majesty on that occasion, along with his legitimate son Don Martinez, and Don Martin the son he had by Donna Marina. The fleet was dispersed in a storm, and the ship on board of which the marquis had embarked was stranded, on which occasion he, his sons, and his suite, got on shore with much difficulty. On this occasion he tied a quantity of rich jewels, which he used to wear like other great lords for no use, in a handkerchief round his arm, but they were all lost. On account of this disaster to the fleet, the council of war was of opinion that the siege ought to be immediately raised. The marquis was not called to this council; but it has been said that, if present, he would have declared for continuing the siege, and if he had been so fortunate as to command there such brave soldiers as those who accompanied him to Mexico, he would have entertained no doubt of success.

The marquis was now grown old and worn out by long and severe fatigue, and was anxious to have returned to New Spain, to settle his affairs: But he waited the celebration of a marriage, between his eldest daughter Donna Maria and Don Alvaro Pinez Osorio, son and heir to the Marquis of Astorga, and had agreed to give his daughter a fortune of 100,000 ducats. He had sent to bring over his daughter from Mexico, and had even gone himself to Seville to meet her; but the match was broke off, as is said by the fault of Don Alvaro. Cortes was much disappointed at this, and as his health was already in a bad state, he declined so rapidly, that he retired to Castileja de la Cuesta, to attend to the concerns of his soul, and to make his testament. Having arranged all his affairs, both for this and the next world, he departed this life on the 2d of December 1547. He was buried with great pomp in the chapel of the dukes of Medina Sidonia; but, according to his will, his remains were afterwards, removed to Cojohuacan or Tezcuco in New Spain, I am uncertain which. By his latter will, he left funds for the endowment of an hospital in Mexico, and a nunnery in his own town of Cojohuacan. In 1519, when we went along with him from Cuba against Mexico, he used to tell us that he was then thirty-four years old; and as he died 28 years afterwards, he must have been exactly 62 at his death. The arms granted to him by his majesty, when he was created a marquis, were the heads of seven kings surrounded by a chain, implying Montezuma, Cacamatzin, Guatimotzin, Tulapa, Coadlavaca, and the princes of Tacuba and Cojohuacan. The motto, as I have been told, was well adapted to a valiant warrior; but being in Latin, which I do not understand, I say nothing on that subject.

The Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca, was strong built, and of a good stature, with a rather pale complexion and serious countenance. His features were rather small, with mild and grave eyes. His hair and beard were black and thin. His breast and shoulders were broad, and his body thin. He was well-limbed, his legs being somewhat bent. He was an excellent horseman, and very dexterous in the use of arms; and he also had the heart and mind of valour, which is the principal part of that business. I have heard that, when young, he was very wild about women, and had several duels in Hispaniola on that account with able swordsmen, in all of which he came off victorious: But he received a wound near his under lip on one of these occasions, the scar of which could be seen through his beard when closely examined. In his appearance, manners, behaviour, conversation, table, and dress, every thing corresponded to a man of high rank; and, although his clothes always corresponded to the fashion of the times, he was not fond of silks, damasks, or velvets; but wore every thing plain and handsome. Instead of large chains of gold in which some delighted, he was satisfied with a small chain of exquisite workmanship, to which was appended a gold medal of the Virgin and child Jesus, with a Latin motto, and on the reverse St John the Baptist and another motto. On his finger he wore a very fine diamond ring; and in his cap, which was of velvet, he bore a gold medal, the head and motto of which I have forgot: But, in his latter days, he wore a plain cloth cap without ornament.

His table was always magnificently served and attended, having four major-domos or principal officers, with many pages, and a great quantity of massy plate both of gold and silver. He dined heartily about mid-day, drinking only about half a pint of wine mixed with water. He was not nice or expensive in his food, except on particular occasions, where he saw it to be proper. He was exceedingly affable with all his captains and soldiers, especially those who accompanied him at first from Cuba; yet practised the strictest attention to military discipline, constantly going the rounds himself in the night, and visiting the quarters of the soldiers, severely reprehending all whom he found without their armour or appointments, and not ready to turn out at a moments warning, saying, "It is a bad sheep that cannot carry its own wool." He was a Latin scholar, and as I have been told, a bachelor of laws, a good rhetorician, and something even of a poet. He was very devote to the Holy Virgin, and to St Peter, St James, and St John the Baptist. His oath was, "By my conscience." When angry with any of his friends, he used to say, "may you repent it;" and when in great warmth, the veins of his throat and forehead used to swell much, but he then never spoke. He was very patient under insults or injuries, as the soldiers were sometimes very rude and abusive; yet he never resented their conduct, only saying, "Be silent," or, "Go in Gods name, and do not repeat this or I shall have you punished." In all matters of war, he was exceedingly headstrong and determined, never attending to remonstrances on account of danger; one instance of which was in the attack of the fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis, which he forced us to climb, contrary to all our opinions, where courage, counsel, or wisdom, could give no rational hope of success. Another instance was in his obstinacy respecting the expedition against De Oli; in which I repeatedly urged him to go by way of the mountains, whereas he obstinately persisted in going by the coast. Had he taken my advice, he would have found towns the whole way. Where we had to erect any fortress or entrenchment, he was always the hardest labourer; when we advanced to battle, he was always in the front.

Cortes was fond of play, both at cards and dice, at which he was always good-humoured and affable, often using the cant terms customary on these occasions. During our expedition to Higueras, I observed that he had acquired a habit of taking a short sleep or siesta after eating; and if he could not get this he was apt to become sick. On this account, let the rain be ever so heavy, or the sun ever so hot, he always reposed a short while on a cloak or carpet under a tree; and after a short sleep, mounted his horse and proceeded on his march. When engaged in the conquest of New Spain, he was very thin and slender; but after his return from Higueras, he became fat and corpulent. His beard began at that time to grow grey, after which he trimmed it in the short fashion. In his early life, he was very liberal, but grew close afterwards, insomuch that some of his servants complained that he did not pay them properly. I have already observed that he never succeeded in his latter undertakings: Perhaps such was the will of Heaven, which reserved his reward for a better world; for he was a good gentleman and very devout. God pardon him his sins, and me mine, and give me a good end, which is better than all conquests or victories over Indians! Amen.

* * * * *

Descendants of Hernando Cortes[15].

The legitimate children of Cortes were, Don Martin, who succeeded him as marquis; Donna Maria, who married the Conde de Luna of Leon; Donna Juanna, who married Don Hernando Enriquez, heir to the Marquis of Tarriffa; Donna Catalina, who died in Seville; and Donna Leonora, who married, in Mexico, Juanez de Tolosa, a rich Biscayan, which alliance gave great offence to the young marquis. He left also two natural sons: Don Martin by Donna Marina; and Don Luis by a lady named De Hermosilla; both of whom were commanders of the order of St Jago. Besides these, he had three natural daughters; one by an Indian woman of Cuba, and two others by a Mexican woman: He left great fortunes to all these ladies.

Don Hernando Cortes, conqueror, governor, and captain-general of New Spain, admiral of the South Seas, first Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, had in second marriage, Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, second Conde de Aguilar, and of Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, daughter of the first Duke of Bejar. Their son was,

I. Don Martinez Cortes de Ramirez y Arellano, second Marquis of the Valley, married his cousin, Donna Anna Ramirez de Arellano. Their issue was,

II. Don Hernando Cortes de Ramirez ye Arellano, third Marquis of the Valley; married Donna Murcia Hernandez de Cabrera y Mendoza, daughter of Don Pedro Hernandez de Cabrera y Bovadilla, second Conde de Chinchon, and Donna Maria de Mendoza y Cerda, sister to the Prince of Melito. Don Hernando had but one son, who died in childhood, and was therefore succeeded by his brother,

2. Don Pedro Cortes, &c. fourth Marquis of the Valley, who married Donna Anna Pacheco de la Cerda, sister of the second Conde de Montalban: But leaving no issue was succeeded by his sister,

3. Donna Jeroma Cortes, &c. fifth Marchioness of the Valley, who married Don Pedro Carillo de Mendoza, ninth Conde de Priego, captain-general of Seville, and grand major-domo to Queen Margaret of Austria. Their only daughter, who carried on the line of the family, was,

III. Donna Stephania Carillo de Mendoza y Cortes, sixth Marchioness of the Valley, who married Don Diego de Arragon, fourth Duke of Terra Nova, prince of Castel Vetrano, and of the holy Roman empire, Marquis of Avola and Favora, constable and admiral of Sicily, commander of Villa Franca, viceroy of Sardinia, knight of the golden fleece. Their only daughter was,

IV. Donna Juana de Arragon, &c. fifth Duchess of Terra Nova, seventh Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Hector Pignatelli, Duke of Montelione, prince of Noja, &c. Their only son was,

V. Don Andrea Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, &c. eighth Marquis of the Valley; who married Donna Teresa Pimentel y Benavides, &c. Their daughter was,

VI. Donna J. Pignatelli, &c. Duchess of Montelione and Terra Nova, ninth Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Nicolas Pignatelli, viceroy of Sardinia and Sicily, &c. Their son was,

VII. Don Diego Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, tenth Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,

VIII. Don Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, eleventh Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,

IX. Don Hector Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, twelfth Marquis of the Valley, grandee of Spain, prince of the holy Roman empire, at present living in Naples[16], and married to Donna N. Piccolomini, of the family of the Dukes of Amalfi.

From the noble couple mentioned in the VI. step of the foregoing deduction, besides Don Diego, who carried on their line, there were three other sons and three daughters: 1. Don Diego, as above. 2. Don Ferdinand. 3. Don Antonio. 4. Don Fabrizio. 5. Donna Rosa. 6. Donna Maria Teresa. 7. Donna Stephania[17].

[1] According to Robertson, II. 266. Cortes took the resolution of returning into Spain to avoid exposing himself to the ignominy of a trial in Mexico, the scene of his triumphs, on hearing that a commission of inquiry into his conduct was on the point of coming out to New Spain for that purpose. Diaz almost perpetually neglects dates, in the latter part of his work especially: but we learn from Robertson that it was now the year 1528.—E.

[2] The Mexican Tiger, or Jaguar, called Tlatlauhqui ocelotl by the Mexicans, the felis onca of naturalists, is of a yellowish colour with cornered annular spots, which are yellow in the middle. It grows to the size of a wolf or large dog, and resembles the Bengal tiger, felis tigris, in craft and cruelty, but not in size or courage.—E.

[3] Perhaps the Balsam of Capivi, which is of that consistence. The indurated balsam may be that of Tolu.—E.

[4] These were albinos, an accidental or diseased rariety of the human species, having chalky white skins, pure white hair, and a want of the pigmentum nigrum of the eye. The white rabbit is a plentiful example of animal albinos, which variety continues to propagate its kind.—E.

[5] According to Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iij. c. 8. and lib. iv. c. 1. as quoted by Robertson, note cxxiv. the treasure which Cortes took over with him consisted of 1500 marks of wrought plate, 200,000 pesos of fine gold, and 10,000 of inferior standard; besides many rich jewels, one in particular being worth 40,000 pesos. The value of this enumerated treasure amounts to L.104,250 Sterling numerical value; but estimating its efficient value in those days, with Robertson, as equal to six times the present amount, it exceeds L.600,000.—E.

[6] Those who had worn the san benito, or penal dress, in an auto de fe. In the original translation the descendants of Indians are included in this proscription, which certainly must be an error.—E.

[7] New Gallicia, to the north-west of Mexico and upon the Pacific Ocean, is now included in the Intendencia of Guadalaxara, and appears to have been named Colima by the Mexicans.—E.

[8] Mechoacan, to the west of Mexico and reaching to the south sea forms now the Intendency of Valladolid.—E.

[9] For the information of some readers, it may be proper to observe, that the order of St John of Jerusalem, lately known by the name of the order of Malta, then resided at Rhodes.—E.

[10] Santa Cruz is a small island in the Vermilion sea, on the eastern coast of California, in lat. 25 23' N. lon. 110 47' W. from Greenwich.—.E

[11] This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The strange appellation of the seven cities seems to have reference to that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus.—E.

[12] This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake for Zacatula, in lat. 18 N. on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W.S.W. from Mexico.—E.

[13] The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject.—E.

[14] In the sixth section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to Donna Luisa the daughter of Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second wife—E.

[15] This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz. There is a difference between these authors in the name of the marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna Juanna, and Clavigero Jeroma: The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes Martin, and the latter Martinez.—E.

[16] This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the present century.—E.

[17] This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the multiplicity of high sounding titles, and minute particulars of marriages and noble connections, altogether uninteresting to the English reader.—E.



SECTION XXIV.

Concluding Observations by the Author[1].

Having enumerated the soldiers who passed from Cuba along with Cortes, to the conquest of New Spain, I have to observe that we were for the most part hidalgos, or gentlemen, though some were not of such clear lineage as others; but, whatever may have been the dignity of our birth, we made ourselves much more illustrious by our heroic actions in the conquest of this country, at our own sole cost, without any aid or support, save that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In the ancient history of our own country, many cavaliers rose to dignity and honours by valiant and faithful services to their kings; and though they did not go into the field as we did, without pay, they were rewarded with lands, houses, castles, dignities, and privileges, to them and their heirs in perpetuity. Also, when his majesty Don Jayme, won certain parts of his kingdom from the Moors, he made grants of these to the cavaliers who assisted him in the conquest, from which period their descendants derive their estates, honours, and blazons. Those also who served under the Great Captain and the Prince of Orange were rewarded in like manner. I have recalled the recollection of these things, that the world may consider and determine whether we, who gained this great country by our valour, even without the knowledge of his majesty, are not as worthy of such rewards and honours as those cavaliers above-mentioned, by our good, notable, and loyal services to God, the king, and all Christendom.

I have placed myself last in the list, having been twice in this country before the coming of Cortes, and the third time along with him; and, as among those whom I have enumerated, there were many valiant captains, so I was held in no inconsiderable estimation in my day as a soldier. Besides the many battles and dangers in which I participated since I came into this country, and the distresses, by hunger, thirst, fatigue and wounds, incident to all who undertake discoveries and wars in unknown countries, I was twice in the hands of the enemy, who were carrying me off for sacrifice: But thanks and praise to God and his holy Virgin Mother, who gave me force to escape from their grasp, that I might now relate and make manifest our heroic deeds in the conquest of this new world, and thereby to prevent all the honour and merit from being unjustly ascribed to our general alone. It is now proper that I should make some observations on the good effects produced by our exertions and illustrious conquests, to the service of God and our king, in which many of our companions lost their lives, being sacrificed to the gods or idols of the Mexicans, Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca.

In the first place, we purged the land of many wicked customs, and in particular from human sacrifices. By estimates made by the reverend Franciscan friars, who succeeded Fra Bartholomew de Olmedo, it appears that above 2500 human victims were sacrificed yearly in Mexico and some adjacent towns on the lake; so that the number annually put to death in the whole country must have been very great. Their various other horrible practices exceed my powers of description. Their cursed adoratories were exceedingly numerous, like our holy churches, hermitages, and chapels, in Spain, as they had everywhere houses dedicated to idols, devils, and infernal figures. Besides which, every individual native had two altars, one beside the place where he or she slept, and another at the door of the house, with chests containing large or small idols and stone knives, and books made of the bark of trees containing the record of past times. Especially on the coast and other sultry parts of the country, they were addicted to the most abominable vices, where they had boys in female attire. They fed on human flesh, as we do on beef, having wooden cages in every town, in which men, women, and children, were kept and fed for that purpose, to which all the prisoners taken in war were destined. Incest was common among them, and they were extremely addicted to drunkenness. They had as many wives as they pleased. From these and many other abominations, it was the will of God that we should be the humble instruments to clear the land; substituting a good policy and the holy doctrine of Jesus Christ in their place. It is true that, two years afterwards, when the country was subjugated and civilized, certain worthy Franciscans of good example and holy doctrine came here, who were followed in three or four years by fathers of the order of St Dominic, who completed what others had begun. But the honour of having destroyed the abominations of the land, assuredly belongs to us the true conquerors, who opened the way for these holy fathers.

By the will of God, and the sacred Christianity of the emperor Don Carlos of glorious memory, and our present most fortunate sovereign the invincible Don Philip, all the natives of this great country have been baptised to the salvation of their souls, formerly sunk and lost in the bottomless pit. We have many fathers of the different orders, who go about preaching and baptizing, by which means the knowledge of the holy Evangile is firmly planted in the hearts of the natives, who confess yearly, and those who have sufficient knowledge in the faith, participate in the holy eucharist. The churches and their altars are richly adorned with all requisites for holy worship; as crosses, candlesticks, wax-candles, chalices, cups, plates, and vessels for incense, all of silver. The ornaments of the altars and crosses are of velvet, and damask, and other rich materials, of various colours and splendid workmanship, adorned with embroidery of gold, silk and pearls. Each town has its bells according to its ability. The chapels have choirs of good voices which sing in concert, tenors, trebles, and counter-tenors. In some places there are organs; but most have lutes, sackbuts, dulcimers, and bass and treble trumpets. This one province of Guatimala has more than my native county, old Castille. It is edifying and wonderful to see the devotion of the natives at the holy mass, especially when performed by the fathers of the orders of St Francis and of Mercy, who have the cures of the parishes. All the natives, men, women, and children, are taught the holy prayers in their own tongue; and always on passing a cross, crucifix, or altar, they fall on their knees repeating a pater noster or an ave Maria. We, the conquerors, taught them to burn wax candles before the holy altars and crosses, and to behave respectfully to the reverend fathers, going out to meet them when they came to the towns, with lighted candles, ringing of bells, and providing them abundantly with provisions. On Lady Day and Corpus Christi, and other solemn fasts of the church, when we make processions, most of the natives of this city of Guatimala go likewise in procession, with crosses and lighted candles, bearing the images of their patron saints as richly dressed as they can afford, and singing litanies and other holy prayers to the sound of flutes and trumpets.

The natives also of these countries have learnt all the trades used among us in Spain, having their shops, manufactories, and work-people. Their goldsmiths and silversmiths, both those who make cast work or who use the hammer, are excellent. Their lapidaries or engravers on precious stones, especially emeralds, execute the nicest representations of the holy acts and passion of our blessed Saviour, in such a manner as could not be believed from Indians. Three of our native Mexican artists, named Andres de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and El Crispillo, have in my humble judgment executed paintings which may vie with those of Apelles, Michael Angelo, and Berruguete. The sons of the chiefs used to be educated in grammar, and were learning very well, till this was prohibited by the holy synod, under an order of the most reverend the archbishop of Mexico. Many of the natives are manufacturers of silks and various other stuffs, and hatters, and soap-boilers. Two trades only could never be acquired by them, which is the art of glass blowing, and that of the apothecary; but this is not owing to any defect of natural genius, as there are among them surgeons, herbalists, jugglers, makers of puppets, and of violins. They cultivated the ground before our arrival; and now they rear stock, break in bullocks to the plough, sow, reap, manure, and make bread and biscuit. They have planted their lands with the various fruits of old Spain, such as quince, apple, and pear trees, which they hold in high estimation; but cut down the unwholesome peach trees and the overshading plantains. From us they have learnt laws and justice; and they every year elect their own alcaldes, regidors, notaries, alguazils, fiscals, and major-domos[2]. They have their cabildos, or common councils, and bailiffs, which meet twice a-week, judging, sentencing, and punishing for smaller offences; but for murder and higher crimes, they must have recourse to the Spanish governors in places where there are no courts of royal audience. In Tlascala, Tezcuco, Cholula, Guaxocinco, Tepeaca, and other large cities, gilt maces are borne before the native magistrates when they go to hold their cabildos, as is done before our viceroys; and they distribute justice with much zeal and impartiality, being anxious to acquire a thorough knowledge of our laws. All the caciques are rich, and ride on horses handsomely caparisoned, attended by pages. In some townships likewise, they exercise with the lance on horseback, running at the ring; and they have bull feasts, especially on the days of Corpus Christi, St John, St James, the Assumption, or the patron or patroness saint of the town. Many of them are excellent horsemen, and the natives especially of Chiapa de los Indios, will face the fiercest bull. The caciques breed horses, and use them and mules for conveying their various commodities for sale, such as maize, wood or lime; and many of the natives gain their living by following the occupation of carriers.

By means of our illustrious services, our mother-country obtains gold, silver, precious stones, cochineal, wool, salsaparilla, hides, and various other commodities, to the great advantage of the royal revenue. Since the time of the great and wise Solomon, neither ancient nor modern history record the acquisition of such riches by any country, as have been derived from New Spain. I do not now include the millions in gold and silver derived from Peru, as that country was unknown when we conquered New Spain, and was not conquered till ten years afterwards: Besides all which, Peru has been involved in cruel civil wars, whereas we have ever remained submissive in our allegiance to his majesty, and ready to devote our lives and fortunes to his service. The numerous cities in New Spain are worthy of consideration, but would be too tedious to enumerate. Besides the archbishoprick of Mexico, we have ten bishopricks, with many cathedrals, and monastaries belonging to the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, and the order of Mercy. Many hospitals, with extensive remissions and pardons attached to them; besides the Santa casa of our Lady of Guadeloupe, where many holy miracles are performed daily. In Mexico there is an university in which are taught grammar, theology, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and other sciences; and in which the students take the several degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor; having also a printing press for books in the Spanish and Latin languages. If all I have now said be insufficient, let the wise and learned read over this my true history with impartial care, and they must confess that there never were men who have gained more by their valorous achievements for their king than we the brave conquerors, among the most valiant of whom I was considered. And I say again, I myself, who am a true conqueror, am the most ancient of all. Of the 550 soldiers who left Cuba along with Cortes, five only are now living in the year 1568, while I am writing this history; all the rest having been slain in the wars, or sacrificed to the accursed idols, or have died in the course of nature. Of 1300 soldiers who came with Narvaez, exclusive of mariners, not more than ten or eleven now survive. Of those who came with Garay, including the three companies which landed at St Juan de Ulua previous to his own arrival, amounting to 1200 soldiers, most were sacrificed and devoured in the province of Panuco. We five companions of Cortes who yet survive, are all very old and bowed down with infirmities, and extremely poor; having heavy charges of sons to establish, daughters to marry off, and grand-children to maintain, with very small means to do all this. Whereas we ought to have had the best properties in the country allotted to us, in reward of our high prowess and transcendent services in that country which we conquered; not indeed to the same extent with the rewards granted to Cortes, but in just moderation in proportion to our merits. This indeed was ordered by his majesty, but interest and partiality gave away what we ought to have received to others, leaving little for the royal patrimony or to be bestowed on us. Immediately after the conquest, Cortes ought to have divided the whole country into five shares, assigning the richest and best to his majesty, out of which to reward those cavaliers who served him in his European wars; taking a share and a half to himself, and for the establishment of churches, monasteries, and municipalities; and dividing the remaining half in perpetual grants to us the true conquerors, by which we should have all been amply provided for.

Our emperor was so truly a Christian monarch, that he would willingly have granted us these favours, more especially as the conquest cost him nothing. But we knew not then where to apply for justice, except to Cortes himself, who did in all things as he thought fit, taking care of himself, and of his friends and relations newly come from old Spain. We remained therefore with the little which had been assigned to us, till we saw Don Francisco de Montejo, who had waited on his majesty in Europe, return with the appointment of adelantado and governor of Yucutan, estates in Mexico, and other rewards. Diego de Ordas also, who went to court, obtained a commandery of St Jago, and districts in New Spain. Don Pedro de Alvarado, who likewise went to represent his services, was made adelantado and governor of Guatimala and Chiapa, commander of the order of St Jago, and obtained extensive grants of land. When therefore, we the conquerors saw that those who did not reach his majesty, or had no one to speak for them, were neglected, we transmitted a petition, by which we prayed that such lands as fell vacant might be distributed among us in perpetuities, as had been done by the first court of royal audience, of which Nuno de Guzman was president; who had been directed to make the divisions more equal, deducting in due proportions from the immoderate grants of Cortes, and that the best districts and rents should be divided among us the true conquerors, leaving the cities and great towns for his majesty. His majesty likewise ordered the vassals of Cortes to be counted, leaving no more than were specified in his patents; but I do not remember what was to have been done with the surplus. Nuno de Guzman and the judges of his tribunal were misled by advisers from making their grants perpetual, under pretence that the conquerors would cease to depend upon and respect them if independent, and that it was better to keep them under the necessity of supplicating for subsistence, and likewise to preserve to themselves the power of dividing the conquered lands to the advantage of their own interest. Guzman and his oydors indeed, constantly assigned such districts as fell vacant among the conquerors and colonists to universal satisfaction; but were superseded in consequence of their disputes with Cortes.

In 1550, when I was in Old Spain, a council was formed, consisting of Bartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, Vasco de Quiroga, bishop of Mechoacan, and other cavaliers who had come as agents from New Spain and Peru, with some gentlemen who had come on business to court; to which council I also was called, as being the most ancient of the conquerors of New Spain. At this time certain of the Peruvian gentlemen petitioned his majesty to cause perpetual allotments of lands to be made in that kingdom, and a similar petition was presented by Gonzalo Lopez and Alonzo de Villanueva, who had come over as agents from Mexico. His majesty was pleased to order the rapartimiento or distribution of lands to be referred to the council of the Indies, consisting of the Marquis de Mondejar president, with the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez, Tello de Sandoval, Gregorio Lopes de Briviesca, and the Doctor Hernan Perez de la Fuente, oydors or judges of that court, together with the members of other royal councils. At this meeting, it was proposed to make a perpetual distribution of the lands of New Spain and Peru; I am uncertain if New Granada and Popayan were to have been included. Many excellent reasons were given for this measure being adopted, but it was strenuously opposed by the members of the royal council of the Indies, together with Bishop de las Casas, Fra Rodrigo his coadjutor, and the Bishop of las Charcas, who insisted that the matter should be postponed till the return of the emperor from Vienna, when every thing should be arranged to the satisfaction of the conquerors: And thus the affair was dropped for the present.

After my return to New Spain, the conquerors then proposed to send agents to solicit his majesty for our interest exclusively, in consequence of which I was written to here in Guatimala, by Captain Andres de Tapia, Pedro Morena de Medrana, and Juan Limpias Caravajal, on the subject. I accordingly went round among the other conquerors who were settled in this city, to raise a sum by subscription for the purpose, but this project failed for want of money. At a subsequent period, our present invincible king Don Philip, was pleased to command that the conquerors and their posterity should be provided for, attending in the first instance to those who were married. But all has been of no avail.

Two learned licentiates, to whom I communicated the MS. of this history, observed that I had praised myself greatly in the battles of which I have given an account, whereas I ought to have left that to be done by others. But how is any one who was not in the wars with us to praise us as we deserve? To compare myself, a poor soldier, with the great emperor and warrior Julius Cesar, we are told by historians, that he used to write down with his own hand an account of his own heroic deeds, not chusing to entrust that office to others, although he had many historians in his empire. It is not therefore extraordinary if I relate the battles in which I fought, that it may be known in future ages, thus did Bernal Diaz del Castillo; that my sons and grandsons may enjoy the fame of their ancestor, as many cavaliers and lords of vassals do the deeds and blazons of their predecessors. I shall therefore enumerate the various battles and other warlike affairs in which I have been present. At Cape Cotoche, under Cordova; at Pontonchan in a battle where half our number was slain; and in Florida where we landed to procure water. Under Juan de Grijalva, I was present in the second battle of Pontonchan. During my third voyage, under Cortes, two pitched battles at Tabasco. On our arrival in New Spain, the battle of Cingapacinga or Teoatzinco. Shortly afterwards three pitched battles with the Tlascalans. The affair of Cholula. On our entry into Mexico, I was at the seizure of Montezuma, which I do not enumerate as a warlike exploit, but on account of its great boldness. Four months afterwards, when with 276 men, Cortes defeated Narvaez who had 1300. The relief of Alvarado, when the Mexicans made incessant attacks upon us during eight days and nights, during which I reckon eight several battles, at all of which I was present, and in the course of which we lost 870 men. The battle of Obtumba or Otompan. A battle at Tepeaca. A battle at Tezcuco. Two battles, in one of which I was wounded in the throat by a lance. Two actions about the maize fields near Chalco. The rash attack on the fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis in our expedition round the lake. The battle of Cuernavaca. Three battles at Xochimilco. During the siege of Mexico, which lasted ninety-three days, I find by my account that I was engaged in upwards of eighty battles and skirmishes. After the conquest, I was sent out on various expeditions to reduce Coatzacualco, Chiapa, and the Zapotecans, in which we had several engagements. In Chamula and Cuitlan, two engagements. In Teapa and Chematlan two others, in one of which I was badly wounded in the throat. I forgot to mention, that we were pursued for nine days in our flight from Mexico, and had to fight four battles before the great one at Otompan. Several actions in our expedition to Higueras and Honduras, during which in a battle at Culacotu I had a horse killed under me which cost 600 crowns. After my return to Mexico, I went upon an expedition into the mountains against the Zapotecas and Mixtecas. I have on the whole been present in one hundred and nineteen battles, engagements, and skirmishes; so that it is not wonderful if I praise myself for the many and notable services which I have rendered to God, his majesty and all Christendom: And I give thanks and praise to the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath preserved me in so many dangers.

THE END OF BERNAL DIAZ.

[1] In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration of the valiant companions who passed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the Valley. This must assuredly be a most valuable document to vast numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted.—E.

[2] These are the ordinary municipal officers of Spanish townships, answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c.—E.

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CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY FRANCISCO PIZARRO, WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE, TREASURER OF THAT KINGDOM, A FEW YEARS AFTER THE CONQUEST.

INTRODUCTION.

The present chapter, like that immediately preceding from the pen of Bernal Diaz, although in strict language neither a journey nor a voyage, records in every step of the conquerors a new discovery of coasts, islands, rivers, districts, and tribes, that had never been visited before. In conformity with our uniform desire to have recourse upon all occasions to the most authentic original authorities for every article admitted into this collection, so far as in our power, the work of Zarate has been chosen as the record of the discovery and conquest of Peru, in preference to any modern compilation on the same subject. As we learn from himself, Zarate was a person of rank and education, who went into Peru in 1543, only eighteen years after the first movements of Pizarro and Almagro towards the discovery of that extensive country, and only eleven years after its actual invasion by Pizarro in 1532. From the illustrious historian of America, Dr William Robertson, the work which we now offer to the public for the first time in the English language, has the following high character: "The history of Zarate, whether we attend to its matter or composition, is a book of considerable merit, and great credit is due to his testimony." Besides this general eulogy; in his enumeration of six original authors whom he had consulted in the composition of that portion of his History of America which refers to Peru, he clearly shews that Zarate alone can be considered as at the same time perfectly authentic and sufficiently copious for the purpose we have at present in view. The substance of his account of all the six is as follows.

"Two of the more early writers on the subject of the discovery and conquest of Peru, Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, and Pedro Sanchez, an officer who served under the conqueror, break off almost in the introduction to the narrative, going no farther into the history of the conquest than the death of Atahualpa in 1533, only one year after the invasion of Peru. The third in point of time, Pedro Cioca de Leon, only two years earlier in his publication than Zarate, gives nothing more than a description of the country, and an account of the institutions and customs of the natives. Zarate is the fourth. The fifth, Don Diego Fernandez, solely relates to the dissentions and civil wars among the Spanish conquerors. The sixth and last of these original authors, Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, the son of a Spanish officer of distinction by a Coya, or Peruvian female of the royal race, gives little more than a commentary on the before mentioned writers, and was not published till 1609, seventy five years after the invasion of Peru by Pizarro[1]."