Though the heavy rains which fell at this season were both incommodious and distressing to us, they operated in our favour, as the enemy always relaxed their efforts against us during their continuance. By slow but steady perseverance, we had now considerably advanced into the city at all the three attacks, and had even reached the wells of brackish water which the enemy had dug, and which we now destroyed. Our cavalry could now act freely through the whole space which we had gained, as we had carefully levelled the causeway behind us, destroying all the houses on each side from which we could be annoyed, and carefully fortified our several fronts. Cortes deemed the present conjuncture favourable for offering peace to the Mexicans, and proposed to three of our principal prisoners to carry a message to Guatimotzin to that effect; but they declined the commission, alleging that he would put them to death. They were at length prevailed upon to comply, and were instructed to represent to Guatimotzin in the name of Cortes: "That from respect to the family of the great Montezuma, and that he might prevent the destruction of the capital and the loss of so many lives, he was willing to enter into a treaty of peace and amity; desiring Guatimotzin to reflect that he and his people were now cut off from all supplies of water and provisions; and that all the nations who had formerly been the vassals of Mexico, were now in alliance with the Spaniards." A great deal more was added, to the same effect, all of which was perfectly understood by the messengers. Before they went into the city, they required a letter from Cortes, to serve them as a token of credence; with which they waited on their sovereign, weeping and lamenting themselves bitterly, as they knew the danger to which they were exposed. At first, Guatimotzin and his principal chiefs were filled with rage and indignation at the proposal; but he at last consented to call a council of all the princes, chiefs, and principal priests of the city, before whom he laid the message of Cortes, and even expressed his own inclination to come into terms of peace, considering the inefficacy of their resistance, the desertion of their allies, and the miseries to which the people were reduced. The priests obstinately opposed every idea of peace. They represented the hostile conduct of the Spaniards to their nation ever since they first came into the country; their profanation of the temples and idols of their gods; their injurious treatment of the great Montezuma, and of all the other princes who had fallen under their power; the death of the two sons of Montezuma, the seizure of the royal treasures, and the destruction of the city. They reminded Guatimotzin of his own martial fame, which would be sullied and disgraced by submission; insisting, that all the offers of Cortes were only insidiously meant to enslave and circumvent; and concluded by repeating the assurances of victory which they had received from their gods. Guatimotzin yielded to these arguments, and declared his resolution to fight to the last: He gave orders, therefore, to husband their provisions with the utmost frugality, to use their utmost endeavours to procure supplies under night, and to sink new wells in various parts of the city. Our army had remained two days quietly in their posts, waiting an answer to our pacific message. On the third, we were furiously assailed on all points by large bodies of the enemy, who rushed upon us like lions, closing up as if utterly regardless of their lives, and using their utmost efforts to make us prisoners; all the while, the horn of Guatimotzin being continually sounded, to inspire them with fury. For seven days we were thus continually assailed: After watching all night, we had to go into action every morning at day-break; and having fought the whole day, we retired in the evening to a miserable regale of maize calces, with tunas or Indian figs, herbs, and agi or pepper. Our recent pacific offer was employed as a subject of contempt, for which they reproached us as cowards; saying that peace belonged only to women, arms and war to brave men.

It has been already mentioned, that the horrible fragments of our wretched companions had been sent round the provinces of the Mexican empire, to encourage them to rise in support of the sovereign and his capital. In consequence of this, a great force assembled from Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and other places about eight leagues from Mexico, which was intended for an attack on our rear, while the Mexicans should attack us in front. On the assemblage of this force, they committed horrible ravages on the country in our rear, seizing numbers of children in order to sacrifice them to their idols. To disperse this hostile assemblage, Andres de Tapia was detached with twenty cavalry and an hundred infantry, and effectually executed his commission, driving the enemy back to their own country with great loss. Soon after his return, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment to the assistance of the country around Quauhnahuac, or Cuernabaca. Much might be said of this expedition, were I to enter into a detail: but it may suffice, that it was more like a peaceable triumph than a warlike expedition, yet proved of most excellent service to us, as Sandoval returned accompanied by two chiefs of the nation against which he was sent[9]. Cortes, after these successes, sent a second message to Guatimotzin, reminding him of the distresses to which his people were reduced, and expressing great anxiety to save the city of Mexico from destruction, which could only be done by immediate submission; and to convince him that all hopes of assistance from his former allies were now at an end, he sent this message by the two chiefs who had accompanied Sandoval. Guatimotzin refused any answer, but sent back the chiefs unhurt. The enemy continued their daily assaults upon the advanced works of our several attacks, increasing even in their fury if possible, and exultingly exclaiming, Tenitotz re de Castila? Tenitotz axa a! "What says the king of Castile? What does he now?"

We still continued to advance towards the centre of Mexico, regularly destroying the houses on both sides of us, and carefully fortifying our advanced post; and we now perceived a considerable relaxation in the efforts of the enemy, who were not so eager as formerly to open up the ditches; yet they continued to attack us with the utmost fury, as if courting death. But we too had now serious cause of alarm, as our gunpowder was almost entirely expended. At this critical moment, and most fortunately for us, a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with soldiers and ordnance stores, all of which, together with the men, were immediately sent to Cortes by Rangel, who commanded at Villa Rica. This vessel belonged to an armament which had been fitted out by Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, and which had been destroyed or dispersed near Florida. On the arrival of this reinforcement, Cortes and all the army determined to make a grand push for the great square in that part of the city called Tlaltelolco, as it would become an excellent place of arms, on account of some principal temples and other strong buildings which were there situated. For this purpose, each of our divisions continued their daily efforts to advance in our usual cautious manner. Cortes got possession of a small square in which were some temples, on the beams of which many of the heads of our sacrificed companions were placed, their hair and beards being much grown. I could not have believed this, if I had not myself seen them three days afterwards, when our party had worked their way to the same place, after having filled up three canals. In twelve days afterwards, they were all reverently buried by us in that place where the Church of the Martyrs is now built.

Our detachment under Alvarado continued to advance, and at last forced the enemy from the barricades they had thrown up to defend the great square, which cost us two hours hard fighting. Our cavalry was now of most essential service in the large space which was now laid open, and drove the enemy before them into the temple of the god of war, which stood in the middle of the great square. Alvarado determined to gain possession of the temple; for which purpose he divided his forces into three bodies, one of which, commanded by Guttierrez de Badajoz, he ordered to gain possession of the temple, while with the other two he occupied the attention of the enemy below. A large force of the enemy, headed by the priests, occupied the platform of the temple, with all its idol sanctuaries and galleries, and repulsed the troops of Guttierrez, driving them down the steps. The body to which I belonged was now ordered by Alvarado to their support. We advanced boldly to the assault, and having ascended to the platform, we drove the enemy from the post, of which we took possession, setting fire to their abominable idols, and planting our standard in triumph on the summit of the temple. The view of this signal of victory greatly rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us; but he was still a quarter of a league from the place, and had many ditches to fill as he advanced. In four days more, both he and Sandoval had worked their way up to the great square of Tlaltelolco, where they joined us, and thus communications from all our three attacks were opened up to the centre of Mexico.

Our attack on the temple was truly perilous, considering the number of the enemy, the height and difficulty of the ascent, and the fury with which they continued to fight against us, even after we had attained the platform and set their idols on fire, and it was night before we could compel them to abandon the summit. The royal palaces were now levelled with the ground, and Guatimotzin had retired with his troops to a more distant quarter of the city towards the lake[10]. Still, however, the enemy attacked us every day, and at night pursued us into our quarters; and though apparently reduced to the last extremity, they made no offer towards peace. Cortes now laid a plan for drawing the enemy into an ambush: For this purpose, he one night placed 30 of our cavalry, with 100 of our best foot soldiers, and 1000 Tlascalans, in some large houses which had belonged to a principal nobleman of Mexico. Next morning he went in person with the rest of our army to attack a post at a bridge, which was defended by a large force of the Mexicans. After continuing the assault for some time, Cortes slowly retreated with his men, drawing the enemy after him by the buildings in which the ambush lay concealed. When he had led them to a sufficient distance, he gave the concerted signal, by firing two guns in quick succession. We immediately sallied out, and having thus enclosed the enemy between us, we made a terrible havoc among them, and from that time they never ventured to annoy us on our nightly retreat. Another trap was laid for the enemy by Alvarado, which had not the same success; but as I was now doing duty with the division which Cortes commanded in person, I was not present, and cannot, therefore recount the particulars. Hitherto we had continued to retreat every night to the posts we had established on the causeways, which were at least half a league from the great temple; but we now quitted these posts, and formed a lodgment for the whole army in the great square of Tlaltelolco, where we remained for three days without doing any thing worth notice, as Cortes wished to abstain from destroying any more of the city, in hopes of prevailing on Guatimotzin to accept of peace. He sent, therefore, a message, requesting him to surrender, giving him the strongest assurances that he should continue to enjoy the sovereignty, and should be treated with every honourable distinction; and he accompanied this message with a considerable present of provisions, such as fowls, game, bread, and fruit. Guatimotzin pretended to be inclined towards a pacification, and even sent four of his principal nobles to propose an interview between him and our general. But this, was a mere stratagem to gain time for strengthening his fortifications, and making preparations to attack us; as from the example of what had befallen his uncle Montezuma, and the suggestions of his advisers, he was afraid to trust himself in our hands. The mask was soon thrown off, and the enemy attacked us with such extreme violence, and having taken us in some measure by surprise, that they had some success at first, killing one of our soldiers and two horses; but in the end we drove them back with considerable loss.

Cortes now ordered us to proceed on our former system, of advancing daily against that part of the city which was occupied by Guatimotzin, filling up the ditches and destroying the houses as we proceeded; and we accordingly gained ground as formerly. Guatimotzin, on seeing this, made another offer of an interview with our general, proposing the conference might take place across a large canal. To this Cortes readily assented, and went accordingly to the appointed place, but Guatimotzin never appeared; instead of which he sent some of his principal nobles, who said the king was apprehensive of being shot during the conference. Cortes engaged by the most solemn oaths that no injury should be offered, but all to no purpose. At this time two of these nobles played a most ridiculous farce: They took out from a sack a fowl, some bread, and a quantity of cherries, which they began to eat deliberately, as if to impress us with the belief that they had abundance of provisions. When Cortes found that the proposed conference was only a pretext to gain time, he sent a message of defiance to Guatimotzin and retired. For four days after this, we were not attacked by the enemy; but numbers of famished Mexicans used to surround our quarters every night. Cortes pitied their wretched situation, and ordered us to refrain from hostilities, always hoping that the enemy would offer terms of accommodation. One of our soldiers, named Sotela, who had served in Italy, was always boasting of the great battles he had seen, and of the wonderful military engines which he was able to construct, and particularly that he could make a machine for throwing stones, by which he would destroy the whole of that part of the city which Guatimotzin occupied, in a very few days. Cortes was at last induced to listen to him, and all kinds of materials were brought for him to construct his engine. Stone and lime was procured; the carpenters were set to work to prepare timber; two strong cables were made; and a number of large stones were brought, which the machine was to project. When all was ready, a stone was placed in the engine, and it was played off against the quarters of Guatimotzin. But instead of taking that direction, the stone flew up vertically into the air, and returned exactly to the place whence it was launched. Cortes was angry and ashamed at the result, and ordered the machine to be destroyed, reproaching the soldier for his ignorant presumption.

Sandoval was now sent with the command of the flotilla, to act against that division of the city in which Guatimotzin still held out. He was ordered to spare the Mexicans as much as possible, but to destroy all the houses and advanced works which the enemy possessed in the lake. On this occasion, Cortes ascended to the high platform of the great temple, attended by many of his officers and soldiers, to observe the movements of the fleet. Guatimotzin, on observing the approach of Sandoval, became very apprehensive of being made prisoner, and determined to attempt making his escape. For this purpose he had already fifty large piraguas in readiness, on board of which he embarked with his family, principal officers and courtiers, and all their most valuable effects, and endeavoured to escape by the lake to the main land; all the piraguas taking different directions, in order to distract the pursuit of the brigantines. At this time Sandoval was occupied in tearing down some houses, that he might clear his way towards the quarters of Guatimotzin, of whose flight he got immediate notice. He set out therefore immediately in pursuit, giving strict orders to all the captains of his brigantines to offer no injury or insult to the royal fugitive; but to keep a watchful eye on that vessel in which Guatimotzin was supposed to have embarked, using every effort to take it, and paying no attention to the rest. In particular, he directed Garcia Holguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing vessel of the fleet, to make for that part of the shore to which it was supposed Guatimotzin was most likely to go. Holguin accordingly fell in with several piraguas, one of which, from the superior appearance of its structure and awning, he supposed to be that which carried the king. He called out to the people on board to bring to, but without effect, and then ordered his musketeers and cross-bows to present. On seeing this, Guatimotzin called out to them not to shoot, acknowledging who he was, and declared his readiness to submit, requesting to be taken immediately to the general, and entreating that his queen, children, and attendants might not be ill treated. Holguin received him and his queen with the utmost respect, placing them and twenty of the nobles who attended them on the poop of his vessel, setting such refreshments before them as he had in his power, and ordered the piraguas which carried the royal effects to follow untouched. At this time, perceiving that Holguin had made Guatimotzin prisoner, and was carrying him to Cortes, Sandoval made a signal for all the brigantines to close up with him, and ordered his rowers to exert every effort to bring him up with Holguin. On getting alongside, Sandoval demanded Guatimotzin to be delivered up to him, as commander of the naval force, but Holguin refused, and many high words passed between them. One of the vessels was sent to inform Cortes of the great event which had taken place, and by the same means he learnt the dispute which had occurred between Sandoval and Holguin. He immediately sent the Captains Marin and De Lugo with orders to bring the whole party to his quarters on the summit of the great temple, ordering them to treat Guatimotzin and his queen with the highest respect. In the meantime, he ordered a state canopy to be arranged as well as he could, with cloths and mantles, to receive his prisoners, and a table to be spread with such refreshments as could be procured.

On the approach of the prisoners, Cortes went forward to meet the king, whom he embraced with much respect, and shewed all possible attention to his followers. The unfortunate monarch sinking under his affliction, addressed Cortes as follows, with his eyes full of tears: "Malinatzin! I have done every thing in my power to defend my kingdom and people, but all my efforts have been in vain, and I am now your prisoner; I request of you, therefore, to draw your dagger and stab me to the heart." Cortes used his best endeavours to console him, assuring him of his high esteem for the valour and firmness he had exerted, that he should continue to reign as formerly, and that he had only required his submission when all reasonable hope of defence was gone, in order to avoid the utter destruction of his capital and people. Cortes then inquired after the queen, and was told that she and her female attendants remained in the piragua till their fate was decided. He then ordered them to be sent for, and treated them with all respect. As the evening drew on, and it threatened to rain, the whole royal family was sent to Cojohuacan, under the care of Sandoval, and a sufficient escort. Guatimotzin was about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, of a noble appearance, both in person and countenance, having large and cheerful features, with lively eyes, and his complexion was very fair for an Indian. His queen, who was the niece[11] of Montezuma, was young and very handsome.

The whole army was now ordered to withdraw from the great temple of Tlaltelolco, and to return to their original head-quarters. Cortes proceeded to Cojohuacan, where he took the command in person, sending Sandoval to resume his station at Tepejacac, and our division, under Alvarado, retired to Tacuba. Thus was the important seige of Mexico brought to a successful conclusion, by the capture of Guatimotzin and his family at the hour of vespers, on the day of St Hypolitus, 13th of August 1521. Glorified be our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Holy Virgin Mother, Amen!

In the night after the capture of Guatimotzin, about midnight, there was the greatest tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain I ever witnessed. But all the soldiers were as deaf as if they had been an hour in a belfrey, and all the bells ringing about their ears. This proceeded from the continual noise they had been accustomed to from the enemy during the ninety-three days[12] of this memorable siege: Some bringing on their troops to attack us on the causeways, with loud shouts, and shrill whistling; others in canoes assailing our flanks; some at work on the pallisades, water courses, and stone parapets, or preparing their magazines of arms, and the shrieks and yells of the women, who supplied the warriors with stones, darts, and arrows; the infernal noise of their timbals, horns, and trumpets, and the dismal drum, and other shocking noises, perpetually sounding in our ears: All of which immediately ceased on the capture of Guatimotzin. In consequence of the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin threatening unpleasant consequences, Cortes related to them from the Roman history the dispute between Marius and Sylla, about the capture of Iugurtha, which was ultimately productive of very fatal civil wars. He assured them that the whole affair should be represented to the emperor Don Carlos, by whose arbitration it should be decided. But in two years after, the emperor authorised Cortes to bear in his arms the seven kings whom he had subdued, Montezuma, Guatimotzin, and the princes of Tezcuco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Matlatzinco.

It is absolutely truth, to which I swear amen! that all the lake, the houses, and the courts were filled with dead bodies, so that I know not how to describe the miserable spectacle. All the streets, squares, courts, and houses of Tlaltelolco, were so covered by them, that we could not take a single step without treading on or between the bodies of dead Indians. The lake and the canals were full of them, and the stench was intolerable. It was for this reason that our troops retired from the city immediately after the capture of Guatimotzin: Cortes was himself ill for some time, owing to the dreadful effluvia arising from the putrifying bodies. I have read the history of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceive that the mortality even there exceeded what I was witness to in Mexico; as all the warriors from the most distant provinces of that populous empire were concentrated there, and almost the whole garrison was cut off in their almost perpetual encounters with us, or perished of famine.

Our vessels were now in the best situation for service; as those on board had ready access to the houses in the water, which were beyond our reach, whence they carried away all the best of the plunder. Their crews also discovered a great many valuable articles which the Mexicans had concealed among the tall reeds on the borders of the lake, and they intercepted a great deal that the inhabitants of the city endeavoured to carry away in their canoes; all of which was beyond our reach: Indeed the wealth which our mariners procured at this time was quite incalculable, as Guatimotzin and all his chiefs declared that far the greater part of the public treasure fell into their hands.

Soon after the capture of Guatimotzin, it was ordered on his suggestion, that all the remaining inhabitants of Mexico should remove to the neighbouring towns, in order to have the the city cleared of the dead bodies, to restore its salubrity. In consequence of this order, all the causeways were full for three days and nights, of weak, sickly, and squalid wretches, men, women, and children, covered with filth, worn out by famine and disease, so that the sight was shocking in the extreme. When all were gone who had been able to get away, we went to examine the situation of the city, which was as I have already described, in a most miserable state. All the streets, courts, and houses were covered with dead bodies, among whom some miserable wretches were crawling about in the different stages of the most offensive diseases, occasioned by famine, the most unnatural food, and the pestilential smell of the corrupting carcases. Even the trees were stripped of their bark, and the ground had been everywhere dug up in search of any kind of roots it might be able to afford. Not a drop of water could be any where procured; and though it was the constant practice of all these nations to feast on the prisoners they took in war, not one instance occurred, in the midst of their extreme distress, of their having preyed on each other: and certainly there never existed in the history of this world any instance of a people who suffered so severely from hunger, thirst, and warfare. I must here observe, that in all our combats, the Mexicans seemed much more anxious to carry our soldiers away alive, that they might be sacrificed to their gods, than to kill them.

After a solemn service of thanks to God for our victory, Cortes determined upon giving a feast in Cojohuacan to celebrate our triumph, as a vessel had arrived at Villa Rica with abundance of hogs, and a cargo of wine. He invited all his officers, and all the soldiers of particular estimation to this entertainment, and we all accordingly waited upon him at the time appointed. When we came to sit down to dinner, there were not tables and covers prepared for more than half of us, so that the company fell into sad confusion. The wine occasioned many to commit follies and other worse things. Some leapt over the tables, who were afterwards unable to get out at the doors, and many rolled down the steps, who could not walk home to their quarters. The private soldiers, in high expectations of immense plunder, declared they would buy horses with gold trappings, and the crossbow-men swore they would henceforth use only golden arrows. When the tables were removed, the soldiers danced in their armour, with the few ladies who were present; but the disproportion was very great, and the scene became truly ludicrous. Father Olmedo became quite scandalized at the conduct of the visitors at the feast, and was so disgusted at what was going on during the dances, that he complained to Sandoval, who reported to Cortes that the good Father was grumbling and scolding out of all measure. Our general, always prudent in his proceedings, came up to Olmedo, affecting to disapprove of the indecent conduct of his guests, and requested of him to order a solemn mass and thanksgiving, and to give the soldiers a sermon on their religious and moral duties. The good father was quite delighted at this proposal; and accordingly the crucifixes and the image of the blessed Virgin were carried in solemn procession, amid our drums and military ensigns; Olmedo chanted the litany and administered the sacrament, and we all gave thanks to God for our victory.

Cortes now dismissed the Tlascalan chiefs and our other allies, who had rendered most important services during our long protracted warfare, making them many compliments and great promises, that he would make them all rich and great lords, with extensive territories and numerous vassals, so that they all departed in high spirits: But they had secured something more substantial than empty promises, as they were all well laden with the plunder of Mexico. Neither were they behind our enemies in their cannibal feasts, of which they had reserved some portions to give to their friends on their return.

Now that I have concluded the narrative of so many furious and bloody engagements, through which the Almighty has been pleased to protect me, I must confess, that the sight of so many of my companions sacrificed alive to the war-god of the Mexicans, inspired me with fear. This may appear to some as an indication of want of courage, yet in that time I considered myself, and was looked upon by all as a valiant soldier, and was never exceeded by any in bold achievements. But when I saw the palpitating hearts of my companions taken out alive, and their legs and arms cut off to be served up in the barbarous feasts of our cannibal enemies, I feared it might one day be my own lot; and in fact the enemy had me twice in their hands, but by the blessing of God I escaped from their savage grasp. Yet I ever afterwards remembered the dreadful scene which I had witnessed, and on going to battle was much depressed and uneasy, fearing to be doomed to that cruel death. Yet I always recommended myself to God and his blessed Mother, and the moment I was engaged with the enemy all fear left me. Let those valiant cavaliers who have been in desperate battles and mortal dangers decide on the cause of my fears, for I declare I never knew what fear was till I saw the savage immolation of my seventy-two companions: In my own opinion it was from excessive courage, as I was fully aware of the extent of danger which I was voluntarily about to encounter. I have related many engagements in this history, at which I was not present; for even if my body had been of iron I could not have been present at all, and I was much oftener wounded than whole.

[1] According to Clavigero, II. 162, the 30th of May 1521, on which day Cortes dated the commencement of this memorable siege.—E.

[2] Corpus Christi fell that year, according to Clavigero, on the 30th May, so that the occupation of Iztapalapa, by which the investment of Mexico was completed, was on the 3d of June.

[3] The whole of this topographical account of Mexico and its approaches is added by the editor, and has been placed in the text, distinguished by inverted commas, as too long for a note. A plan is added, constructed from a comparison of the maps in Diaz and Clavigero, both evidently drawn without any actual survey, and corrected by means of the excellent map of the vale of Mexico given by Humboldt. By means of a great drain, made considerably posterior to the conquest, the lake has been greatly diminished in magnitude, insomuch that the city is now above three miles from the lake; so that the accurate map of Humboldt does not now serve for the ancient topography of Mexico and its near environs.—E.

[4] It is hard to guess which way the brigantines could get there, as by the maps both of Diaz and Clavigero, the great double causeway of Xoloc or Iztapalapa, ought to have completely prevented his penetrating to that part of the lake. It was probably Xoloc against which this attack was made, and Diaz may have mistaken the name after an interval of fifty-one years; for so long intervened between the siege of Mexico in 1521, and 1572, when he informs us his history was concluded.—E.

[5] Perhaps along the mound or causeway of Mexicaltzinco; by which he approached towards the great causeway of Xoloc, and the position of De Oli at Cojohuacan.—E.

[6] Though not mentioned by Diaz, this necessarily implies that one of the bridges of each causeway must have been taken possession of by the Spaniards, to allow the brigantines to get through into those parts of the lake which were intersected by the causeways.—E.

[7] Though not especially mentioned by Diaz, it appears that Cortes had taken the immediate command of the detachment of De Oli, at Cojohuacan, which formed the southern attack.—E.

[8] On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men.—E.

[9] Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion. He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece." Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few miracles of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office.—E.

[10] The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenochtitlan.—E.

[11] According to the genealogy of the Mexican kings in Clavigero, I. 240, this princess, whose name was Tecuichpotzin, was queen successively to her uncle Cuitlahuatzin, and her cousin Guatimotzin. After the conquest, she became a Christian, by the name of Donna Elizabeta Montezuma, marrying three noble Spaniards in succession; and from her descended the two noble families of Cano Montezuma, and Andrea Montezuma. Montezuma left likewise a son, Don Pedro Johualicahuatxin Montezuma, whose male descendants failed in a great-grandson; but there are several noble families both in Spain and Mexico descended from that sovereign of Mexico in the female line.—E.

[12] We have formerly said, on the authority of Clavigero, that the siege of Mexico commenced on the 30th of May, and as it ended on the 13th of August, the siege, by this mode of reckoning, could only have lasted 76 days. It is highly probable, therefore, that the commencement of the siege must have been on the 13th of May, and the 30th of Clavigero may only be an error of the press.—E.



SECTION XIV.

Occurrences in New Spain immediately subsequent to the reduction of Mexico.

As soon as Cortes had leisure to think of objects of internal regulation, he gave orders to have the aqueduct restored by which the city of Mexico was supplied with water, and to have the city cleared of the dead bodies and repaired, so that it might be again habitable within two months. The palaces and houses were ordered to be rebuilt, and a certain portion of the city was allotted for the natives, while another part was reserved for the residence of the Spaniards. Guatimotzin made application to our general, in the name of many of his principal nobles, requesting that all their women of rank who had been taken by our soldiers, might be restored to their husbands and fathers. This was a matter of considerable difficulty; yet the general allowed a search to be made, with an assurance that all should be delivered up who were inclined to return. Every house was accordingly searched; and though many were found, three only of the whole number were inclined to return to their families; all the rest expressed their abhorrence at the idolatry of their countrymen, besides which, many of them declared that they were pregnant, and refused to quit the soldiers to whom they were attached.

One of the first public works undertaken in Mexico was an arsenal for the reception of our flotilla which had been of such signal service during the siege. To the best of my remembrance, Alvarado was appointed alcalde, or chief magistrate, till the arrival of Salazar de la Pedrada. It was currently reported that Guatimotzin had thrown great quantities of gold, silver, and jewels, into the lake four days before his capture, and it was well known that our allies had got large plunder as well as our own men who served in the brigantines, and many of us suspected that Cortes was well pleased that Guatimotzin had concealed much treasure, as he expected to procure the whole for himself. It was then proposed in the army, that Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba, his most confidential counsellor, should be put to the torture, to extort confession of where the treasure was secreted; this horrid act was certainly greatly against the inclination of Cortes, yet he was forced to leave the unfortunate king and the lord of Tacuba at the disposal of those avaricious wretches, who alleged that our general objected to this infernal measure that he might secure the gold for himself. In answer to all interrogatories on the subject of the treasure, the royal Mexican officers uniformly protested that no more existed than what had been produced; which, when melted, did not exceed the value of 380,000 crowns; so that, when the royal fifth and that for Cortes were deducted, those of the conquerors who were not friends to Cortes were exceedingly dissatisfied. All that could be extorted by the inhuman procedure of torture from the king and prince was, that they had thrown some treasure into the lake, together with the muskets and other arms captured during our flight from Mexico in the preceding year, four days before the surrender. The place indicated was repeatedly searched to no purpose by our best divers; but a sun of solid gold, similar to one we got from Montezuma, with many ornaments of small value, were found in a deep pond near his residence. The prince of Tacuba declared under the torture that he had buried some gold at a place about four leagues from Tacuba; but when Alvarado and six soldiers accompanied him there, of whom I was one, he declared he had no gold, and had only said so in hope of dying on the road. In fact the treasury was reduced very low before the accession of Guatimotzin. I and several other good divers searched that part of the lake which had been indicated by Guatimotzin, but we found only some small pieces of gold, which were immediately claimed by Cortes and Alederete the treasurer; who likewise sent down other persons in their own presence, but all they got did not reach the value of ninety crowns. We were all miserably disappointed to find our shares so small; insomuch that Olmedo and all the captains proposed to Cortes to divide the whole which belonged to the army among the wounded, the lame, the blind, and the sick, all who were sound renouncing their claims. We were all curious to know what our shares amounted to, and it at length appeared that the share of a horseman was only an hundred crowns. I forget how much belonged to a foot soldier; but it was so small that none of us would accept the paltry sum, more especially the soldiers of Narvaez, who never liked Cortes.

Many of our soldiers had incurred heavy debts. A crossbow cost fifty crowns, a musket a hundred, a horse eight hundred or a thousand, and every thing else in proportion. Our surgeon, master Juan, and Doctor Murcia our apothecary and barber, charged very high, and there were various other sources of debt, all to be satisfied from our miserable dividends. These required to be regulated; and accordingly Cortes appointed two respectable persons, Santa Clara and Lerena, to arbitrate all claims, which were ordered to be cleared off within two years according to their award. The value also of the gold was debased, to serve us in our dealings with the merchants from Spain and Cuba; but it had the opposite effect, as they charged more than double the difference on their goods. On these abuses being known at court, our emperor was pleased to prohibit the farther currency of this base metal, ordering it to be all received in payment of certain duties, and no more of it to be made; and as two goldsmiths were detected for putting off base metal with the legal mark of good, they were hanged for the fraud.

As the best way to rid himself of troublesome demands, Cortes resolved to send off colonies to make settlements at convenient situations. Sandoval was sent for this purpose to occupy Coatzacualco and Tzapotecapan, the south-eastern provinces of the Mexican empire. Juan Velasquez to Colima, and Villa Fuerte to Zacatollan, the most westerly provinces on the south sea. Christoval de Oli to take possession of the kingdom of Michuacan, and Francisca de Orozco to Guaxaca or Oaxaco. The native chiefs of the distant provinces could hardly be brought to believe that Mexico was destroyed, and sent deputations to ascertain the truth of the report, bearing large presents of gold to Cortes, and submitting themselves as vassals to our emperor. Many came in person to Mexico, and even brought their children to see the fallen condition of that great power which they had once held in such awe and terror, expressing themselves in their own language, as who should say, Here stood Troy. My readers may be curious to know how we, the conquerors of Mexico, after encountering so many fatigues and dangers to gain possession of that city, should now so readily abandon it in search of new settlements. To this I answer: The books containing the record of the Mexican revenues were examined to find whence Montezmna had obtained the valuable articles of tribute, such as gold, cocoa, and cotton, and we all wished to remove to these productive districts. Some especially were led by the example of Sandoval, who was known to be the particular friend of Cortes, and who would not, as they thought, be sent upon an unprofitable errand. We all knew that the vicinity of Mexico had neither mines, plantations, nor manufactures, being entirely occupied in the cultivation of maize and maguey, which did not afford sufficient prospects of advantage, and we anxiously removed therefore to other places, where we were miserably disappointed. I among others, went to Cortes and asked permission to accompany Sandoval to his government: "Brother Diaz," said he, "you had better stay with me: If you are resolved to accompany your friend Sandoval, you may certainly go; but on my conscience you will repent." All the gold got into the hands of the royal officers, as the slaves were purchased by the soldiers at a public sale. The various detachments were sent out at different periods to occupy the provinces, but all within two months after the reduction of Mexico.

At this time, Christoval de Tapia, veedor of Hispaniola, arrived at Villa Rica with a commission to assume the government of New Spain, by order of the emperor and under the direction of the bishop of Burgos. He likewise brought letters from the bishop to Cortes and many persons in the army, recommending him to be received with honour as governor, promising great rewards to all who should assist him in assuming the government, with severe threats of punishing all who opposed him: besides these sealed letters, he had many others which he was authorised to address as he saw occasion. Tapia in the first place presented his commission to Alvarado, who now commanded at Villa Rica, who received it with the highest respect, saying that it did not belong to him to decide on so important a subject, and it would be proper, therefore, to assemble the alcaldes and regidors of the settlement, that the commission might be verified in their presence, and that it might be certainly known it came regularly from his majesty. This did not exactly suit the views of Tapia, who was advised to proceed to Mexico, and to produce his commission to the general; he therefore forwarded to Cortes the letter of the bishop, and wrote to him on the subject of his mission to New Spain, using smooth and persuasive terms, and Cortes was by no means behind hand in the civility of his reply. Cortes, however, sent off expresses to some of his most confidential officers whom he had previously detached to settle colonies, ordering them to go to meet Tapia, who had already begun his journey to Mexico, and was met with on the road by Alvarado, Sandoval, Valdenegro, Andres de Tapia, and Father Olmedo, all persons in the confidence of Cortes, by whom Christoval de Tapia was persuaded to go back to Chempoalla, and to produce his commission to them. Having examined it and finding it genuine, they placed it on their heads in token of respect and submission to the will of the emperor, yet hesitated as to acknowledging Tapia for governor, alleging that it was necessary in the first place to be assured of his majestys pleasure in the present state of New Spain, which had been concealed from his knowledge by the bishop of Burgos, to serve his own private views and to favour Tapia and Velasquez, one of whom it was alleged was to marry his niece. Tapia saw evidently that it would be no easy matter to enter upon his office of governor, and fell sick with vexation. The before-mentioned deputies informed Cortes by letter of all that had passed, and advised him to try the all-powerful influence of gold on the would-be governor. Cortes complied with this advice, and transmitted a good quantity of golden ingots by return of the express, by means of which his friends gratified the avarice of Tapia, under pretence of purchasing one of his ships, with some horses and negroes; and Tapia set sail in his other vessel for Hispaniola, where he was very ill received by the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, as he had undertaken this business contrary to their express orders.

I have formerly mentioned some particulars of an unsuccessful expedition set on foot by Garray, the governor of Jamaica, for the establishment of a colony on the river of Panuco; and as Cortes was informed that Garray intended to resume that project, he resolved to anticipate him, considering the country on that river as included in New Spain. Having likewise been informed that Narvaez, who still continued a prisoner at Villa Rica, had held some confidential intercourse with Tapia, in which he advised him to quit the country as soon as possible, and to lay a statement of the whole before his patron the bishop of Burgos; Cortes sent orders to Rangel, now commandant at Villa Rica, to send up Narvaez to Cojohuacan, where Cortes resided until the palace he meant to inhabit at Mexico was completed. On appearing before Cortes, Narvaez fell on his knees and endeavoured to kiss his hand; but Cortes raised and embraced him, and treated him with the utmost kindness. His residence in Mexico being ready for his reception, Cortes went to live there in great splendour, marking out a plan for the restoration of the city, in which ample allotments were made for churches, monasteries, and public buildings, with squares and markets, all the rest of the ground being set apart for the private inhabitants; and both so speedily and splendidly was this capital restored, that all who have seen it allow there is not in Christendom a larger, better built, or more populous city. While thus employed, intelligence was brought to Cortes that the province of Panuco was in arms, and had killed many of the soldiers whom he had sent to make a settlement at that place. He resolved, therefore, to proceed to Panuco in person, as all his most confidential officers were now absent on different duties.

By this time our strength had been considerably augmented, both by means of those formerly mentioned who had been on the expedition to Florida under Aillon, and by several who had come over along with Tapia, and by the arrival of many adventurers from the islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica. De Oli, likewise, had now returned from Mechoacan, which he had reduced to submission, bringing with him the principal cacique of that country and several other chiefs, with a considerable quantity of gold. Cortes therefore left a respectable garrison in Mexico, under Diego de Soto, and set out on his march for Panuco[1] with 130 cavalry, 250 infantry, and 10,000 Mexican warriors. As this expedition was very expensive, Cortes, wished the charge to be defrayed from the royal funds, but the officers of the treasury refused, under the pretext that it had been undertaken from motives of private interest, to prevent Garray from establishing a colony in that place, and not for the public service. The Panuchese, otherwise called the Guastecas and Naguaticas, were numerous and warlike, and had collected a force of above 70,000 warriors, with which they fought two battles against Cortes in the course of a few days, in which three Spaniards, four horses, and above a hundred Mexicans were slain; but we obtained the victory in both actions, with such slaughter of the rebels, as deprived them of all inclination to renew the war for the present. By means of Father Olmedo and some prisoners, the Panuchese were now induced to submit. Cortes in the next place proceeded with half his army across the river Chila, to reduce the natives who had murdered the messengers whom he sent to require their submission. On crossing the river, the enemy fell upon our troops with great fury, but were soon defeated, and our people advanced to a town in which they found abundance of provisions. Some of our soldiers, on going into a temple next morning, found the remains of some of our men, and even recognized their features, a melancholy sight to us all; but we carefully collected and buried their remains. From this place our detachment marched to another, where the enemy concealed some of their troops among houses, intending to fall upon our men when the cavalry had dismounted; but as their plan was discovered it failed of success, yet they fought valiantly for half an hour, even rallying three times, contrary to the usual custom of the Indians, and three of our soldiers were so badly wounded that they afterwards died. On the ensuing day, our soldiers scoured the country, and in some deserted towns they found a number of earthen vessels filled with a species of wine in underground cellars. After having marched for five days through the country in various directions, the detachment returned to the river Chila, and Cortes again summoned the the country to submission. They promised to send a deputation for that purpose in four days, for which Cortes waited, but to no purpose; he therefore sent a large body of Mexicans, during a dark rainy night, across a lake to attack one of their largest towns, which was entirely destroyed; after which most of the country submitted, and Cortes established a town of 130 houses about a league from the river of Chila, which he named Estevan del Puerto, leaving 63 Spanish soldiers to keep the country under subjection, and giving the command of all the neighbouring country to Pedro Valego. Before leaving this country, Cortes was informed of three districts, which had now submitted, the inhabitants of which had been very active in the murder of the Spaniards at Panuco on the former occasion, and who had entered into a resolution to fall upon the new settlement as soon as he quitted the country. He marched therefore against them, and destroyed their towns, which they re-established soon after his departure. In consequence of the loss of a vessel which Cortes had ordered to bring provisions from Villa Rica, this new settlement was reduced to much distress. The inhabitants of this province of Panuco were the most barbarous of all the tribes in New Spain, being cruel to excess, exceedingly addicted to human sacrifices, drunken, filthy, and wicked beyond belief. They frequently rebelled, and were as often punished in a most exemplary manner; but all would not reduce them under good government: But when Nunez de Guzman became governor of New Spain, he reduced the whole nation to slavery, and sold them among the different Islands of the West Indies.

On his return towards Mexico, Cortes received complaints of various depredations having been committed by the inhabitants of the neighbouring mountains on the peaceable districts of New Spain[2], He determined therefore to chastise these lawless tribes while on his way; but they anticipated him, by assaulting his rear in a difficult pass of the mountains, where they got possession of a considerable portion of the baggage. But our Mexican allies severely revenged this insult, and made prisoners of two of the principal hostile chiefs who were both hanged. After this victory, Cortes suspended hostilities, and having summoned the people to appear before him, they came in and submitted, on which Cortes appointed the brother of the cacique who had been put to death to the vacant government. About this time Alonza de Avila, who was formerly mentioned, returned with full powers from the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, to continue our conquests, to make settlements of land and colonies according to the established rules in Hispaniola and Cuba, and to brand slaves: And he brought notice that these tribunals had transmitted a report of the steps they had now taken to the government in Spain, whence it was transmitted to the emperor, then in Flanders. If Avila had been in New Spain at the arrival of Tapia, he might have proved troublesome, as he was entirely devoted to the Bishop of Burgos, having been bred up in his house. On this account, and by the advice of Olmedo, Cortes gave him the command of the district of Guatitlan, one of the most profitable in New Spain, and also made him a considerable present of gold, and many flattering words and promises by which he gained him over entirely to his interest, insomuch that he sent him soon afterwards into Spain as his agent, carrying a large quantity of gold, pearls, and jewels to the emperor, together with several gigantic human bones that were found in a temple at Cojohuacan, similar to those which had been formerly sent from Tlascala, as already mentioned[3]. Besides these things, he carried over three Mexican tigers, and many other curious things which I do not now remember. One part of the business of this agency, was to carry a memorial from the cabildo of Mexico, and from us the conquerors of New Spain, soliciting to be supplied with bishops and clergy of holy life and exemplary manners, and requesting that all offices of honour and emolument might be conferred on us who had conquered this vast empire for our sovereign, and that the supreme government might be confided to our general Cortes. We requested that his majesty might be pleased to prohibit any lawyers from coming among us, who would throw us into confusion with their learned quibbles; and we farther represented the insufficient commission of Christoval de Tapia, who had been sent out by the Bishop of Burgos, merely for the purpose of effectuating a marriage between him and the bishops niece. We deprecated the interference of the bishop in the affairs of New Spain, which had already obstructed our efforts of conquest in the service of his majesty, and had manifested great enmity against us by prohibiting the Casa de Contratation of Seville from sending us any supplies. We concluded by declaring ourselves ready to receive his majesties commands with the most perfect submission and obedience, but that we had deemed it our bounden duty to lay all these particulars before his majesty, which had hitherto been artfully kept from his knowledge. On his part, Cortes sent a memorial to the king of twenty-one pages long, in which he left no argument unemployed to serve his own and our interest. He even requested permission to go over to the island of Cuba, and to send the governor Velasquez a prisoner to Spain, that he might be tried and punished for the injuries he had done to the public service, and especially for having sent an order to put Cortes to death.

Our agents sailed from Vera Cruz on the 20th December 1522, and no particular occurrence happened on the voyage to the Terceras or Acores, except that one of the tigers broke loose and wounded some of the sailors, who were likewise obliged to kill the other on account of its ferocity. At the island of Tercera, Captain Quinones lost his life in a duel, occasioned by a quarrel about a lady, by which means our business was left in the hands of Alonzo de Avila. In continuing his voyage to Europe, he was taken by a French privateer, commanded by one Jean Florin, who took another ship from Hispaniola with a valuable cargo of sugar and hides, and 20,000 crowns in gold, and many pearls; so that with this and our treasure he returned very rich to France, where he made magnificent presents to the king and admiral of France, astonishing every body at the magnificence of the presents which we had transmitted for our emperor. The king of France observed on this occasion, that the wealth which we supplied from New Spain was alone sufficient to enable our sovereign to wage war against him, although Peru was not then discovered. It was also reported that the king of France sent a message to our emperor, saying, That as he and the king of Portugal had divided the world between them, he desired to see the will of our father Adam, to know if he had made them exclusively his heirs. In his next expedition, Florin was made prisoner by a strong squadron belonging to Biscay, and was hanged in the island of Teneriffe.

Avila was made a close prisoner in France, but by gaining the friendship of the officer to whose custody he had been confided, he was enabled to correspond with his friends in Spain, to whom he transmitted all the documents with which he had been entrusted, which were all laid before the emperor Don Carlos by Martin Cortes, our generals father, and Diego de Ordas, by means of the licentiate Nunez, relator of the royal council, who was cousin to Cortes. The emperor was pleased, on due consideration of these documents, to order that all favour should be shewn to our general, and that the proceedings respecting the government of New Spain should be suspended until his majesty returned into Spain.

We were much disappointed on receiving intelligence of the loss of our treasure, and the detention of our agent in France; yet Cortes honourably reserved the district of Guatitlan for Avila, notwithstanding his captivity, and gave it three years afterwards to a brother of Alonzo de Avila, who was then promoted to be contador of Yucutan.

[1] The province here named Panuco, is situated on the coast of the gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of a considerable river which drains the superfluous waters of the Mexican vale, named at first Rio del Desague, then Rio de Tula, and Rio Tampico at its mouth, in about lat. 22 deg. 15' N. The Modern town of Panuco is about 200 miles almost due north from Mexico.—E.

[2] These were probably the Chichimecas and Otomies, who inhabited to the north-west of the Mexican empire.—E.

[3] From these slight notices, nothing certain can be gathered respecting these large bones: Yet there is every reason to believe they must have been of the same kind with those now familiar to the learned world, under the name of Mammoth. The vale of Mexico has every indication of having once been an immense inland lake, and the other big bones of North America have all been found in places of a similar description. The greatest deposit of these hitherto known, is at a place called big-bone-swamp, near the Mississippi, in the modern state of Kentucky.—E.



SECTION XV.

Expeditions of Gonzalo de Sandoval, Pedro de Alvarado, and others, for reducing the Mexican Provinces.

After the settlement with Christoval de Tapia, the Captains Sandoval and Alvarado resumed the expeditions with which they had been before entrusted, and on this occasion I went along with Sandoval. On our arrival at Tustepeque[1], I took my lodgings on the summit of a very high tower of a temple, for the sake of fresh air, and to avoid the musquitoes, which were very troublesome below. At this place, seventy-two of the soldiers who came with Narvaez and six Spanish women were put to death. The whole province submitted immediately to Sandoval, except the Mexican chief who had been the principal instrument of the destruction of our soldiers, who was soon afterwards made prisoner and burnt alive. Many others had been equally guilty, but this example of severity was deemed sufficient.

Sandoval, in the next place, sent a message to the Tzapotecas, who inhabit a mountainous district about ten leagues from Tustepeque or Tututepec, ordering them to submit to his authority; and on their refusal, an expedition was sent against them under Captain Briones, who according to his own account had served with reputation in the wars of Italy. His detachment consisted of 100 Spanish infantry, and about an equal number of Indian allies; but the enemy were prepared for him, and so completely surprised him in a difficult pass of the mountains, that they drove him and his men over the rocks, rolling them down to the bottom, by which above a third of them were wounded, of whom one afterwards died. The district inhabited by the Tzapotecas is of very difficult access among rocky mountains, where the troops can only pass in single file, and the climate is very moist and rainy. The inhabitants are armed with long lances, having stone heads about an ell long, which have two edges as sharp as razors, and they are defended by pliable shields which cover their whole bodies. They are extremely nimble, and give signals to each other by loud whistlings, which echo among the rocks with inconceivable shrillness. Their province is named Tiltepeque[2]; which, after its submission, was confided to the charge of a soldier named Ojeda. On his return to quarters, Sandoval ridiculed Briones on the bad success of his expedition, asking him if he had ever seen the like in Italy; for Briones was always boasting of his exploits there, as how he had severed men in two, and the like. Briones was sore displeased with these sarcasms, and swore he would rather fight against the Turks or Moors than the Tzapotecas. There was another district of the Tzapotecas called Xaltepec, which was then at war with a neighbouring tribe, and who immediately, on being summoned by Sandoval, sent a deputation of their chiefs to wait upon him with handsome presents; among which was a considerable quantity of gold, partly made into toys, and partly in ten little tubes. Their chiefs were dressed in long cotton robes, richly embroidered, and reaching to their feet, like the upper garments worn by the Moors. They requested to be assisted by some of our soldiers against their enemies, whom they named the Minxes. The state of our force at this time did not permit him to comply with this request, but he promised to transmit their request to our general at Mexico, with an application for an auxiliary force to be sent them, and said he could only now send a small number of his men along with them, to observe the nature of the passes, but his real object was to examine their mines. With this answer he dismissed them all except three, sending eight of us along with them to explore the country and its mines.

There was another soldier of the same name with myself in this party, for indeed there were three of us in the army named Castillo. At that time I prided myself on my dress, and was called Castillo the beau. My namesake who went on the present expedition was named Castillo the thoughtful, as he was of slow speech, never replying to a question for a long while, and then answering by some absurdity. The third was called Castillo the prompt, as he was always very ready and smart in all his words. On our arrival at the district of Xaltepec, the Indians turned over the soil in three different rivers, in each of which they found gold, and soon filled three tubes with it as large as a mans middle finger, with which we returned to Sandoval, who now thought that all our fortunes would be made. He took a district to himself, from which he very soon procured gold to the value of 15,000 crowns. He gave the district of Xaltepec, whence we had obtained the gold, to Captain Luis Marin, but it turned out very indifferently. He gave me a very profitable district, which I wish to God I had kept; it consisted of three places, named Matalan, Oztoequipa, and Oriaca, where the ingenio of the viceroy is now situated; but I thought it more consistent with my character as a soldier to accompany Sandoval in his military expeditions. Sandoval called his town Medellin, after the birth-place of Cortes; and the Rio de las Vanderas, from which he procured the 15,000 crowns, was for some time the port where the merchandise from Spain was discharged, until Vera Cruz became the emporium.

We now marched into the province of Coatzacualco, through the district of Citla[3], which is about twelve leagues in length and breadth, and is very populous, having a fine climate and abounding in provisions. The chiefs immediately submitted. On our arrival at the river of Coatzacualco, which is the governing district of all the neighbouring tribes, the chiefs did not make their appearance on being summoned, which we considered as an indication of hostility, which was in fact their first intention; but after five days, they came in and made their submissions, presenting some trinkets of fine gold to Sandoval. By his orders, they collected a hundred canoes, in which we crossed the river, sending four soldiers in advance to examine and report the state of the country. A town was founded in this place, which we named Villa del Espiritu Santo, because on that day we defeated Narvaez, using that expression as our watchword, and because we crossed this river on the same day. In this place the flower of our army was established, which at this time mustered eighty cavalry, a greater number in proportion than five hundred is now, horses being then very scarce and dear. Having examined the surrounding districts, Sandoval divided them among the different settlements. To the settlement of Coatzacualco, he allotted Cuetzpaltepec, Tepeca, Chinantla, the Tzapotecas, Copilco, Cimatan, Tabasco, Cachula, the Zoques, Techeapa, Cinacatan, the Quilenes, and Papanahausta. We had a long litigation afterwards with the district of Vera Cruz about three of these, Cuetzpaltepec, Chinantla, and Tepeca; with Tabasco about Cimatan and Copilco; with Chiapa or Guatimala, concerning the Quilenes and Zoques; and likewise with the town of St Ildefonso about the Tzapotecas. I regretted having fixed myself in this place, as the lands were very poor, and every thing turned out to my disadvantage. We might indeed have done well enough if we had been left in our original situation; but as new settlements were successively formed, ours were curtailed to accommodate them, so that our colony fell into decay; and from being the best, and containing the greatest number of the true conquerors of Mexico, it has now very few inhabitants.

About this time Sandoval received intelligence of the arrival of Donna Catalina, the lady of our general, in the river of Aguayalco[4], accompanied by her brother. La Zembrana also with her family came along with her, and Donna Elvira Lopez the tall, who married Juan de Palma, who was afterwards hanged. We all went to pay our respects to the ladies, the roads being almost impassable owing to constant heavy rain. Having escorted Donna Catalina and the rest to our town of Coatzacualco, or Espiritu Santo, intelligence was sent to Cortes of their arrival, and they set out soon afterwards for Mexico. Cortes was sorry for their coming, but he received them with great pomp, and we heard about three months afterwards that Donna Catalina had died of an asthma.

Villafuerte had been sent to Zacatula, and Juan Alvarez Chico to Colima, two provinces on the south sea to the west of Mexico, but were unsuccessful; on which Cortes sent Christoval de Oli to reduce these provinces to submission. The natives attacked him on his march, killing two of his soldiers; yet he reached the station of Villafuerte, who was afraid to stir out, and had four even of his soldiers killed by the enemy in the town where he resided. I do not know what became of Captain Juan Alvarez, but I believe he lost his life about this time in some action with the natives. De Oli reduced both provinces to submission and returned to Mexico, where he was hardly arrived when intelligence was brought that they had again rebelled; on which Cortes sent Sandoval with a small party of veterans to take the charge of them. He punished the ringleaders of the rebellion, and regulated them in so effectual a manner, that they continued ever afterwards submissive.

On the departure of Sandoval with the ladies, several of the districts subjected to Coatzacualco rebelled, killing the soldiers who were appointed to collect the tribute; among which were the Tzapotecas of Xaltepec, Cimatan and Copilco, the first being difficult of access on account of its rugged mountains, and the two others because of lakes and marshes, so that they were not reduced to subjection without great difficulty. While Captain Luis Marin was engaged in reducing these districts, Juan Buono arrived at our settlement in a small vessel. He immediately called us all together, and endeavoured to persuade us to submit to Christoval de Tapia as governor of New Spain, being ignorant of the return of that person to Hispaniola. Buono had a number of unaddressed letters from the bishop of Burgos, making large offers to such as would further his views of superseding Cortes, and which Buono had a discretionary power of directing to any persons that he supposed might support the cause in which he was engaged, and which he accordingly transmitted to those who held offices in the settlement. Among the rest, I was offered the appointment of regidor. When Buono learnt that Tapia had left the country, he seemed much disappointed. We referred him to Cortes at Mexico, to which place he went. I know not what passed between him and Cortes, but I believe the general sent him back to Spain with some money in his pocket.

Among the tribes that courted our alliance after the conquest of Mexico, was a people of the Tzapotecan nation, named the Tutepecs, who earnestly requested our assistance against a hostile tribe, who bore the same name with themselves, and whom they represented as possessing a very rich country. Accordingly, in the year 1522, Alvarado marched from Mexico with a detachment of 180 soldiers, cavalry and infantry, with orders to take twenty more on his march through the district of Oaxaco, and also to visit and reduce during his march certain mountainous districts which were said to be in rebellion. Alvarado was forty days on his march between Mexico and Tutepec, and was very hospitably received on his arrival, being lodged in the most populous part of the city, where the houses stood close together, and were thatched with straw, it not being the custom of that part of the country to have terraced roofs, on account of their climate being very sultry. By the advice of Father Olmedo, Alvarado removed his quarters to a more open part of the town; as in case of any treachery being intended, the natives might easily have set fire to the first quarters. In this place, Alvarado was plentifully supplied with provisions, and the principal chief made him every day some rich present of gold; and among other things gave him a pair of golden stirrups, made according to a pattern. Yet, only a few days after, the cacique was made a prisoner, on the information, as was said, of the Indians of Tecuantepec, that he meant to burn the Spaniards in the quarters which had been assigned them in the temples. Some of the Spaniards alleged that Alvarado made him a prisoner in order to extort gold for his ransom. However this may have been, he died in prison of vexation, after Alvarado had got from him to the value of 30,000 crowns. His son was permitted to succeed him in the government, from whom Alvarado obtained more gold than he had done from the father. Alvarado now established a colony, which was called Segura, because most of the colonists came from Tepeaca, named by us Segura de la Frontera.

Alvarado set out soon afterwards on his return to Mexico with all his wealth, as Cortes had written to him to bring all the treasure he possibly could, which he intended to send into Spain. The soldiers were much dissatisfied at being thus excluded from any share, and several of them entered into a conspiracy to assassinate Alvarado and his brothers. One of the conspirators, named Tribejo, gave information of the plot to Father Olmedo, only a few hours before it was intended to have been executed; and the reverend Father informed Alvarado, just as he was riding out along with some of the conspirators. He continued his intended excursion for a short way; then turning suddenly, he complained of a pain in his side, saying he must go back for a surgeon to bleed him. On his arrival at quarters, he immediately sent for his two brothers, together with the alcaldes and alguazils of the settlement, whom he ordered to arrest the conspirators, two of whom were hanged. Alvarado returned to Mexico with his gold; but the colonists finding all the gold taken away, and that the place was hot and unhealthy, infested with musqutioes, bugs, and other vermin, and themselve and slaves fast dying, they abandoned the settlement, some going to Mexico, and others to different places. Cortes was much displeased at this abandonment, and finding on inquiry that it had been done by a resolution of the alcaldes and regidors in full cabildo, he condemned them to suffer death; but their punishment, at the intercession of Olmedo, was mitigated to banishment. Thus the settlement of Segura fell to the ground, which had been established in a very fertile country, but exceedingly unhealthy. By the cruelty and extortion of Alvarado, the minds of the natives were alienated, and they threw off their allegiance; but he reduced them again to submission, and they continued afterwards to behave themselves peaceably.

[1] This expedition appears to have been for the reduction of certain provinces to the south-east of the vale of Mexico, now forming the intendency of Oaxaca, inhabited by the Mixtecas and Tzapotecas. The Tustepeque of the text, was probably a town on the Boca de Chacahua on the South Sea, now called Tututepec, in lat. 15 50' N. and long. 100 15' E. On the very imperfect map of Clavigero, it is named Tototepec, and is placed in the country of the Mixtecas.—E.

[2] Named, more appropriately, in the map of Clavigero, Tzapoteca-pan.—E.

[3] I suspect this ought to be named Chinantla.—E.

[4] This way probably be some corruption of the native name of the Rio Coatzacualco, or Huaxacualco; by giving it the ordinary Spanish prefix agua; which signifies water, or a river, with the native termination cualco.—E.



SECTION XVI.

Some Account of the Expedition of Francisco de Garay for the Colonization of Panuco.

Having formerly mentioned the expedition fitted out by Francisco de Garay, the governor of Jamaica, it seems proper to give a more particular account of that affair in this place. Hearing of the great riches which Diego Velasquez was likely to acquire from New Spain, and of the fertile countries which had been discovered on the continent of the West Indies, and encouraged by the means he now possessed of prosecuting discoveries and conquests, he determined to try his own fortune in that career. For this purpose he sent for and discoursed with Alaminos, who had been our chief pilot, from whom he received so favourable an account of these countries, that he sent Juan de Torralva, a person in whom he could confide, to solicit the bishop of Burgos to grant him a commission for settling the country on the river of Panuco; and having succeeded in this preliminary step, he fitted out an armament of three ships, with 240 soldiers, under the command of Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, who was defeated by the Panuchese, one ship only escaping, which joined us at Villa Rica, as already related. Receiving no intelligence of the fate of his first armament, Garay sent a second, which also arrived at our port. Having now expended a great deal of money to no purpose, and having learnt the good fortune of Cortes, he became more than ever desirous to secure the advantages he expected to derive from his commission. With this view he fitted out thirteen ships, in which he embarked 136 cavalry, and 840 foot soldiers, mostly musqueteers and crossbow-men, of which he took the command in person. He sailed with this great armament from Jamaica, on the 24th June 1523, and arrived safe at the port of Xagua in the island of Cuba, where he received information that Cortes had reduced the province of Panuco to subjection, and had sent a petition to the emperor to get a commission for governing his new acquisition. He was here informed of the heroic deeds of Cortes and his companions, and in particular of our having defeated the large force of Narvaez, while we had only 270 soldiers.

Struck with awe at the power and abilities of our general, he solicited the licentiate Zuazco to mediate between him and Cortes, that he might be permitted to take possession of the government of Panuco, in pursuance of his commission from the bishop of Burgos.

Garay shortly afterwards set out with his armament, and being driven by a storm into the river Palmas[1], he disembarked there, intending to march by land to Panuco, having first exacted an oath of fidelity from his troops; and he even nominated the various officers of his colony, which he intended to name Garayana. Having marched for two days along the sea-shore, through a marshy uninhabited country, he arrived at some villages, where the inhabitants entertained him hospitably, but many of his soldiers straggled about robbing and maltreating the people. Garay at length arrived at Panuco, where his soldiers expected all their difficulties would end, but it was almost a desert, as it had been much wasted in the war with Cortes, and the natives concealed what remained, so that they found nothing but bare walls, where they were tormented with mosquitos and every kind of vermin. Garay could get no intelligence of his fleet, and learnt from a Spaniard who had fled from punishment and lived among the Indians, that the province of Panuco was poor and unhealthy; and as this man gave a very favourable account of Mexico, many of Garays soldiers deserted from him, and went off for Mexico, plundering the natives on their way. Garay found himself in a bad plight, and sent one of his officers, named Diego de Ocampo, to sound the disposition of Vallejo, who was governor of St Estevan del Puerto for Cortes, and to notify the appointment of Garay to the government of this country. Vallejo gave a favourable answer, requesting the soldiers might be restrained from maltreating the inhabitants; but sent off an express to Cortes, soliciting a strong reinforcement or the immediate presence of the general. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately sent off Alvarado, Sandoval, Father Olmedo, and Gonzalo de Ocampo, brother to Diego de Ocampo, who was with Garay, giving them a copy of the royal instructions, by which all his conquests were left under his command till the dispute between him and Velasquez were judicially settled.

On the arrival of Garay in the neighbourhood of St Estevan, Vallejo learnt from five deserters that the troops were scattered negligently in a large town called Nacoplan, on which he concerted a plan for coming on them by surprise, and made forty of them prisoners, alleging that they had invaded the country without a commission, and had plundered the inhabitants who lived under his government. Garay threatened Vallejo with the vengeance of the court of Spain for this outrage, and demanded the immediate release of his soldiers; on which Vallejo requested to see his commission, which, if from his majesty, he would obey in all humility. Just at this time arrived the deputies from Cortes, and Diego de Ocampo, being then first alcalde of Mexico, made a formal remonstrance against the entrance of Garay with an armed force into the government of another person. Several days were spent in remonstrances and replies on both sides, during which time many of Garays troops deserted from him.

Two of the ships belonging to Garay were lost in a tempest, and the remainder took shelter in the mouth of the river, when Vallejo secretly negotiated with their officers to join the party of Cortes. He at length contrived to inviegle the whole of the fleet up the river to the port of St Estevan, where he made all their officers and men prisoners in the name of Cortes; but Father Olmedo persuaded him to set them at liberty. The unfortunate Garay entreated the officers of Cortes to restore his ships and to compel his troops to return to their duty, promising to give up his intended settlement at Panuco, and to retire to the river Palmas. They agreed to this, and used every measure to induce the deserters to return, but with little effect; as they alleged they had already discharged their engagement in coming to Panuco, and they despised Garay. In this hopeless state, Garay was persuaded to write to Cortes, stating his situation, and requesting his protection and assistance, in consideration of their former friendship. Cortes engaged to do what he desired, and invited him to come to Mexico, where he was honourably received, and promised every redress, referring him to Olmedo, Sandoval, and Alvarado, to agree with him on the terms. At the suggestion of Olmedo, a marriage was proposed between Donna Catalina Cortes y Pizarro, the daughter of Cortes, and the eldest son of Garay, who had a command in the fleet. Cortes agreed to this, giving his daughter a liberal fortune, and agreed that Garay should establish a colony on the river Palmas, in which he engaged to give him every assistance in his power. Garay now interceded with Cortes to allow Narvaez to return to Cuba, for which favour Narvaez was extremely thankful, and took leave of Cortes with many professions of gratitude. Soon afterwards, Garay was seized with a pleurisy, of which he died in four days, leaving Cortes and Father Olmedo his executors. As his armament was left without a head, a competition arose among his officers for the vacant command; but young Garay was ultimately made general. This gave great offence to the soldiers, in consequence of which they dispersed about the country in small bodies of fifteen or twenty men, pillaging the natives as if they had been among Moors. This enraged the Indians, who laid a plot to cut off the Spaniards, which they executed so effectually that in a very short time they sacrificed and eat above five hundred of the soldiers of Garay, in some of the towns upwards of a hundred of them being destroyed at one time. In other places they fell upon the stragglers, whom they massacred almost without resistance; and, encouraged by this success, they even rose against the settlement of Estevan in such numbers, that they could hardly be resisted by Vallejo and seven or eight of the veterans of Cortes, who induced many of Garays soldiers to abide by them in the open field, where three battles were fought, in one of which Vallejo was slain, and a great number of Spaniards wounded. The Indians became at length so bold and desperate, that they one night killed and burned forty Spaniards, among whom were several belonging to Cortes, and destroyed fifteen horses. When Cortes heard of these proceedings he was much enraged, and would have gone in person to suppress the rebellion, but was then confined by a broken arm; wherefore he sent Gonzalo de Sandoval, with 100 infantry, 50 cavalry, 15 musqueteers, and two field-pieces, accompanied by 8000 Mexican and Tlascalan warriors, giving orders to reduce the country so completely under subjection that they might not have power to give any farther disturbance.

Sandoval was a person of much vigilance when he had any important business in hand, and made no delay in marching against the enemy, who had concentrated their forces in two narrow defiles. Sandoval divided his forces into two bodies, but was so obstinately resisted, that he drew off his forces, feigning to retreat to Mexico, followed by the Indians, whom he completely deceived, making an unexpected countermarch at midnight, by which he gained possession of the passes; yet not till he had lost three horses, and had a great many of his men wounded. On passing the defiles, he found himself opposed in front by an immense body of Indians, who had collected on receiving notice of his countermarch. He concentrated his whole force into one solid column; and as his cavalry were inexperienced in the service, he gave them full instructions never to halt making thrusts, as the Indians always seized the lances when wounded, and often wrested them from the hands of our men; but ordered them to clap spurs to their horses on such occasions, firmly grasping their lances, and thus force them from the enemy by the strength of their horses. Having placed guards and patroles, and ordered the horses of the cavalry to remain all night saddled and bridled, he made the troops repose under arms on the banks of a river, placing the Mexican and Tlascalan warriors at a short distance from the Spanish troops, knowing by experience that the allies were of more harm than benefit in a night attack. At day-break next morning, Sandoval put his troops in motion, and was soon fronted by three large bodies of the enemy, who endeavoured to surround him. Forming his cavalry in two squadrons, he attacked the enemy with such spirit that they were soon broken and dispersed, with the loss of two soldiers and three horses on his side. The allies made terrible havock after this victory, burning and plundering all before them, till the arrival of the army at St Estevan. The remains of this colony were found in a miserable condition, and the soldiers of Garay assured him that its preservation was entirely owing to the bravery and conduct of our few veterans who were there. Sandoval divided his army into several bodies, which he entrusted to the command of the veterans, and sent them to overrun the neighbouring districts, with orders to send in all the provisions they could collect, being unable to go out himself, as he was badly wounded. In the course of three days, his parties sent in many prisoners of the ordinary class, and five chiefs; but Sandoval released the common people, and ordered his troops to make no more prisoners, except of such chiefs as had been concerned in or present at the murder of the Spaniards. In a few days Sandoval was able to take the field, and by skilful measures he made prisoners of twenty caciques, who had commanded where no less than six hundred Spaniards were slain. He then summoned all the neighbouring towns to send their chiefs to him to treat of peace and submission: Some obeyed, but others neglected to attend, and he thought it best to dissimulate with the latter for the present, till he had informed Cortes what had been already done, and had received his orders as to the disposal of the prisoners and his future procedure. Cortes, who now conferred the vacant command of St Estevan on Sandoval, ordered all who had been any way concerned in the murder of the Spaniards to be punished with death, as an example to deter others from being guilty of the like offence, directing Diego de Ocampo, as alcalde-major, to take the necessary steps against them, with orders to execute all who should be found guilty. He gave orders likewise to conciliate the natives by all possible means, and to prevent the soldiers of Garay from committing any future outrages. Two days after the receipt of these orders, the accused caciques were brought to trial; and many of them being found guilty by evidence, or by their own confession, were publickly executed, some being burnt and others hanged. Many also were pardoned; and all the districts which had belonged to the caciques who suffered on this occasion, were restored to their children or other heirs. Ocampo now proceeded against all those Spaniards who had been guilty of outrages, going about the country in bands, plundering and murdering the natives, or who had invited other soldiers to desert to them; and having collected them together, he shipped them off for Cuba. To Juan de Grijalva, who had been commodore of the fleet under Garay, Cortes offered the alternative of a present of 2000 crowns, and a passage to Cuba, or an honourable reception at Mexico. But Grijalva and all the other officers belonging to Garay preferred going to Cuba. When Sandoval and Ocampo had thus reduced the settlement to order, and cleared it of these troublesome inmates, they returned to Mexico, leaving the command at St Estevan to an officer named Vallecillo; and on their arrival at the capital, they were received by Cortes and others with the distinction which their services richly merited[2].