The Indians of Tamaztepec sent a message to Izguantepec, our next station, to inform the inhabitants, and that they might not be alarmed at our approach: They also deputed twenty of their number to attend us to that place as guides. After our arrival at Izguantepec, Cortes was curious to know the course of a large river which flowed past that place, and was informed that it discharged itself into the sea near two towns named Guegatasta and Xicolanga; from which he judged that this might be a convenient way in which to send for information concerning his ships under Cuenca whom he had ordered to wait his orders on that part of the coast. He accordingly sent off two Spaniards on that errand, to one of whom, Francisco de Medina, he gave an order to act as joint commander along with Simon Cuenca. Medina was a man of dilligence and abilities, and well acquainted with the country; but the commission he carried proved most unfortunate in its consequences. He found the ships waiting at Xicolanga, and on presenting his authority as joint captain, a dispute arose between him and Cuenca as to which of them should have the chief command. Each was supported by a party, and had recourse to arms, in which all the Spaniards were slain except eight. The neighbouring Indians fell upon the survivors, and put them all to death; after which they plundered the ships and then destroyed them. It was two years and a half after this, before we knew what had become of the ships.

We now learnt that the town of Huy-acala was three days march distant from our present quarters, and that the way lay across some deep rivers and trembling marshes. Two soldiers were sent on by Cortes to examine the route, who reported on their return that the rivers were passable by means of timber bridges, but as for the marshes, which were more material to know, they were beyond the rivers and had not been examined. Cortes sent me in the next place, along with one Gonzalo de Mexia and some Indian guides, with orders to go forward to Huy-acala to procure provisions, with which we were to meet him on the road. But our guides deserted us the first night, on account of the two nations being at war, and we were forced to rely entirely on ourselves for the remainder of the journey. On our arrival at the first town belonging to the district of Huy-acala, which has the supreme command over twenty other towns, the inhabitants seemed very jealous of us at first, but were soon reconciled. This district is much intersected by rivers, lakes, and marshes, and some of the dependent towns are situated in islands, the general communication being by means of canoes. We invited the chiefs to accompany us back to Cortes; but they declined this, because their nation was at war with the people of Izguantepec. It would appear that at our arrival they had no idea of the force of our army under Cortes; but, having received more accurate intelligence concerning it next day, they treated us with much deference, and promised that they would provide every accommodation for our army on its arrival. While still conversing, two other Spaniards came up to me with letters from Cortes, in which he ordered me to meet him within three days with all the provisions I could possibly collect; as the Indians of Izguantepec had all deserted him, and he was now on his march for Huy-acala entirely destitute of necessaries. These Spaniards also informed me, that four soldiers who had been detached farther up the river had not returned, and were supposed to have been murdered, which we learnt afterwards was the case. In pursuing his march, Cortes had been four days occupied in constructing a bridge over the great river, during which time the army suffered excessive famine, as they had come from their last quarters without provisions, owing to the desertion of the natives. Some of the old soldiers cut down certain trees resembling palms, by which means they procured nuts which they roasted and eat; but this proved a miserable recourse for so great a number. On the night that the bridge was completed, I arrived with 130 loads of provisions, consisting of corn, honey, fruit, salt, and fowls. It was then dark, and Cortes had mentioned his expectation of my arrival with provisions, in consequence of which, the soldiers waited for me and seized every thing I had, not leaving any thing for Cortes and the other officers. It was all in vain that the major-domo cried out, "this is for the general;" for the soldiers said the general and his officers had been eating their hogs, while they were starving, and neither threats nor entreaties could prevail on them to leave him a single load of corn. Cortes lost all patience, and swore he would punish those who had seized the provisions and spoken about the hogs; but he soon saw that it was better to be quiet. He then blamed me; but I told him he ought to have placed a guard to receive the provisions, as hunger knows no law. Seeing there was no remedy, Cortes, who was accompanied by Sandoval, addressed me as follows: "My dear friend, I am sure you must have something in reserve for yourself and your friend Sandoval, pray take us along with you that we may partake." Sandoval also assured me that he had not a single handful of maize. "Well," said I, "gentlemen, come to me when the soldiers are asleep, and you shall partake of what I had provided for myself and my companions." They both thanked and embraced me, and so we escaped famine for this bout, as I had with me twelve loads of maize, twenty fowls, three jars of honey, and some fruit and salt. Cortes made inquiry as to how the reverend fathers had fared; but they were well off, as every soldier gave them a share of what they had procured. Such are the hardships of military expeditions in unexplored countries. Feared as he was by the soldiers, our general was pillaged of his provisions, and in danger of starving, and both he and captain Sandoval were indebted to me for their rations.

On continuing our march from the river for about a league, we came to the trembling marshes, where our horses had all been nearly destroyed; but the distance across did not exceed half a bowshot, between the firm ground on either side, and we got them through by main force. When we were all safe over, and had given thanks to God for our safety, Cortes sent on to Huy-acala for a fresh supply of provisions, and took care not to have these plundered like the former; and on the ensuing day, our whole army arrived early at Huy-acala, where the chiefs had made ample preparation for our reception. Having used every proper means to conciliate the chiefs of this nation, Cortes inquired from them as to the country we had still to march through, and whether they had heard of any ships being on the coast, or of any Europeans being settled in the country. He was informed, that at the distance of eight days journey, there were many men having beards like ourselves, who had horses and three ships. They also gave the general a map of the route, and offered every assistance in their power; but when asked to clear the road, they represented that some of their dependent districts had revolted, and requested our assistance to reduce them to obedience. This duty was committed to Diego de Mazariegos, a relation of the treasurer de Estrada, as a compliment to him, and Cortes desired me in private to accompany him as his counsellor, being experienced in the affairs of this country. I do not mention this circumstance, which is known to the whole army, by way of boast, but as my duty of historian requires it of me, and indeed his majesty was informed of it, in the letters which were written to him by Cortes. About eighty of us went on this occasion along with Mazariegos, and had the good fortune to find the district in the best disposition. The chiefs returned with us to Cortes, and brought a most abundant supply of provisions along with them. In about four days, however, all the chiefs deserted us, and we were left with only three guides to pursue our march, as well as we could. After crossing two rivers, we came to another town in the district of Huy-acala, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, but in which we took up our quarters.

In this place, Guatimotzin, the last king of the Mexicans, closed his unhappy career. It appeared that a plot had been concerted by this unfortunate monarch with many of the Mexican nobles who accompanied him, to endeavour to cut off the Spaniards; after which they proposed to make the best of their way back to Mexico, where, collecting all the forces of the natives, they hoped to be able to overpower the Spanish garrison. This conspiracy was revealed to Cortes by two Mexican nobles who had commanded under Guatimotzin during the siege, and who had been baptized by the names of Tapia and Velasquez. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately took the judicial informations of these two and of several others who were concerned in the plot; from which it was learnt, that the Mexicans, observing that we marched in a careless manner, that discontent prevailed among our troops, many of whom were sick, that ten of our Spanish soldiers had died of hunger, and several had returned towards Mexico, and considering also the uncertainty of the fate of the expedition and the miseries they endured from scarcity of provisions, they had come to the resolution of falling upon us at the passage of some river or marsh, being encouraged by their numbers, which exceeded 3000 well armed men, and thinking it preferable to die at once than to encounter the perpetual miseries they now endured by accompanying us in this wilderness. Guatimotzin acknowledged that he had heard of this proposal, which he never approved of, declaring that he did not believe it would ever have been attempted, and anxiously denied that the whole of the Mexican force had concurred in the plot. His cousin, the prince of Tacuba, declared that all which had ever passed on the subject, between him and Guatimotzin, was, that they had often expressed their opinion, that it would be better to lose their lives at once like brave men, than to suffer in the manner they did by hunger and fatigue, and to witness the intolerable distresses of their friends and subjects who accompanied them. On those scanty proofs, Cortes sentenced Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba to be immediately hanged; and when the preparations were made for the execution, they were led forth to the place attended by the reverend fathers, who did their utmost to console them in their last moments. Before his execution, Guatimotzin addressed Cortes to the following effect: "Malintzin! I now see that your false words and flattering promises have ended in my death. It had been better to have fallen by my own hands, than to have trusted myself to your power. You take away my life unjustly, and may God demand of you my innocent blood." The prince of Tacuba only said, that he was happy to die along with his beloved sovereign. Thus did these two great men end their lives, and, for Indians, most piously and like good Christians. I lamented them both sincerely, having seen them in their greatness. They always treated me kindly on this march, giving me Indians to procure grass for my horse, and doing me many services. To me and all of us, their sentence appeared cruel and unjust, and their deaths most undeserved.

After this, we continued our march with much circumspection, being apprehensive of a mutiny among the Mexican troops in revenge for the execution of their chiefs; but these poor creatures were so exhausted by famine, sickness, and fatigue, that they did not seem even to have bestowed a thought on the matter. At night we came to a deserted village; but on searching we found eight priests, whom we brought to Cortes. He desired them to recal the inhabitants, which they readily promised, requesting him not to injure their idols in a temple close to some buildings in which Cortes was quartered, which he agreed to, yet expostulated with them on the absurdity of worshipping compositions of clay and wood. They seemed as if it would have been easy to induce them to embrace the doctrines of our holy faith; and soon brought us twenty loads of fowls and maize. On being examined by Cortes about the bearded men with horses, they said that these people dwelt at a place called Nito, at the distance of seven suns, or days journey from their village, and offered to guide us to that place. At this time Cortes was exceedingly sad and ill-humoured, being fretted by the difficulties and misfortunes of his march, and his conscience upbraided him for the cruelty he had committed upon the unfortunate king of Mexico. He was so distracted by these reflections, that he could not sleep, and used to walk about at night, as a relief for his anxious thoughts. Going in the dark to walk in a large apartment which contained some of the Indian idols, he missed his way and fell from a height of twelve feet, by which he received a severe contused wound in his head. He endeavoured to conceal this circumstance from general knowledge, and got his wounds cured as well as he could, keeping his sufferings to himself.

After leaving this place, we came in two days to a district inhabited by a nation called the Mazotecas, where we found a newly built town, fortified by two circular enclosures of pallisades, one of which was like a barbican, having loop-holes to shoot through, and was strengthened by ditches. Another part of the town was inaccessible, being on the summit of a perpendicular rock, on the top of which the natives had collected great quantities of stones for their defence. And a third quarter of the town was defended by an impassable morass. Yet after all these defensive preparations, we were astonished to find the town entirely abandoned, though every house was full of the different kinds of provisions which the country afforded, besides which it had a magazine stocked with arms of all sorts. While we were expressing our astonishment at these circumstances, fifteen Indians came out of the morass in the most submissive manner, and told us that they had been forced to the construction of this fortress as their last resort, in an unsuccessful war with a neighbouring nation, called the Lazandones as far as I can now remember. They brought back the inhabitants, whom we treated with kindness, and from whom we received farther information, respecting, the Spanish settlement, to which two of the natives of this place undertook to shew us the way. From this place we entered upon vast open plains, in which not a tree was to be seen, and in which innumerable herds of deer were feeding, which were so tame as almost to come up to us. Our horsemen, therefore, easily took as many as they pleased, and we found that the Indians never disturbed them, considering them as a kind of divinities, and had even been commanded by their idols, or priests rather in their name, neither to kill or frighten these animals. The heat of the weather was now so excessive that Palacios Rubios, a relation of Cortes, lost his horse by pursuing the deer. We continued our march along this open campaign country, passing several villages where the destructive ravages of war were distinctly perceivable. On one occasion we met some Indians on their return from hunting, who had along with them a huge lion[1] just killed, and several iguanas[2], a species of small serpent very good to eat. These people shewed us the way to their town, to which we had to wade up to our middles through a lake of fresh water by which it was surrounded. This lake was quite full of fish, resembling shads, but enormously large, with prickles on their backs; and having procured some nets, we took above a thousand of them, which gave us a plentiful supply. On inquiry, five of the natives of this place engaged to guide us to the settlement of our countrymen; and they were glad to get so easily rid of us, as they were apprehensive we had come to put them all to death.

Leaving this place, we proceeded to a town named Tayasal, situated on an island in a river, the white temples, towers, and houses, of which place, glistened from a distance. As the road now became very narrow, we thought proper to halt here for the night, having in the first place detached some soldiers to the river to look out for a passage. They were so fortunate as to take two canoes, containing ten men and two women, who were conveying a cargo of maize and salt. Being brought to Cortes, they informed him that they belonged to a town about four leagues farther on. Our general detained one of the canoes and some of the people, and sent two Spaniards along with the rest in the other canoe, to desire the cacique of that town to send him canoes to enable us to cross the river. Next morning, we all marched down to the river, where we found the cacique waiting for us, who invited the general to his place of residence. Cortes accordingly embarked with an escort of thirty crossbows, and was presented on his arrival at the town with a few toys of gold very much alloyed, and a small number of mantles. They informed him that they knew of Spaniards being at three different places, which were Nito, Buena Vista, and Naco, the last being ten days journey inland from Nito, and where the greater number of the Spaniards resided, Nito being on the coast. On hearing this, Cortes observed to us that De Oli had probably divided his forces, as we knew nothing as yet respecting Gil Gonzalo de Avila, or Las Casas.

Our whole army now crossed the river, and halted about two leagues from it, waiting the return of Cortes. At this place, three Spanish soldiers, two Indians, and a Negro deserted; preferring to take their chance among the unknown natives of the country, to a continuance of the fatigues and dangers they had experienced. This day likewise, I had a stroke of the sun, which occasioned a burning fever or calenture. At this period the weather changed, and for three days and nights it rained incessantly; yet we had to continue our march, lest our provisions might fail. After two days march we came to a ridge of rocky hills, which we named the Sierra de los Pedernales, the stones of which were as sharp as knives. Several soldiers were sent a league on each side of this bad pass in search of a better road, but to no purpose, so that we were forced to proceed. Our horses fell at every step, and the farther we advanced it grew the worse, insomuch that we lost eight horses, and all the rest were so lamed that they could not keep up with us. After getting over this shocking pass, we advanced towards a town called Taica, where we expected to procure provisions in abundance; but to our great mortification were unexpectedly stopped by a prodigious torrent, so swelled by the late heavy rains that it was quite impassable, and made such a noise in tumbling over its rocky bed that it might have been heard at the distance of two leagues. We had to stop here for three complete days to construct a bridge between the precipitous banks of this river; in consequence of which delay the people of Taica had abandoned their town, removing all their provisions out of our reach. We were all miserably disappointed at this event, finding that hunger was to be our portion after all our fatigues. After sending out his servants in every direction, Cortes was only able to procure about a bushel of maize. He then called together the colonists of Coatzacualco, and earnestly solicited us to use our utmost endeavours to procure supplies. Pedro de Ircio requested to have the command on this occasion, to which Cortes assented: But as I knew Ircio to be a better prater than marcher, I whispered to Cortes and Sandoval to prevent him from going, as he was a duck-legged fellow, who could not get through the miry ground, and would only interrupt us in our search. Cortes accordingly ordered him to remain, and five of us set out with two Indian guides across rivers and marshes, and came at length to some Indian houses where we found provisions in abundance. We here made some prisoners, and with their fruit, fowls, and corn, we celebrated the feast of the Resurrection to our great contentment. That same night we were joined by a thousand Mexicans, who had been sent after us, whom we loaded with all the corn we could procure, and twenty fowls for Cortes and Sandoval, after which there still remained some corn in the town, which we remained to guard. We advanced next day to some other villages, where we found corn in abundance, and wrote a billet to Cortes desiring him to send all the Indians he could spare to carry it to the army. Thirty soldiers and about five hundred Indians arrived in a short time, and we amply provided for the wants of the army during the five days it remained at Taica. I may observe here, that the bridges which we constructed on this march continued good for many years; and the Spaniards, when they travelled this way, used to say, "These are the bridges of Cortes."

After resting five days at Taica, we continued our march for two days to a place called Tania, through a country everywhere intersected by marshes, rivers, and rivulets, all the towns being abandoned and the provisions carried away; and, to add to our misfortunes, our guides made their escape during the night, being entrusted, as I suppose, to some of the newly arrived Spaniards, who used to sleep on their posts. We were thus left in a difficult country, and did not know which way to go; besides which heavy rains fell without ceasing. Cortes was very much out of humour, and observed among his officers, that he wished some others besides the Coatzacualco settlers would bestir themselves in search of guides. Pedro de Ircio, a man of quality named Marmolejo, and Burgales, who was afterwards regidor of Mexico, offered their services, and taking each of them six soldiers, were out three days in search of Indians, but all returned without success, having met with nothing but rivers, marshes, and obstructions. Cortes was quite in despair, and desired Sandoval to ask me as a favour to undertake the business. Though ill, I could not refuse when applied to in this manner; wherefore, taking two friends along with me who could endure fatigue, we set out following the course of a stream, and soon found a way to some houses, by observing marks of boughs having been cut. Following these marks, we came in sight of a village surrounded by fields of corn; but we remained concealed till we thought the people were asleep, and taking the inhabitants by surprise, we secured three men, two very handsome Indian girls, and an old woman, with a few fowls and a small quantity of maize. On bringing our prize to head-quarters, Sandoval was quite overjoyed. "Now," said he to Pedro de Ircio in the presence of Cortes, "was not Castillo in the right, when he refused to take hobbling people along with him, who tell old stories of the adventures of the Conde de Urena and his son Don Pedro Giron?" All who were present laughed heartily at this sally, as Ircio used to pester us with these stories continually, and Sandoval knew that Ircio and I were not on friendly terms. Cortes paid me many compliments on this occasion, and thanked me for my good service. But what is praise more than emptiness, and what does it profit me that Cortes said he relied on me, next to God, for procuring guides? We learnt from the prisoners that it was necessary to descend the river for two days march, when we would come to a town of two hundred houses, called Oculiztli; which he did accordingly, passing some large buildings where the travelling Indian merchants used to stop on their journeys. At the close of the second day we came to Oculiztli, where we got plenty of provisions, and in one of the temples we found an old red cap and a sandal, which had been placed there as offerings to the idols. Some of our soldiers brought two old men and four women to Cortes, who told him that the Spanish settlement was on the seaside two days journey from this place, with no intervening towns. Cortes therefore gave orders to Sandoval to set out immediately with six soldiers for the coast, to ascertain what number of men De Oli had with him, as he meant to fall upon him by surprise, being quite ignorant of the revolution which had happened in this quarter.

Sandoval set out accordingly with three guides, and on reaching the sea shore, he soon perceived a canoe; and concealing himself where he expected it might anchor for the night, was fortunate enough to get possession of the canoe; which belonged to some Indian merchants who were carrying salt to Golfo dolce. Sandoval embarked in this canoe with a part of his men, sending the rest along the shore, and made for the great river. During the voyage, he fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the settlement, who were searching for fruit near the mouth of the river, being in great distress from sickness and the hostilities of the Indians. Two of these men were up in a tree, when they saw Sandoval to their great astonishment, and soon joined him. They informed him of the great distress of the settlement, and of all the events which had occurred, and how they had hanged the officer whom Avila had left in the command, and a turbulent priest, for opposing their determination to return to Cuba, and had elected one Antonio Niote in his stead. Sandoval resolved to carry these people to Cortes, whom he wished to inform as soon as possible of the news, and sent a soldier named Alonzo Ortiz, who soon reached us with the agreeable intelligence, for which Cortes gave him an excellent horse, and all of us gave him something in proportion to our abilities. Sandoval arrived soon afterwards, and Cortes issued immediate orders to march to the coast, which was about six leagues distant. Cortes pushed forwards with his attendants, and crossed the river by means of the two canoes, swimming the horses. The Spanish settlement was about two leagues from the place where Cortes landed, and the colonists were astonished on seeing the Europeans coming towards them, and still more so when they found it was the renowned conqueror of Mexico. Cortes received their congratulations very graciously, and desired them to bring all the canoes they could collect, and the boats belonging to their ships to assist his army in crossing. He likewise ordered them to provide bread for the army; but of this only fifty pounds weight could be got, as they lived almost entirely on sapotes and other vegetables, and fish.

We had an arm of the sea to cross, and had therefore to wait for low water, but Cortes had found the passage so dangerous that he sent us word not to follow till farther orders. The care of passing this dangerous place was entrusted to Sandoval, who took as effectual measures as possible, but it took us four days to get over, partly wading and partly swimming. One soldier and his horse went to the bottom, and was never seen more, and two other horses were lost. A person named Saavedra, presuming on his relationship to Cortes, refused obedience to the orders of Sandoval, and endeavoured to force his passage, even laying his hand on his poinard, and using disrespectful expressions to Sandoval; who seized him instantly and threw him into the water, where he was nearly drowned. Our sufferings at this time were excessive, as during all these four days we had literally nothing to eat, except by gathering a few nuts and some wild fruits, and on getting across our condition was not improved. We found this colony to contain forty men and six women, all yellow and sickly, and utterly destitute of provisions; so that we were under the necessity of setting out immediately in search of food both for ourselves and them. For this purpose, about eighty of us marched, under the command of Luis Marin, to a town about eight leagues distant, where we found abundance of maize and vegetables, and great quantities of cacao; and as this place was in the direct road for Naco, to which Cortes intended to go, he immediately sent Sandoval and the greatest part of the troops to join us, on receiving the agreeable intelligence of our good fortune. We sent a plentiful supply of maize to the miserable colonist who had been so long in a starving condition, of which they eat to such excess that seven of them died. About this time likewise a vessel arrived with seven horses, forty hogs, eight pipes of salted meat, a considerable quantity of biscuit, and fifteen adventurers from Cuba. Cortes immediately purchased all the provisions, which he distributed among the colonists, who eat the salted meat so voraciously that it occasioned diarrhoeas, by which, in a very few days, fourteen of them were carried off.

As Cortes wished to examine this great river, he caused one of the brigantines belonging to Avila which had been stranded to be fitted out; and embarking with thirty soldiers and eight mariners belonging to the vessel lately arrived, having likewise a boat and four double canoes, he proceeded up the river to a spacious lake with good anchorage. This lake was navigable for six leagues, all the adjacent country being subject to be inundated; but on endeavouring to proceed higher, the current became stronger, and he came to certain shallows, which prevented the vessels from proceeding any farther. Cortes now landed with his soldiers, and advanced into the country by a narrow road which led to several villages of the natives. In the first of these he procured some guides, and in the second he found abundance of corn, and many domesticated birds, among which were pheasants, pigeons, and partridges, which last are often domesticated by the Indians of America. In prosecuting his route, he approached a large town called Cinacan Tencintle, in the midst of fine plantations of cacao, where he heard the sound of music and merry-making, the inhabitants being engaged in a drunken feast. Cortes waited a favourable opportunity, concealed in a wood close by the town, when suddenly rushing out, he made prisoners of ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the inhabitants attacked him with their darts and arrows, but our people closed with them and killed eight of their chiefs, on which the rest submitted, sending four old men, two of whom were priests, with a trifling present of gold, and to petition for the liberation of the prisoners, which he accordingly engaged to give up on receiving a good supply of provisions, which they promised to deliver at the ships. A misunderstanding took place afterwards between Cortes and these Indians, as he wished to retain three of their women to make bread, and hostilities were renewed, in which Cortes was himself wounded in the face, twelve of his soldiers wounded, and one of his boats destroyed. He then returned after an absence of twenty-six days, during which he had suffered excessive torment from the mosquitoes. He wrote to Sandoval, giving him an account of all that had occurred in his expedition to Cinacan, which is seventy leagues from Guatimala, and ordered him to proceed to Naco; as he proposed to remain himself on purpose to establish a colony at Puerto de Cavallos[3], for which he desired Sandoval to send back ten of the Coatzacualco veterans, without whose assistance nothing could be done properly. Taking with him all the Spaniards who remained at St Gil de Buena Vista, Cortes embarked in two ships, and arrived in eight days sail at Puerto de Cavallos, which had a good harbour, and seemed every way well calculated for a colony, which he established there under the command of Diego de Godoy, naming the town Natividad. Expecting by this time that Sandoval might have arrived at Naco, which is not far distant from Puerto Cavallos, Cortes sent a letter for him to that place, requiring a reinforcement of ten of the veteran soldiers of Coatzacualco, as he intended to proceed for the bay of Honduras; but this letter reached us in our last-mentioned quarters as we had not yet reached Naco. Leaving Cortes for the present, I shall only say that he was so tormented by the mosquitoes, which prevented him from procuring rest either by night or day, that he had almost lost his life or his senses.

On receiving this last letter from the general, Sandoval pressed on for Naco, but was obliged to halt at a place called Cuyocan, in order to collect the stragglers who had gone in quest of provisions. We were also impeded by a river, and the natives on every side were hostile. Our line of march was now extremely long, by the great number of invalids, especially of the Mexicans, who were unable to keep up with the main body; on which account Sandoval left me at this place, with the command of eight men at the ferry, to protect and bring up the stragglers. One night the natives attacked my post, setting fire to the house in which we were lodged, and endeavoured to carry away our canoe; but, with the assistance of some of our Mexicans who had come up, we beat them off; and, having collected all the invalids who had loitered behind, we crossed the river next day, and set but to rejoin Sandoval. A Genoese, who had been sometime ill, sunk at length through weakness, occasioned by poverty of diet, and died on the road, and I was obliged to leave his body behind. When I made my report to Sandoval, he was ill pleased at me for not having brought on the dead body; but I told him we had already two invalids on every horse, and one of my companions said rather haughtily, that we had enough of difficulty to bring on ourselves, without carrying dead men. Sandoval immediately ordered me and that soldier, whose name was Villanueva, to go back and bury the Genoese, which we did accordingly, and placed a cross over his grave. We found a purse in his pocket, containing some dice, and a memorandum of his family and effects in Teneriffe. God rest his soul! Amen. In about two days we arrived at Naco, passing a town named Quinistlan, and a place where mines have been since discovered. We found Naco to be a very good town, but it was abandoned by its inhabitants, yet we procured plenty of provisions and salt, of which we were in very great need. We took up our quarters in some large quadrangular buildings, where De Oli was executed, and established ourselves there as if we had been to have remained permanently. There is the finest water at this place that is to be found in all New Spain; as likewise a species of tree which is most admirable for the siesta; as, however great may be the heat of the sun, there is always a most delightful and refreshing coolness under its shade, and it seems to give out a delicate kind of dew, which is good for the head. Naco is admirably situated, in a fertile neighbourhood, which produces different kinds of sapotes in great abundance, and it was then very populous. Sandoval obtained possession of three chiefs of the district, whom he treated kindly, by which means the people of the district remained in peace, but all his endeavours to induce the inhabitants to return to the town were ineffectual. It was now necessary to send the reinforcement of ten Coatzacualco veterans which Cortes had required. At that time I was ill, and besides Sandoval wished to retain me along with him: Eight valiant soldiers were sent off, however, who heartily cursed Cortes and his expedition at every step of their march; for which indeed they had good reason, as they were entirely ignorant of the state of the country through which they had to go. Sandoval took the precaution of sending five principal people of the natives along with them, making known at the same time that he would punish the country most severely if any injury was done them on their journey. They arrived in safety at Natividad, where Cortes then was; who immediately embarked for Truxillo, leaving Godoy in the command of the settlement at Puerto de Cavallos, with forty Spaniards, who were all that remained of the settlers who had accompanied de Avila, and of those who had come recently from Cuba. Godoy maintained himself for some time; but his men were continually dropping off by disease, and the Indians began at last to despise and neglect him, refusing to supply the settlement with provisions, so that in a short time he lost above half his number by sickness and famine, and three of his men deserted to join Sandoval. By various expeditions and judicious measures, Sandoval reduced all the country round Naco to peace and submission, namely the districts of Cirimongo, Acalao, Quinistlan, and four others, of which I forget the names, and even extended his authority over the natives as far as Puerto Cavallos, where Godoy commanded.

After six days sail, Cortes arrived at the port of Truxillo, where he found a colony which had been established by Francisco de las Casas, among whom were many of the mutineers who had served under De Oli, and who had been banished from Panuco. Conscious of their guilt, all these men waited on Cortes, and supplicated for pardon, which he granted them, even confirming all who had been appointed to offices in the colony; but he placed his relation Saavedra as commandant of the colony and surrounding province. Cortes summoned all the chiefs and priests of the Indians, to whom he made a long harangue, giving them to understand that he had come among them to induce them to abandon the cruel and abominable practices of their false religion, and to embrace the only true faith. He also enlarged upon the power and dignity of our great emperor, to whose government he required their submission. He was followed by the reverend fathers, who exhorted them to become proselytes to the holy catholic religion, the principles of which they explained. After all this, the people readily agreed to obey our general, and to become vassals to Don Carlos; and Cortes enjoined them to provide the settlement with provisions, especially fish, which are caught in great abundance in the sea about the islands of Guanojes[4]; he likewise ordered them to send a number of labourers to clear the woods in front of the town of Truxillo, so as to open a view of the sea. Cortes likewise ordered a number of sows with young to be turned loose in these islands, by which, in a few years, they were amply stocked. The natives cleared the woods between Truxillo and the sea in two days, and built fifteen houses for the colonists, one of which for Cortes, was sufficiently commodious. Cortes became feared and renowned over all the districts, as far as Olancho, where rich mines have been since discovered; the natives giving him the name of Captain Hue-hue de Marina, or the old captain of Donna Marina. He reduced the whole country to submission, excepting two or three districts in the mountains, against which he sent a party of soldiers under Captain Saavedra, who brought most of them under subjection, one tribe only named the Acaltecans holding out.

As a great many of the people along with Cortes became sick through the unhealthiness of the climate, he sent them by a vessel to Hispaniola or Cuba for the recovery of their healths. By this opportunity, he sent letters to the royal audience of St Domingo and the reverend brothers of the order of St Jerome, giving an account of all the events that had recently happened, and in particular of his having left the government of Mexico in the hands of deputies, while he proceded to reduce de Oli who had rebelled. He apprised them of his future intentions, and requested a reinforcement of soldiers, to enable him to reduce the country where he now was to subjection; and that they might attach the greater credit to his report of its value, he sent a valuable present of gold, taken in reality from his own side-board, but which he endeavoured to make them believe was the produce of this new settlement. He entrusted the management of this business to a relation of his own, named Avalos, whom he directed to take up in his way twenty-five soldiers who, he was informed, had been left in the island of Cozumel to kidnap Indians to be sent for slaves to the West Indian islands. This vessel was wrecked about seventy leagues from the Havanna, on which occasion Avalos and many of the passengers perished. Those who escaped, among whom was the licentiate Pedro Lopez, brought the first intelligence to the islands of the existence of Cortes and his army; as it had been universally believed in Cuba and Hispaniola that we had all perished. As soon as it was known where Cortes was, two old ships were sent over to Truxillo with horses and colts, and one pipe of wine; all the rest of their cargoes consisting of shirts, caps, and useless trumpery of various kinds. Some of the Indian inhabitants of the Guanajas islands, which are about eight leagues from Truxillo, came at this time to Cortes, complaining that the Spaniards had been accustomed to carry away the natives and their macegualos or slaves, and that a vessel was now there which was supposed to have come for that purpose. Cortes immediately sent over one of his vessels to the islands; but the ship against which the natives complained made sail immediately on seeing her, and escaped. It was afterwards known, that this vessel was commanded by the bachelor Moreno, who had been sent on business by the royal audience of St Domingo to Nombre de Dios.

While Sandoval remained at Naco, the chiefs of two neighbouring districts, named Quecuspan and Tanchinalchapa, complained to him of a party of Spaniards, at the distance of a days march from Naco, who robbed their people and made slaves of them. Sandoval set out against these people immediately with a party of seventy men, and on coming to the place these Spaniards were exceedingly surprised at seeing us and took to their arms; but we soon seized their captain and several others, and made them all prisoners without any bloodshed. Sandoval reprehended them severely for their misconduct, and ordered all the Indians whom they had made prisoners to be immediately released. One Pedro de Garro was the commander of these men, among whom were several gentlemen, and in comparison of us dirty and worn down wretches, they were all mounted and attended like lords. They were all marched to our head-quarters as prisoners; but in a day or two they became quite reconciled to their lot. The occasion of their coming into the country was as follows: Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor of Tierra Firma, had sent a captain named Francisco Hernandez to reduce the provinces of Nicaragua and New Leon, and to establish a colony in that place, which he accomplished. After the atrocious murder of Balboa, who had married Donna Isabella the daughter of Aries, Moreno had been sent over by the court of royal audience, and persuaded Hernandez, who was now comfortably settled, to throw off his dependence upon Pedro Aries, and to establish a distinct government immediately under the royal authority. Hernandez had done so, and had sent this party under de Garro on purpose to open a communication from Nicaragua with the north coast, by which to receive supplies from old Spain. When all this was explained to Sandoval, he sent Captain Luis Marin to communicate the intelligence to Cortes, in expectation that he would support the views of Hernandez. I was sent along with Marin on this occasion, our whole force consisting of ten men. Our journey was exceedingly laborious, having to cross many rivers which were much swollen by the rains, and we had at times to make our way through hostile Indians armed with large heavy lances, by which two of our soldiers were wounded. We had sometimes three difficult rivers to cross in one day; and one river, named Xagua, ten leagues from Triumpho de la Cruz, detained us for two days. By the side of that river we found the skeletons of seven horses, which had belonged to the troops of de Oli, and had died from eating poisonous herbs. Several of the rivers and inlets on our journey were much infested by alligators.

Passing Triumpho de la Cruz and a place called Quemara, we arrived one evening near Truxillo, where we saw five horsemen riding along the sea shore, who happened to be our general and four of his friends taking the air. After the first surprize at this unexpected meeting, Cortes dismounted and embraced us all with tears in his eyes, quite overjoyed to see us. It made me quite melancholy to see him, as he was so worn down by distress and disease, that he appeared much reduced and extremely weak, insomuch that he had even expected death, and had procured a Franciscan habit to be buried in. He walked along with us into the town of Truxillo, and invited us all to sup with him; where we fared so wretchedly that I had not even my fill of bread or biscuit. After reading over the letters we had brought him relative to Hernandez, he promised to do every thing in his power to support him. The two vessels which I formerly mentioned as having brought horses from Hispaniola, only arrived three days before us, and we were fools enough to run ourselves in debt by purchasing their useless frippery. Hitherto Cortes had not received any intelligence whatever from Mexico since he left it on this disastrous expedition; but, while we were giving him an account of the hardships of our late journey from Naco, a vessel was descried at a distance making for our port. This vessel was from the Havanna, and brought letters from the licentiate Zuazo, who had been alcalde-major of Mexico, the contents of which overwhelmed Cortes with such sorrow and distress, that he retired to his private apartment, whence he did not stir out for a whole day, and we could distinctly hear that he suffered great agitation. After hearing mass next morning, he called us together and communicated to us the intelligence which these letters conveyed, which was to the following effect.

In consequence of the power which Cortes had inconsiderately granted to Salazar and Chirinos, to supersede Estrada and Albornos in the administration of government in Mexico, in case of misconduct in these deputies, they had formed a strong party on their return to Mexico, among whom were Zuazo the alcalde-major, Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major, Alonzo de Tapis, Jorge de Alvarado, and many of the veteran conquerors, and had attempted to seize the government by force, and much disturbance and some bloodshed had ensued. Salazar and Chirinos had carried their point, and had taken the two former deputies and many of their friends prisoners; and as discontents and opposition still prevailed, they had confiscated the property of their opponents, which they distributed among their own partizans. They had superseded Zuazo in his office of alcalde-major, and had imprisoned Rodrigo de Paz; yet Zuazo had brought about a temporary reconciliation. During these disturbances, the Zapotecans and Mixtecans, and the inhabitants of a strong rocky district named Coatlan had rebelled, against whom the veedor Chirinos had marched with an armed force; but his troops thought of nothing but card-playing, so that the enemy had surprised their camp and done them much mischief. The factor Salazar had sent a veteran captain, Andres de Monjaraz, to assist and advise Chirinos; but Monjaraz being an invalid was unable to exert himself properly; and to add to their distractions, an insurrection was every hour expected in Mexico. The factor Salazar, constantly remitted gold to his majesties treasurer, Don Francisco de los Cobos, to make interest for himself at court, reporting that we had all died at Xicalonga. This report originated with Diego de Ordas, who, on purpose to escape from the factious troubles in Mexico, had gone with two vessels in search of us to Xicalongo, where Cuenca and Medina had been slain as formerly mentioned, on learning which misfortune he concluded it had been Cortes and his whole party, which he so reported in letters to Mexico, and had sailed himself to Cuba. Salazar shewed these letters to our several relations in Mexico, who all put on mourning, and so universally were we all believed to be dead, that out properties had been sold by public auction. The factor Salazar even assumed to himself the office of governor and captain-general of New Spain; a monument was erected to the honour of Cortes, and funeral service was performed for him in the great church of Mexico. The self-assumed governor even issued an order, that all the women whose husbands had gone with Cortes, and who had any regard for their souls, should consider themselves as widows and should immediately marry again; and because a woman named Juana de Mansilla, the wife of Alonzo Valiente, refused to obey this order, alleging we were not people who would be so easily destroyed as Salazar and his party, she was ordered to be publickly whipped through Mexico as a witch. One person from whom we expected better behaviour, and whose name I will not mention, by way of flattering Salazar, solemnly assured him before many witnesses, that one night, as he was passing the church of St Jago, which is built on the site of the great temple of Mexico, he saw the souls of Cortes, Donna Marina, and Sandoval burning in flames of fire: Another person, also, of good reputation, pretended that the quadrangles of Tescuco were haunted by evil spirits, which the natives said were the souls of Donna Marina and Cortes.

At this time the captains Las Casas and De Avila, who had beheaded Christoval de Oli, arrived in Mexico, and publickly asserted the existence of Cortes, reprobating the conduct of Salazar, and declaring if Cortes were actually dead, that Alvarado was the only fit person to have been raised to the government, till his majesties pleasure could be known. Alvarado was written to on the subject, and even set out for Mexico; but becoming apprehensive for his life, he returned to his district. Finding that he could not bring over Las Casas, De Avila, and Zuazo to his party, Salazar caused the two former to be arrested and prosecuted for the murder of De Oli, and even procured their condemnation; and it was with the utmost difficulty their execution could be prevented by an appeal to his majesty; but he was obliged to content himself with sending them prisoners to Spain. He next sent off the licentiate Zuazo in irons to Cuba, under pretence of making him answer for his conduct while acting as a judge in that island. Salazar collected all the gold he could lay his hands upon, and seized Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major of Mexico, who had been major domo to Cortes, demanding of him an account and surrender of all the treasure belonging to the general; and as he either could not or would not discover where it was, he caused him to be tortured by burning his feet and legs, and even caused him to be hanged that he might not carry his complaints to his majesty. His object in collecting gold was to support his negociations at court; but in this he was counteracted by almost all the other officers of government in New Spain, who determined to send their own statements of the affairs of the colony to court by the same conveyance with his. He arrested most of the friends of Cortes, several of whom joined his party as he gave them Indians, and because they wished to be of the strongest side; but Tapia and Jorge Alvarado took sanctuary with the Franciscans. To deprive the malcontents of arms, he brought the whole contents of the arsenal to his palace, in front of which he planted all the artillery for his defence, under the command of Captain Luis de Guzman, son-in-law to the duke of Medina Sidonia. He formed likewise a body guard for his own individual protection, partly composed of soldiers who had belonged to Cortes, to the command of which he appointed one Arriaga. This letter likewise mentioned the death of Father Bartholomew de Olmedo, who was so much revered by the native Mexicans, that they fasted from the time of his death till after his burial. Zuazo, in the conclusion of his letter, expressed his apprehensions that the colony of Mexico would be utterly ruined by these confusions. Along with this long and melancholy letter from Zuazo, Cortes received letters from his father, informing him of the death of the bishop of Burgos, and of the intrigues of Albornos at court, already mentioned on a former occasion, and the interference of the Duke of Bejar in his behalf. He also told him that Narvaez had been appointed to the government of the country on the river Palmas, and one Nuno de Guzman to the province of Panuco.

The intelligence from Zuazo made us all very melancholy, and it is difficult to say which of the two we cursed most heartily in secret for our misfortunes, Cortes or Salazar, for we gave them ten thousand maledictions, and our hearts sunk within us to think of our miserable plight after all our fatigues and dangers. Cortes retired to his chamber, and did not appear again till the evening, when we unanimously entreated him to hasten to Mexico, that he might recover the government from the usurper. He replied kindly: "My dear friends, this villainous factor is very powerful. If I go along with you to Mexico, he may waylay us by the road and murder us all. I think it better for me to go privately to Mexico with only three or four of you, that I may come upon him at unawares, and that all the rest of you rejoin Sandoval and go along with him to Mexico." When I saw that Cortes was resolved on going privately to Mexico, I anxiously requested to attend him, as I had hitherto accompanied him in all his difficulties and dangers. He complimented me on my fidelity, but insisted on my continuing with Sandoval. Several of the colonists of Truxillo began to grow mutinous, because Cortes had neglected promoting them to offices; but he pacified them by promises of providing for them when he should be replaced in his government of Mexico. Previous to his intended departure, he wrote to Diego de Godoy, to quit Puerto Cavallos with his settlers, where they were unable to remain on account of mosquitos and other vermin, ordering them to relieve us in the good settlement of Naco. He also ordered that we should take the province of Nicaragua in our way to Mexico, as it was a country in his opinion worth taking care of. We took our leave of Cortes, who embarked on his intended voyage, and we set out cheerfully for Naco to join Sandoval, as Mexico was now the object of our march. The route to Naco was as usual attended with much difficulty and distress, yet we got safe there, and found that Captain De Garro had set off for Nicaragua, to inform his commander Hernandez that Cortes was setting out for Mexico, and had promised to give him all the assistance in his power.

Two confidential friends of Pedro Aries had come to the knowledge of the private correspondence between Hernandez and Cortes, and suspected that Hernandez meant to detach himself from the command of Aries, and to surrender his province to Cortes. The names of these men were Garruito and Zamorrano, the former of whom was urged by an ancient enmity to Cortes, on account of a rivalship between them in Hispaniola when both young men, about a lady, which ended in a duel. These persons communicated intelligence of all they knew to Aries, who immediately hastened to Nicaragua, to seize all the parties concerned. Garro took the alarm in time, and made his escape to us; but Hernandez, relying on his former intimacy with Aries, expected that he would not proceed to extremities against him, and waited his arrival. He was miserably disappointed in these hopes, as Aries, after a summary process, ordered him to execution as a traitor to his superior officer.

On his first attempt to sail from Truxillo to Vera Cruz, Cortes was put back by contrary winds, and a second time by an accident happening to his ship. Dispirited by sickness, the accidents which had delayed his voyage prayed on his spirits, he became apprehensive of the power of Salazar being too great for him, and his lofty mind sunk under superstitious fears. On his second return to Truxillo, he ordered the celebration of a solemn mass, and prayed fervently to be enlightened by the Holy Spirit as to his future proceedings. On this occasion it appears that he became inclined to remain in Truxillo to colonize that part of the country; and in three several expresses which he sent in quick succession to recall us to that place, he attributed his determination on that subject to the inspiration of his guardian angel. On receiving these messages, we cursed Cortes and his bad fortune, and declared to Sandoval that he must remain by himself, if he chose that measure, as we were resolved on returning to Mexico. Sandoval was of the same opinion with us, and we sent a letter to Cortes to that effect signed by all of us; to which we had an answer in a few days, making great offers to such of us as would remain, and saying, if we refused, that there still were good soldiers to be had in Castile and elsewhere. On receiving this letter we were more determined than ever to proceed; but Sandoval persuaded us to wait a few days till he could see and speak with Cortes; to whom we wrote in reply, that if he could find soldiers in Castile, so could we find governors and generals in Mexico, who would give us plantations for our services, and that we had already suffered sufficient misfortunes by following him. With this reply Sandoval set off, attended by a soldier named Sauzedo and a farrier, swearing by his beard that he would not return till he had seen Cortes embarked for Mexico. On this occasion Sandoval applied to me for my horse, an excellent animal for speed, exercise, and travel, which cost me six hundred crowns, my former horse having been killed in action at a place called Zulaco. Sandoval gave me one of his in exchange, which was killed under me in less than two months; after which I was reduced to a vicious colt which I bought from the two vessels at Truxillo. On parting from us, Sandoval desired us to wait his return at a large Indian town called Acalteca.

When Sandoval came to Truxillo, Cortes received him very joyfully; but neither his pressing instances nor our letter could prevail on him to proceed to Mexico. He prevailed on him, therefore, to send Martin de Orantes, a confidential servant, with a commission to Pedro de Alvarado and Francisco de las Casas, in case these officers were in Mexico, to assume the government till he should return; or, in the event of their absence, to authorise the treasurer, Estrada, and the contador, Albornos, to resume the power granted by the former deputation, revoking that which he had so inadvertently given to the factor Salazar and the veedor Chirinos, which they had so grossly abused. Cortes agreed to this, and having given Orantes his instructions and commissions, directed him to land in a bay between Vera Cruz and Panuco, suffering no person but himself to go on shore, after which the vessel was immediately to proceed to Panuco, that his arrival might be kept as secret as possible. Orantes was likewise furnished with letters from Cortes to all his friends in New Spain, and to the treasurer and contador, although he knew they were not of that description, desiring them all to use their utmost diligence in displacing the present tyrannical usurpers. Having favourable weather, Orantes soon arrived at his destination; and disguising himself as a labourer, set forward on his journey, always avoiding the Spaniards, and lodging only among the natives. When questioned by any one, he called himself Juan de Flechilla; and indeed he was so altered during his absence of two years and three months, that his most intimate acquaintances could not have recognised him. Being a very active man, he arrived in four days in Mexico, which he entered in the dark, and proceeded immediately to the convent of the Franciscans, where he found the Alvarados and several other friends of Cortes, who were there concealed. On explaining his errand and producing the letters of Cortes, every one was exceedingly rejoiced, and even the reverend fathers danced for gladness. The gates of the monastery were immediately locked, to preclude all notice being conveyed to the adverse party; and about midnight, the treasurer and contador, and many of the friends of Cortes were brought secretly to the convent, where the intelligence was communicated to them. In a grand consultation, it was resolved to seize the factor Salazar next morning, the contador Chirinos being still occupied at the rock of Coatlan.

The rest of the night was employed in providing arms and collecting all their friends, and at day-break next morning the whole party marched for the palace which Salazar inhabited, calling out as they went along, "Long live the king, and the governor Hernando Cortes." When this was heard by the citizens, they all took up arms; and under an idea that their assistance was required by the government, many of them joined Estrada on the march. The contador Albornos played a double game on the occasion, as he sent intelligence to put Salazar on his guard, for which Estrada reproached him afterwards with much severity. On approaching the palace, the friends of Cortes found Salazar already well prepared for resistance, in consequence of the information he had received; the artillery under Guzman being drawn out ready for action in front of the palace, and a strong garrison inside for its defence. But the adherents of Cortes pushed on, forcing their way by the different doors, and others by the terraces or wherever they could get access, continually shouting, for the king and Cortes. The adherents of Salazar were dismayed; the artillery-men abandoned the guns, and the other soldiers run away and hid themselves, leaving the poor factor with only Pedro Gonzalez Sabiote and four servants. Salazar being thus abandoned, became desperate, and endeavoured to fire off one of the guns, in which attempt he was made prisoner, and confined in a wooden cage. Circular notice of this revolution was immediately conveyed to all the provinces of New Spain; and the veedor Chirinos, leaving the command of his troops with Monjaraz, took refuge in the Franciscan monastery at Tescuco; but was shortly afterwards made prisoner and secured in another cage. Immediate intelligence of this revolution was transmitted to Pedro de Alvarado, with directions to go immediately to Truxillo to wait upon Cortes. The next thing done by the new deputies was to wait upon Juanna de Mansilla, who had been whipped as a witch, who was placed on horseback behind the treasurer Estrada, in which situation she was escorted in grand procession through all the streets of Mexico, like a Roman matron, and was ever afterwards stiled Donna Juanna, in honour of her constancy, for refusing to marry again while she believed her husband was still living.

As the situation of Mexico evidently required the presence of Cortes, Fra Diego de Altamirano was sent by his friends to represent to him the necessity of setting out immediately for the capital. This reverend father had been in the army before he entered the church, and was a man of considerable abilities, and experienced in business. On his arrival at Truxillo, and giving Cortes an account of the recent events in Mexico, the general gave thanks to God for the restoration of peace; but declared his intention of going to Mexico by land, being afraid of encountering the adverse currents, and because of the bad state of his health. The pilots, however, represented that the season was quite favourable for the voyage, it being then the month of April, and prevailed on him to give up his first resolution. But he would on no account leave Truxillo till the return of Sandoval, who had been detached with seventy soldiers against a Captain Roxas, who served under Pedro Arias de Avila, against whom complaints had been made by the inhabitants of Olancho, a district about fifty-five leagues from Truxillo. When the parties first met they were on the brink of proceeding to hostilities; but they were reconciled and parted amicably, Roxas and his men agreeing to evacuate the country. Sandoval was recalled in consequence of the arrival of Altamirano, and Cortes took measures to leave the country in good order, of which Saavedra was left lieutenant-governor. Captain Luis Marin was directed to march our whole party to Mexico by way of Guatimala, and Captain Godoy was ordered to take the command at Naco. All things being now settled for the departure of Cortes, he confessed to Fra Juan and received the Sacrament, previous to his embarkation, as he was so exceedingly ill that he thought himself on the point of death. The wind was favourable, and he soon arrived at the Havanna, where he was honourably received by his former friends and acquaintances, and where he had the pleasure, by a vessel just arrived from Vera Cruz, to receive intelligence that New Spain was entirely restored to peace; as all the refractory Indians, on hearing that Cortes and we their former conquerors were alive and returning, had come in and made their submissions.

The conduct of Salazar and Chirinos during their usurped authority had gained them many adherents; as, by means of their confiscations and the distribution of property among their greedy supporters, many were interested in the maintenance of their authority. These were mostly of the lower order, and persons of a seditious disposition; though some men of quality, especially influenced by the contador Albornos, who dreaded the arrival of Cortes, had formed a plot to kill the treasurer Estrada, and to reinstate Salazar and Chirinos in the government. For the purpose of releasing them from prison, they employed one Guzman, a white-smith, a fellow of low character who affected to be a wit, to make keys for opening their cages, giving him a piece of gold of the form which they required, and enjoining the strictest secrecy. He undertook all that they asked with the utmost apparent zeal, pretending to be very anxious for the liberation of the prisoners; and by his affected humour and zeal for the cause, contrived to become acquainted with their whole plan of procedure: But when the keys were finished and the plot ripe for execution, he communicated intelligence of the whole affair to Estrada; who instantly assembled the friends of Cortes, and went to the place of meeting, where he found twenty of the conspirators already armed and waiting for the signal. These were seized, but many others made their escape. Among the prisoners there were several very notorious characters, one of whom had lately committed violence on a Spanish woman. They were immediately brought to trial before Ortega, the alcalde-major of Mexico; and, being convicted, three of them were hanged, and several of the rest whipped.

I must here digress, to mention an affair not exactly accordant in point of time with my narrative, but relevant in regard to its subject. By the same vessel in which Salazar had transmitted letters to his majesty tending to criminate Cortes, other letters were conveyed and so artfully concealed that he had no suspicion of their existence, in which a full and true account of all his oppresions and unlawful proceedings was sent to his majesty. All these facts had also been reported by the royal court of audience at St Domingo; by which the reported death of Cortes was contradicted, and his majesty was truly informed in what manner the general was employed for his service. In consequence of these representations, the emperor is said to have expressed his high indignation at the unworthy treatment which Cortes had experienced, and his determination to support him in the government of New Spain.

[1] The true lion, Felis leo, is only found in the old world, chiefly in Africa and the south of Persia. The American lion, or puma, the Felis concolor of naturalists, is considerably less than the true lion, being about the size of a large wolf, of a lively red colour tinged with black, but without spots. It climbs trees, whence it drops down by surprise on animals passing below; and though fierce and cunning, hardly ever ventures to attack mankind.—E.

[2] The iguana, instead of being a serpent, is a large species of lizard, the Lacerta iguana of naturalists. It abounds in all the warm and marshy parts of America, and is reckoned excellent eating.—E.

[3] Diaz is very lax in his topographical notices of this famous expedition. The settlement of St Gil de Buena Vista, where Cortes now was, appears to have been at the bottom of the gulf of Amatique in the bay of Honduras, on the east side of the inlet which communicates with the golfo dolce. His exploration of that inland gulf, was probably in the hope of finding a navigable passage to the Pacific Ocean. The settlement which Cortes projected in Puerto Cavallos, must have been near that now called Fort Omoa.—E.

[4] These islands of Guanajes appear to be those called by the English settlers of Honduras, Ratan and Bonaeo, off cape Honduras.—E.



SECTION XXI.

Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to his departure for Europe; together with an account of the return of the Author to Mexico.

Cortes remained five days at the Havanna for refreshment, after which he reimbarked, and in twelve days arrived at the port of Medelin, opposite the Isla de los Sacrificios, where he disembarked with twenty soldiers; and while proceeding to the town of San Juan de Ulua, about half a league from Medelin, he had the good fortune to fall in with a string of horses and mules which had been employed in conveying travellers to the coast, which he immediately engaged to carry him and his suit to Vera Cruz[1]. He gave strict orders to all who accompanied him to give no hint to any person of his name and quality; and on his arrival at the town before day-break, he went directly to the church, the doors of which were just opened. The sacristan was alarmed at seeing so great a number of strangers going into the church, and immediately ran into the streets to call the civil power to his assistance. The alcaldes, with the alguazils, and some of the inhabitants repaired immediately to the church with their arms; and Cortes was so squalid from long illness, that no one knew him till he began to speak. The moment he was known, they all fell on their knees and kissed his hands, welcoming him back to New Spain; and his old fellow-soldiers escorted him after mass to the quarters of Pedro Moreno, where he remained eight days, during which he was feasted by the inhabitants. Intelligence was immediately conveyed of the joyful news to Mexico and all the surrounding country, and Cortes wrote to all his friends giving them notice of his arrival. The neighbouring Indians flocked to wait upon him with presents and congratulations; and when he set out on his journey to Mexico, every preparation was made for his accommodation and honourable entertainment. The inhabitants of Mexico, and all the places round the lake, and those of Tlascala and all the other Indian towns, celebrated his return with festivals. On his arrival at Tescuco, the contador came to wait upon him, and on entering the capital, he was received in great state by all the civil and military officers, and all the inhabitants. The natives in their gayest attire, and armed as warriors, filled the lake in their canoes; dancing and festivity prevailed in every corner of the city during the whole day; and at night every house was illuminated. Immediately on his arrival, he went to the monastery of St Francis, to give thanks to God for his preservation and safe return; and from thence went to his magnificent palace, where he was esteemed, served, and feared like a sovereign prince, all the provinces sending messages of congratulation on his happy return, with considerable presents. This return of Cortes to Mexico was in June[2], and he immediately ordered the arrest of all who had been most eminent for sedition during his absence, causing a judicial inquiry to be made into the conduct of the two principal culprits, Salazar and Chirinos, whom he intended to have brought immediately to justice for their crimes; and, if he had done so, no one would have found fault, but in this instance he certainly acted with too much lenity, or rather want of firmness. I remember to have heard from some of the members of the royal council of the Indies in 1540, that the capital punishment of these men would have been approved by his majesty. One Ocampo, who had been guilty of defamatory libels, and an old scrivener named Ocana, who used to be called the soul of Chirinos, was arrested on this occasion.

Shortly after the arrival of Cortes in Mexico, the licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon arrived unexpectedly at Medelin, and Cortes was surprised with this intelligence while performing his devotions in the church of St Francis. He prayed earnestly for direction from God, that he might so conduct himself on this critical emergency, as seemed best fitting to his holy will, and the good service of his sovereign; and immediately sent a confidential person to bring him information of the particular object and tendency of the coming of De Leon. In two days after, he received a copy of the royal orders to receive the licentiate as resident judge of Mexico: In consequence of which, he dispatched a person with a complimentary message, desiring to know which of the two roads to the city De Leon intended to take, that he might give orders for every proper accommodation to be prepared suitable to his rank. De Leon sent back an answer, thanking him for his polite attention, but that he proposed to repose for some time where he then was, to recover from the fatigues of his voyage. This interval was busily employed by the enemies of Cortes, in misrepresenting all the transactions in which Cortes had been concerned. They asserted that Cortes intended to put the factor and veedor to death before the arrival of De Leon at Mexico, and even warned him to take great care of his own personal safety, alleging that the civility of Cortes in desiring to know the road he meant to take, were to enable him to prepare for his assassination, under pretence of doing him honour. The persons with whom the licentiate principally consulted were, Proano, the alcalde-major, and his brother, who was alcalde of the citadel, named Salazar de la Pedrada, who soon afterwards died of a pleurisy; Marcos de Aguilar, a licentiate or bachelor; a soldier named Bocanegra de Cordova, and certain friars of the Dominican order, of whom Fra Thomas Ortiz was provincial. This man had been a prior somewhere, and was said to be much better fitted for worldly affairs, than for the concerns of his holy office. By these men De Leon was advised to proceed to Mexico without delay, and accordingly the last messengers sent to him by Cortes met him on the road at Iztapalapa. A sumptuous banquet was prepared at this place for De Leon and his suit, in which, after several abundant and magnificent courses, some cheese-cakes and custards were served up as great delicacies, which were much relished, and some of the company eat of them so heartily that they became sick. Ortiz asserted that they had been mixed up with arsenic, and that he had refrained from eating them from suspicion; but some who were present declared that he partook of them heartily, and declared they were the best he had ever tasted. This ridiculous story was eagerly circulated by the enemies of Cortes. While De Leon was at Iztapalapa, Cortes remained in Mexico; and report said that he sent at this time a good sum in gold as a present to the licentiate. When De Leon set out from Iztapalapa, Cortes having notice of his approach, went immediately to meet him, with a grand and numerous retinue of all the officers and gentlemen of the city. At meeting, many civilities passed between the two great men, and Cortes prevailed with some difficulty on De Leon to take the right hand. De Leon proceeded immediately to the monastery of St Francis, to offer up his thanks to the Almighty for his safe arrival, whence he was conducted by Cortes to a palace prepared for him, where he was most sumptuously entertained, all business being deferred for that day. On this occasion the grandeur and politeness of Cortes were so conspicuous, that De Leon is said to have observed privately among his friends, that Cortes must have been long practising the manners of a great man.

Next day, the cabildo or council of Mexico, all the civil and military officers, and all the veterans who were present in the capital, were ordered to assemble; and in the presence of all these, the licentiate Ponce de Leon produced his commission from his majesty. Cortes kissed it, and placed it on his head as a mark of respectful submission, and all present declared their ready obedience. The licentiate then received from Cortes the rod of justice, in token of surrendering the government into his hands, saying: "General, I receive this government from you by the orders of his majesty; although it is by no means implied that you are not most worthy both of this and of a higher trust." The general answered, "That he was always happy in obeying the commands of his majesty, and was the more satisfied on the present occasion, because he would have an opportunity to prove the malice and falsehood of his enemies." De Leon replied, "That in all societies there were good and bad men, for such was the way of the world; and he trusted that both would be repaid in kind." This was all the material business of the first day. On the next, the new governor sent a respectful summons to Cortes, who accordingly waited upon him, and they had a long private conference, at which no one was present except the prior Ortiz: Yet it was believed that the conversation was to the following effect. De Leon observed, that it was the wish of his majesty that those who had most merit in the conquest of the country should be well provided for in the distribution of plantations, those soldiers who had first come from Cuba being more especially considered: Whereas it was understood that they had been neglected, while others who had newly arrived had been gratified with unmerited wealth. To this Cortes answered, that all had got shares in the division of the country; and that it could not be imputed to him that some of these had turned out of less value than others: But it was now in the power of the new governor to remedy this inequality. The governor then asked why Luis de Godoy had been left to perish in a distant settlement, when the veterans ought to have been allowed to enjoy the comforts of established possessions in Mexico, and the new settlements assigned to new colonists: And why Captain Luis Marin, Bernal Diaz, and other approved veterans had been neglected. Cortes answered, That for business of difficulty and danger, none but the veterans could be depended on: But that all these were soon expected to return to Mexico, when the new governor would have it in his power to provide for them. De Leon next questioned him rather sharply about his imprudent march against Christoval de Oli, which he had undertaken without permission from his majesty. Cortes said, That he looked upon that measure as necessary for his majestys service, as such an example might have dangerous effects on officers entrusted with subordinate commands; and that he had reported his intentions to his majesty before he set out on this expedition. De Leon questioned him likewise on the affairs of Narvaez, Garay, and Tapia; on all of which subjects Cortes gave such answers that the governor seemed perfectly satisfied.

Soon after this conference, Ortiz called on three very intimate friends of the general, and pretending to be actuated only by the most friendly desire to serve him, assured them that the governor had secret orders from the emperor to behead Cortes immediately; and that he, from private regard, and in conformity with the duties of his holy functions, had considered it to be his duty to give him this intelligence. He even desired an interview with Cortes next morning, and communicated the same information to him, accompanied with many protestations of regard and friendship. This assuredly gave Cortes a very serious subject of meditation: But he had already been informed of the intriguing character of the prior, and suspected all this proceeded from a wish to be bribed for his good offices with the governor; though some alleged that Ortiz acted by the secret directions of De Leon on this occasion. Cortes received this pretended friendly information with many thanks; but declared his belief that his majesty had a better opinion of his services, than to proceed against him in this clandestine manner; and that he had too high an opinion of the governor, than to believe he could proceed to such extremities without the royal warrant. When the prior found that his sly conduct did not produce the effect which he had expected, he remained so confused that he knew not what farther to say on the occasion. The new governor gave public notice, for all who had complaints to make against the former administration, to bring their charges, whether against Cortes, or any others of the civil or military officers. In consequence of this, a vast number of accusers, litigants, and claimants started up; among whom many private enemies of the general preferred unjust accusations against him, while others made just claims for what was really due to them. Some alleged that they had not received their just shares of the gold; others that they had not been sufficiently rewarded in the distribution of settlements; some demanded remuneration for their horses which had been killed in the wars, though they had already been paid ten times their value; and others demanded satisfaction for personal injuries. Just as the governor had opened his court to give a hearing to all parties, it pleased God, for our sins, and to our great misfortune, that he was suddenly taken ill of a fever. He remained four days in a lethargic state; after which, by the advice of his physicians, he confessed and received the sacrament with great devotion, and appointed Marcos de Aguilar, who had come with him from Spain, to succeed him in the government. On the ninth day from the commencement of his illness, he departed from this life, to the great grief of all the colonists, particularly the military, as he certainly intended to have redressed all abuses, and to have rewarded us according to our merits. He was of a gay disposition, and fond of music; and it is said that his attendants, while his illness was at the height, brought a lute player into his apartment, in hopes of soothing his distress. While a favourite air was playing, he was said to have beat time with perfect accuracy, and expired just when the tune was finished.

Immediately on his death, the enemies of Cortes in Mexico circulated the most malignant slanders against him, even going the length of asserting that he said Sandoval had poisoned the governor as he had before done with Garay. The most busy in propagating this malicious report was the Prior Ortiz. But the truth was, that the vessel which brought the governor and his suite from Spain was infected with the disease of which he died; above a hundred of the crew and passengers having died at sea or soon after landing; among whom, almost all the friars who came out at that time were carried off, and the contagion spread through the city of Mexico. Some of the principal people in Mexico objected against the appointment which the late governor had made of a successor; alleging that Marcos de Aguilar was only a bachelor and not a licentiate, and therefore incapable of acting in that capacity. The cabildo of Mexico insisted that Aguilar was incapable of executing the high office to which De Leon had appointed him, on account of his age and infirmities; as he was a diseased hectic old man, who was obliged to drink goats milk, and to be suckled by a woman to keep him alive; they recommended therefore that Cortes should be associated with him in the government: But Aguilar insisted on adhering strictly to the testament of his predecessor; and Cortes, for substantial private reasons, was entirely averse from taking any share in the authority. The enemies of Cortes insisted on the inquiry proceeding in the manner intended by the late governor; and Cortes readily assented to this, providing the new governor would take the responsibility on himself for acting contrary to the testament of his predecessor, who had left orders for him not to proceed with the business before the court, but that the whole should be laid before his majesty.

It is now proper to revert to our situation who had been left at Naco, when Cortes set sail from Truxillo for the Havanna and Mexico. We remained for some time at Naco, waiting intelligence for the sailing of Cortes, which Sandoval was to have sent us; but Saavedra maliciously suppressed the letters. Becoming impatient after a considerable delay, our captain, Luis Marin, sent ten of the cavalry, among whom I was, to Truxillo to learn the truth. On our arrival at a place named Olancho, we learned from some Spaniards that Cortes was sailed; which information was soon afterwards confirmed by a message from Saavedra. We returned therefore joyfully to Marin, and set out for Mexico, throwing stones at the country we were quitting, as a mark of our dislike. At a place called Maniani, we met five soldiers commanded by Diego de Villaneuva, one of our brave veterans, who were sent in search of us by Alvarado, who was at a place not far distant, named Chohilteca Malalaca, where we joined him in two days, and where we were likewise joined by a party belonging to Pedro Arias de Avilla, who had sent some of his captains to adjust some disputed boundaries with Alvarado. From this place, where we remained three days, Alvarado sent one Gaspar Arias de Avilla to treat on some confidential business with Pedro Arias, I believe relative to a marriage; for Pedro Arias seemed much devoted henceforwards to Alvarado. Continuing our march through a hostile country, the natives killed one of our soldiers, and wounded three; but we were too much in haste to punish them as they deserved. Farther on in Guatimala, the natives manned the passes against us, and we were detained three days in forcing our way through, on which occasion I received a slight wound. While in the valley where the city of Guatimala has been since built, and all the people of which were hostile, we had a number of shocks of an earthquake, all of which continued a long while, and were so violent that several of our soldiers were thrown down. On passing old Guatimala, the natives assembled against us in hostile array, but we drove them before us, and took possession of their magnificent dwellings and quadrangles for the night, and hutted ourselves next day on the plain, where we remained ten days. During this time Alvarado summoned the neighbouring Indians to submit, but they neglected to appear. We then proceeded by long marches to Olintepec, where Alvarados main force was stationed, whence we proceeded by Soconuzco and Teguantepec towards Mexico, losing two soldiers on our march, and the Mexican lord named Juan Velasquez, who had been a chief under Guatimotzin.

On our arrival at Oaxaca, we learned the news of the death of Ponce de Leon the governor. We pressed forward to Mexico, and on our arrival at Chalco sent messengers to inform Cortes of our approach, and to request he would provide us with good quarters, having been two years and three months absent on our expedition. Cortes, attended by many gentlemen on horseback, met us on the causeway and accompanied us into the city, where we immediately went to the great church to return thanks to God for our arrival, after which we went to the generals palace, where a sumptuous entertainment was provided for us. Alvarado went to reside at the fortress, of which he had been appointed alcalde. Luis Marin went to lodge with Sandoval; and Captain Luis Sanchez and I, were taken by Andres de Tapia to his house. Cortes and Sandoval and all our other friends sent us presents of gold and cacao to bear our expences[3]. Next day, my friend Sanchez and I went to wait upon the new governor Aguilar, accompanied by Sandoval and De Tapia. We were received with much politeness, saying he would have done every thing in his power for us, if so authorised, but every thing having been referred by De Leon to his majesty, he was unable to make any new arrangements.

At this time Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba, who was said to have circulated the report of our deaths; but he declared that he had only sent an account of the unfortunate catastrophe of Xicalonga as it really happened, and that the misrepresentation proceeded entirely from the factor Salazar. Cortes had so much business on his hands that he thought proper to drop this affair, and endeavoured to recover his property which had been disposed of under the supposition of his death. A great part of it had been expended in celebrating his funeral obsequies, and in the purchase of perpetual masses for his soul; but, on his being discovered to be alive, had been repurchased by one Juan Caceres for his own benefit when he might happen to die, so that Cortes could not recover his property. Ordas, who was a man of much experience, seeing that Cortes was fallen much into neglect since he was superseded from the government, advised him to assume more state and consequence to maintain the respect due to him: But such was his native plainness of manners, that he never wished to be called otherwise than simply Cortes; a truly noble name, as glorious as those of Cesar, Pompey, or Hanibal among the ancients. Ordas likewise informed Cortes of a current report in Mexico, that he intended to put Salazar privately to death in prison, and warned him that he was powerfully patronized. About this time, the treasurer Estrada married one of his daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and another to Don Luis de Guzman, son to the Conde de Castellar. Pedro de Alvarado went over to Spain to solicit the government of Guatimala, sending in the meantime his brother Jorge to reduce that province, with a force chiefly composed of the warriors of the different nations that were in our alliance. The governor also sent a force against the province of Chiapa, under the command of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation to the Duke of Medina Sidonia: And an expedition was sent against the Zapotecan mountaineers, under Alonzo de Herrera, one of our veteran soldiers.

Having lingered about eight months, Marcos de Aguilar died, and appointed by his testament Alonzo de Estrada the treasurer to succeed him in the government: But the Cabildo of Mexico and many of the principal Spaniards were very solicitous that Cortes should be associated in the government; and on his peremptory refusal, they recommended that Sandoval, who was then alguazil-major, should act in conjunction with Estrada, which accordingly was the case. The incompetence of Estrada for conducting the government in the present conjuncture, particularly appeared from the following circumstance. Nuno de Guzman, who had held the government of Panuco for two years, conducted himself in a furious and tyrannical manner, arbitrarily extending the bounds of his jurisdiction on the most frivolous pretences, and putting to death all who dared to oppose his commands. Among these, Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo, having asserted truly that his district was dependent on Mexico, Guzman immediately ordered him to be hanged. He put many other Spaniards to death, merely to make himself feared; and set the authority of the governor of Mexico at defiance. Some of the enemies of Cortes persuaded Estrada to represent to the court of Spain, that he had been compelled by the influence of Cortes to associate Sandoval with himself in the government, contrary to his inclination, and to the detriment of his majesties service. By the same conveyance, a string of malevolent falsehoods were transmitted against the general; as that he had poisoned Garay, De Leon, and Aguilar; that he had endeavoured to administer arsenic in cheese-cakes to a great number of people at a feast; that he was plotting the deaths of the veedor and factor Chirinos and Salazar, then in jail; and that he had procured the death of his wife, Donna Catalina. All these lies were supported by the industry of the contador Albornos, then in Spain: And, in consequence of these gross falsehoods, Cortes was partly judged unheard; as orders were sent to release Salazar and Chirinos; and Pedro de la Cueva, commendator-major of Alcantara, was ordered to go out to Mexico with an escort of three hundred soldiers at the expence of Cortes, with authority to put Cortes to death if his guilt were proved, and to distribute his property among the veteran conquerors of Mexico. This was to have been done, however, under the authority of a court of royal audience, which was to be sent out to Mexico; but all ended in nothing; as neither De la Cueva nor the court of royal audience made their appearance.

Estrada was greatly elated by the countenance he received at court, which he attributed to his being considered as a natural son of the Catholic king. He disposed of governments at his pleasure, and carried every thing with a high hand. At this time he sent his relation Mazoriejos to inquire into the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman in Chiapa, who is said to have made more plunder there than was proper. He sent also a force against the Zapotecas and Mixtecas, under the command of one De Barrios, said to be a brave soldier who had served in Italy. I do not mean De Barrios of Seville, the brother-in-law of Cortes. This officer marched with a hundred men against the Zapotecas; but they surprised him, one night, and slew himself and seven of his soldiers. Such was the difference between these raw half formed soldiers, who were ignorant of the stratagems of the enemy, and us the veteran conquerors. One Figuero, a particular friend of Estrada, was sent with a hundred new soldiers to the province of Oaxaca. On passing through the country of the Zapotecas, Figuero fell into a dispute with one Alonzo de Herrera, who had been sent to command there by the late governor Aguilar, in which Figuero and three soldiers were wounded. Finding himself unable for the field, and that his soldiers were unfit for expeditions among the mountains, Figuero thought proper to search for the sepulchres of the ancient chiefs, on purpose to appropriate the gold which used to be buried along with them; by which means he collected above an hundred thousand crowns, and returned with this wealth to Mexico, leaving the province in a worse state than before. From Mexico he went to Vera Cruz, where he embarked for Spain; but he and all his wealth went to the bottom, as the vessel in which he sailed was lost in a storm. The business of subjecting these Indians was finally left for us, the veterans of Coatzacualco, who at length reduced them to submission. They used to submit during the summer, and to rebel when the torrents rendered their country inaccessible. I was on three expeditions against them; and at last the town of St Alfonso was built to keep them under subjection.