When Don Diego found that Holguin had escaped from his pursuit, as formerly related, he went to Cuzco with his army, where Christoval de Sotelo, whom he had detached there before him, had already taken possession of the city, and had displaced the magistrates who had been established there under the authority of the new governor. Immediately on the arrival of Don Diego at Cuzco, he made every exertion to provide artillery and gunpowder for the farther prosecution of the war. Both of these warlike articles are easily made in Peru. As to artillery, there is abundance of metal for that purpose, and there were also several persons in Cuzco who were perfectly well acquainted with the manner of founding cannon: These were Levantines or Greeks, several of whom had come to Peru out of respect for Pedro de Candia, who was master of the ordnance to Don Diego. Powder was likewise easily made in great abundance, as saltpetre is to be had in every part of that country of excellent quality. At the same time he had defensive armour made for those of his people who were in want, forming corslets and helmets of silver mixed with copper, which answered amazingly well, and, were made by the native artists, who fabricated every kind of arms in imitation of, and as good as those of Milan. By these means, and by collecting all the arms throughout the whole country, every one of his men was at least provided with a coat of mail, a cuirass or corselet, and a helmet[9]. In this manner Don Diego was enabled to equip two hundred musqueteers, and to establish several companies of men at arms, as hitherto in Peru, hardly any thing had been seen of that kind, the cavalry being all light horse except a very few.

While these preparations were going on, an unfortunate quarrel arose between the captains Garcias de Alvarado and Christoval de Sotelo, in which they drew their swords and Sotelo was slain. As both of these captains were principal leaders in the Almagrian party, and had many friends and partizans in the army, this unfortunate affair occasioned much strife, and had nearly occasioned a battle between the friends of the two combatants; but Don Diego appeased them with some difficulty, and by using a great deal of address. But as Garcias de Alvarado plainly perceived that Don Diego took the death of Sotelo much to heart, whom he dearly loved, and feared lest he might take measures afterwards of revenge, he endeavoured to take precautions in the meantime for his own safety, and for this purpose proposed to have assassinated Don Diego. With this view he one day invited Don Diego to dinner, intending to have put him to death during the entertainment. Don Diego accepted the invitation, but when the appointed day came, having some suspicion of what was intended, he sent an excuse for his absence, on pretence of being indisposed. As Garcias had provided every thing for the execution of his design, he went with several of his friends to endeavour to prevail on Don Diego to come to the entertainment. While on his way, he met a soldier named Martin Carillo who advised him to stay away from the house of Don Diego, who he was fully persuaded intended to put him to death. He continued his purpose however, and received a similar advice from another soldier a little farther on. Yet he persisted in going to the house of Don Diego, and even went up to his chamber, where he found him on a day-bed under pretence of being unwell. This visit seemed to be expected, as Don Diego had several armed men concealed in a neighbouring room.

Garcias de Alvarado and his followers went into the chamber of Don Diego, to whom Alvarado said; "I hope, my lord, that your indisposition is of little importance. You must rise and shake it off, and you will be the better of some exercise and amusement. Come along with us, and though you eat little, your presence will give pleasure to the company who expect you." Don Diego agreed to go, and called for his cloak, being already armed with his sword and dagger. While the company in the room made way by going out, and Garcias de Alvarado went immediately before Don Diego, Pedro de Onnate and several others who were instructed, shut the door, and seizing on Garcias told him he was their prisoner. Don Diego drew his sword, with which he wounded Garcias, saying that he must be slain, not taken prisoner; and immediately Juan Balsa, Alfonso de Saavedra, Diego Mendez the brother of Rodrigo Orgognez, and several others who were concealed in the next room, rushed out and put Alvarado to death with many wounds.

On the news of this event spreading through the city, it occasioned much dissatisfaction and some appearances of an insurrection which might have had very fatal consequences; but Don Diego went immediately out into the great square, where he succeeded in appeasing the people, and the friends of Alvarado were forced to be quiet. Immediately after this, on purpose to give employment to his troops, and because he heard that Vaca de Castro had joined Holguin and Alonso Alvarado, he marched out from Cuzco, meaning to seek out and give battle to the royalists. His army on this occasion was the most numerous and best appointed that had hitherto been seen in Peru, consisting of 250 horse, 200 musqueteers, and 250 pikemen, many of these being armed with halberts, and all remarkably well provided with defensive armour, especially all his cavalry, who, besides coats of mail, had back and breast-pieces of iron. Besides these, he had a great train of artillery, and was accompanied by Paul, the brother of the Inca who had been raised to the Peruvian throne by the elder Almagro. The assistance of this chief was of great importance to Don Diego on the present occasion, as his Indians always went a considerable way before the army, and obliged the natives of all the districts through which they passed to supply provisions for the troops, and to furnish people for carrying the baggage and other necessary services. In this manner Don Diego proceeded for about fifty leagues to the province of Vilcas, where he learnt that the royal army was only thirty leagues distant from him.

While Vaca de Castro was in Lima, he procured a number of musquets to be made by the workmen of that city, and made every other preparation in his power to strengthen his army. Among other things, as Don Diego had carried off the whole royal treasure, he borrowed a large sum from the inhabitants of Lima, for the pay of his troops and other expences of the war; and all things being regulated, he set out to join the army with as many men as he could collect, leaving Francisco de Barrionuevo as his lieutenant in Lima, and Juan Perez de Guevara as commandant of his marine. He directed his march for Jauja, leaving orders with the inhabitants of Lima to retire on board the ships, in case Don Diego, as he threatened, should make an attack upon the city. On his arrival at Jauja, where Holguin and the army waited for him, he found that the general had provided good store of arms both offensive and defensive, and particularly a large supply of gunpowder which had been made at that place. The governor incorporated the horsemen whom he brought along with him from Lima among the troops or companies of cavalry already in the army, which were commanded by the Captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Pedro Anzurez, and Garcilasso de la Vega, and formed an additional troop of horse of which he gave the command to Gomez de Alvarado. Those foot soldiers which he brought with him were distributed into the companies of Pedro de Vergara and Nunno de Castro, and he formed a new company of musqueteers, of which he appointed the bachelor Juan Velez de Guevara captain. Although a man of letters and educated in the study of the law, Guevara was an excellent soldier, and particularly attentive to discipline, and had even greatly assisted in the construction of the musquets with which his company was armed. Being likewise very learned in the law, he executed a judicial charge at the same time with his military command, both on the present occasion under Vaca de Castro, and during the subsequent troubles produced by Gonzalo Pizarro, as will be afterwards related. Every day till noon, he held his judicial sittings and dispatched such affairs of that kind as occurred, in the ordinary sober dress of a lawyer. After that, he dressed in richly embroidered uniforms, with a buff jerkin, a feather in his hat, and his musquet on his shoulder, exercising his company with much attention, and practised himself in firing.

Having drawn together a well armed force of seven hundred men, 370 of whom were cavalry, 170 musqueteers, and 160 armed with pikes, Vaca de Castro appointed captain Francisco de Carvajal serjeant major[10] of his army; the same person who was afterwards maestre de campo general under Gonzalo Pizarro. Carvajal was an officer of great experience, having served above forty years in the army, and was bred in the wars of Italy under the great captain, having risen in that service from the ranks to a lieutenancy. By him all the movements of the army were directed.

About this time a message was received by Vaca de Castro from Gonzalo Pizarro, who had just returned to Quito from his disastrous expedition to Los Canelos, formerly related. Gonzalo made offer to the governor to march to his assistance with all the troops he could raise; but de Castro, in answer, after thanking him for his good will, desired him to remain at Quito and on no account to come to the army, as he had hope of bringing Don Diego to terms of accommodation, being only desirous of restoring the country to peace. In this procedure, the governor meant in some measure to mortify the pride of Gonzalo Pizarro; and besides, he feared lest his natural desire of taking revenge for the murder of his brother might prove an invincible obstacle against Don Diego agreeing to any accommodation, who would never venture to submit to any one who was accompanied by Gonzalo Pizarro, whose friends in the royal army were very numerous. Some persons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo to join the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he was greatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castro sent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of the late marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there till farther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as a specious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima.

All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jauja with his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he was informed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city, or to take post at a very important passage of a river in that neighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operations of the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, as Guamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving as natural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego de Royas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard of the royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and on receiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, had fortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able to defend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor, therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captain de Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill of difficult ascent near Guamanga, called Farcu by the Peruvians and Parcos by the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within two leagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already in possession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especially as the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvarado was sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on in good order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the army marched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguing exertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep passes, and they were under the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Having passed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not having any accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Next day, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues in advance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, the royalists encamped to take some rest.

Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who were still at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent a letter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty's name to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doing which he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, he might expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebel against the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who was well acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying letters for several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty and large rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took every precaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places in the snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, who ordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castro for sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers of accommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before the governors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle, promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of the country, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth of the slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he would never acknowledge or obey him so long as he was associated with his enemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juan de Saavedra, Garcilasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army, unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as he could not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That de Castro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him, and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend the country to his last breath.

On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to a small distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and uneven for his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named Chupaz, where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceased raining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forced to be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near. He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused all accommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed to hesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evinced respecting the former battle of Salinas, on which account Ferdinand Pizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formal judicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy the scruples of his troops. He pronounced therefore a formal sentence against Don Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and all his adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. After signing this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, he commanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it into execution.

Next morning, being Saturday, the scouts brought intelligence after mass that the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leagues distance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of the royalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which covered the front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession of Guamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of being victorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over the royalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guards were within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fifty musqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troops marched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of the rebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diego might have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if he had taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for during this conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt to recover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of the ground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circumstance, he ordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible without preserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they were arrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castro and his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; who likewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle.

After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by the serjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted them to recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the just cause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now in their hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they could only expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the important service to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects to perform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates and effects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and by the authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereignty of Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. In conclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encourage gentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example he proposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as a proof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march at their head and should be among the first to break a lance. They all declared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cut to pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all considered themselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, as well as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vaca de Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that he should take post in the rear with thirty horsemen, whence he might send succour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as the day drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, he proposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole army seemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to say whether some might not change their sentiments during the night. The governor assented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have the power which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down of the sun.

At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon the royalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towards the enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to their guns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move by the left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by which they were protected from the balls which all flew over their heads. The troops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the right with his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christoval de Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, Pedro Holguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all at the head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the two wings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevara marched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with his musqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by the enemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnest entreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirty horse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see all that occurred, so as to send assistance where it was wanted, which he did with much judgment.

During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire of their artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their balls flew too high. Don Diego observing this circumstance, suspected that Pedro de Candia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did this on purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed him with his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannon against a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the troopers were killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royal army was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined to leave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time Don Diego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalry divided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having their cannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which the royalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would argue timidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper for them to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against the opinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a brave and experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had to advance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injured by the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas by advancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way for their enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power. Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continued to advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalists had to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them very little harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the way between was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advice being thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over to the royalist army.

About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother of Inca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeated vollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a few discharges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company of musqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began to skirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time the royalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drums and trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted as waiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant discharge from the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, the rebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards, most of their balls flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advanced only twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blank shot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at this time, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by one ball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gap in the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. The serjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalist cavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of the adverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded by every discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot, exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all the infantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge the enemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalist squadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet them courageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on both sides were broken, and many horsemen of both armies were borne to the ground, some killed and others wounded. A bloody engagement succeeded this charge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes; some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which they wielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand. After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out of breath, they drew off for a little.

In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego, encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched at their head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as large as any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets pass by without hurting me." That his soldiers might not conceive that he confided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail and helmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravely seconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing several of those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy. By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in a great measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became so dark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by the voice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victory began to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made a furious assault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging to Don Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back. On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, Vittoria! Vittoria! Yet the battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the horsemen who followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen and several others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorder and fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of their officers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeat and flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into the thickest of the enemy, crying out I am he who killed the marquis, till both were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of the darkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their white scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the red scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castro obtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his army lost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himself till then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured to save themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and a hundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about two leagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by the small number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled to Cuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz de Guevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended the authority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of the great kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officers of his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the 16th September 1542.

A great part of the night was over before their officers could reassemble the victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents of the rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killed several of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flight any farther. When all were reassembled, Vaca de Castro made the army remain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lest the enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himself likewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops, praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers for having so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers and soldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diego distinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conduct than could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years of age[11]. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for the death of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Many of those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited by the desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory they preserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could prevent them from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the two sides, about 300 men were slain[12], among whom were several officers and men of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminently distinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles of white velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which they were particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and both lost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewise distinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as already mentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should have escaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him; as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet them bravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instance of this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid of the balls concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head was shattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball[13]. Many others signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governor gave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-partition of the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned their individual interests and resentments in the service of the crown.

The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage was considerably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had their wounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during the night. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given to the wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number[14], and had the dead buried, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to the city of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the day succeeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisoners to be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Next day he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheaded Juan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gave orders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, and to punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hanged several and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable, insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished, and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowed to return to their houses.

The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial, and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another, made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where they were kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had taken refuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learning the death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom he had sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuirasses, and other arms, which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at the time when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, then besieged in Cuzco.

After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents, by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor did not consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient funds to reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolved to send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests. Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete the conquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and Philip Gutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, where they afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. Captain Monroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who was engaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sent to reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is an exceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannon and La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Its inhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they go entirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. While in this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond the mountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and which has camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheep considerably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessary to water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there is a lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its rivers there are certain fishes as large as dogs, which they likewise very much resemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water or even pass near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dry land[15]. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, on the east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it is said that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana received intelligence while descending the Marannon.

Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departure of these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distribution of the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country in good order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protection and preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine ever heard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named Carabaya, where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in one day[16]. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indians protected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjected during the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, and after a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself in taking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. He there remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco Nunnez Vela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel.

[1] This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his death.—E.

[2] Il les fit prenare, are the words of the French translator: prendre may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for pendre; in which case those officers of the late marquis were ordered to be hanged; and indeed they do not appear in the sequel.—E.

[3] There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as we have already seen one Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day with the marquis.—E.

[4] This officer was father to the historian of the same name.—E.

[5] It was now the year 1542.—E.

[6] As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished in the text by inverted commas—E.

[7] The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted, are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history of Peru having been already given from Zarate.—E.

[8] We now return to the narrative of Zarate.—E.

[9] Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred men.—E.

[10] The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro. Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General.—E.

[11] Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New World produced.—E.

[12] According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides, 500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error, as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole number thay had in the field.—E.

[13] At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but omitted here as altogether uninteresting.—E.

[14] This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit this number to the royal troops.—E.

[15] Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit missions.—E.

[16] Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L.32; hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made.—E.



SECTION II.

Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro.

At this period, some of the clergy who had been in the New World, represented to the Emperor Don Carlos and the lords of his council, that the Spaniards treated the natives in the conquered provinces of America with extreme cruelty, depriving them of all their property by excessive exactions, forcing them to labour in the mines and to dive for pearls beyond their strength, obliging them to carry heavy burdens in long journeys, and frequently subjecting them to arbitrary punishments, and even wantonly putting them to death; insomuch that their numbers were fast diminishing, and that in a short time they would be entirely extirpated from Mexico and Peru and the other continental dominions of Spain in America, as was already the case in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, Porto Rico, Jamaica, and others, where hardly any trace remained of the original inhabitants. To confirm these representations, they particularly recited many instances of cruelty exercised by the Spaniards upon the Indians, among which were numerous circumstances that were by no means well authenticated. They alleged as one of the greatest of these evils, and a principal cause of the destruction of the Indians, that they were forced to carry heavy burdens on long journeys, far beyond their strength, without any consideration of justice or humanity. They added that these tyrannical practices had been carried to the greatest excess by the governors, lieutenants, and other officers of the crown, and by the bishops, monks, and other favoured and privileged persons, trusting to their authority and immunities to be exempted from punishment for their improper conduct, by which they were encouraged to the commission of every excess. He who insisted in these remonstrances with the greatest zeal and perseverance was Fra Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican monk, whom his majesty had raised to the bishopric of Chiapa.

After maturely considering these representations, his majesty was anxious to devise proper means to relieve the Indians from oppression; and for this purpose he assembled a council of all those persons to whom the administration of affairs in the Indies was confided, with several other persons of probity learned in the laws. By this assembly the whole affair was deliberately examined, and a code of regulations drawn up by which it was expected to remedy the abuses complained of. By these regulations it was enacted that no Indian should be forced to labour in the mines, or to dive for pearls; that no excessive labours should be imposed on them, and even that they should not be obliged to carry burdens except in places where no other means could be employed; that all Indians should be paid for their labour, and that the tribute which they were to pay to their masters should be fixed; that upon the death of any person to whom lands and Indians now belonged, they were to revert to the crown. Besides, that all lands and Indians belonging to bishops, monasteries, and hospitals, or to governors, lieutenant-governors, or other officers of the crown, should be taken from them and annexed to the crown, even although the possessor should incline to demit their offices for the purpose of enabling them to retain their repartitions. It was particularly ordered in regard to Peru, that all who had taken any share in the civil wars between the marquis and Almagro should forfeit their lands and Indians. And finally, all Indians set at liberty by this regulation were to belong in perpetuity to the crown, to whom their tributes were to be paid in all time coming.

It is perfectly obvious, in consequence of the concluding clause but one of these regulations, by which all who had taken any share in the late civil wars were to be deprived of their lands and Indians, that every individual then in Peru would have been reduced to poverty, as it may be seen by every circumstance related in the foregoing part of this history, that every Spaniard in the country had embraced one or other of these parties with extreme violence. Even the native Peruvians had taken a part in the civil discords, and had frequent quarrels and engagements on the subject, some of them taking part with the Chilese, and others with the Pachacamacs, by which titles they distinguished respectively the adherents of Almagro and of the marquis. Hitherto the only court of justice or royal audience was held at Panama, at a most inconvenient distance from Peru. By the new regulations this court of Panama was abolished, and besides the establishment of a new court on the frontiers of Gauatimala and Nicaragua for all the provinces from Tierra Firma northwards, of which the licentiate Maldonado was made president, another court of royal audience was ordered to be established in Lima, consisting of four oydors or judges, and a president who was to have the title of Viceroy and captain general. This measure was deemed indispensibly necessary for the well being of this distant country, the richest and most valuable dominion which belonged to the crown in all America. All these regulations were enacted and published at Madrid in 1542, and copies of them were immediately sent to different parts of the New World. These new reglations gave extreme dissatisfaction to the conquerors of the American provinces, and particularly to those of Peru; as every Spanish settler in that country must have been deprived by them of almost every thing they possessed, and reduced to the necessity of looking out for new means of subsistence. Every one loudly declared that his majesty must have received erroneous information respecting the late events, as the partizans and adherents both of the marquis and of Almagro, had conducted themselves to the best of their judgment as faithful subjects of his majesty, believing that they acted in obedience to his orders in what respected the two rival governors, who acted in his name and by his authority, and were besides under the necessity of obeying their officers, either by force or good will, so that they were in fact guilty of no crime in what they had done; or, even if their conduct were in some measure faulty, they certainly did not deserve to be stript entirely of their property. They alleged farther, that when they discovered and conquered the country, which had been done at their own proper cost, it had been expressly covenanted that they were to enjoy the division of the lands and Indians among them for their lives, with remainder to their eldest sons, or to their widows in case of having no children; and that, in confirmation of all this, an order had been issued by his majesty, by which all who had participated in making the conquest of Peru were to marry within a certain specified time, under the penalty of losing their lands and Indians, with which regulation most of them had complied; and that it were now unjust, when they had become old and worn out, and were encumbered with wives and families, to deprive them of their substance, when they looked to enjoy repose after all their fatigues and dangers; being unable from age and infirmity to go in search of new countries and new establishments.

Great numbers of persons repaired to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, to lay their complaints before him. He told them, that he was persuaded his majesty would remedy their grievances when informed of the true state of affairs, and recommended therefore that the procurators or syndics of the different cities should assemble, and elect a deputation to carry a true statement of matters to the king and royal council of the Indies, with a humble supplication that his majesty might apply a proper remedy, by the revocation or modification of those regulations, which, as they stood, would produce such ruinous consequences to the colony. On purpose to facilitate this assembly, the governor promised to repair in person to Lima, as the most convenient and most central situation for the deputies of all the other cities. He accordingly set out from Cuzco for Lima, accompanied by the syndics of all the neighbouring cities, and by several gentlemen and other persons of consequence.

In the year 1542, while these things were going on in Peru, his majesty appointed Blasco Nunnez Vela, who had been commissary general of the revenue in Castille, as Viceroy of Peru, and president of the court of royal audience, to carry those regulations into effect which we have already given an accoun of. Vela was chosen to this high and important office as a person of capacity and experience, who would dispense strict justice without respect of persons, and would punctually fulfil the royal orders. The four oydors or judges nominated to the royal audience of Lima were the licentiate Cepeda, doctor Lison de Texada, and the licentiates Alvarez and Pedro Ortiz. Augustin de Zarate[1], secretary of the royal council of Castille, was appointed at the same time auditor general of accounts both for Peru and the Tierra Firma, as since the discovery and settlement of these provinces, no accounts of the royal revenues had ever been rendered to the treasurers. All these persons embarked at San Lucar de Barrameda on the 1st November 1543, and arrived safe at the harbour of Nombre de Dios, where they made some stay, on purpose to prepare for their voyage to Peru. As the viceroy was eager to proceed, he embarked at Panama in the middle of February 1543, without waiting for the judges of the royal audience, who anxiously requested to accompany him, and who were accordingly much chagrined by this procedure. Even before this, some slight disputes had occurred between them and Vela, which though of small importance in themselves, had left some impression of mutual dissatisfaction, and evinced that they were not likely to agree in the government of the country.

Befere leaving the Tierra Firma, the viceroy began to carry one of the new regulations into effect, by which all Indians were enjoined to be at liberty to return to their native countries, whatever might have been the cause of their transportation to other places. He accordingly collected all the natives of Peru who happened to be in the province of Tierra Firma; and as there was a great and constant intercourse between that province and Peru, the number of Peruvians in Tierra Firma was considerable, and he ordered all of these to embark in the same ship with himself at the expence of their masters. The new viceroy had a quick passage from Panama to the port of Tumbez at the northern extremity of proper Peru, where he disembarked on the 4th of March, being resolved to go from thence by land to Lima, and immediately proceeded to enforce the new regulations in every one of the places by which he travelled. In regard to some of the colonists, he fixed the services and tributes which they were in future to exact from the Indians; and others he deprived entirely of their lands and Indians, annexing them to the crown. Many of those who found themselves aggrieved by these regulations, particularly all the inhabitants of San Miguel and Truxillo, waited on the viceroy, respectfully yet earnestly entreating that he would at least postpone the execution of those rigorous decrees till the arrival of the judges, when they would make their humble application for justice at Lima in the royal court of audience. In corroboration of this request, they pointed out one of the articles of the regulations, which directed that they were to be put in force by the viceroy and oydors conjunctly, and that therefore he was not authorised to execute them by his single authority. All their remonstrances and reasonings were unavailing, as he refused to listen to them, saying, that the orders with which he was entrusted were general laws, which could not be suspended or even postponed in compliance with any requests or supplications whatever. He persisted, therefore, to put the regulations strictly in force, through the whole extent of his journey from Tumbez till his arrival in the province of Guavara[2], which is eighteen leagues from Lima.

Immediately on his arrival at Tumbez, the viceroy sent an express to notify his arrival and the extent of his powers and authority to the governor Vaca de Castro, whom he directed to discontinue all exercise of authority as governor. By this messenger, and by other persons who followed him, the inhabitants of Lima were informed of the rigorous manner in which the viceroy had proceeded to enforce the new regulations, and of his refusal to listen to any supplications or remonstrances on the subject. On purpose still more to irritate every one against the viceroy, reports were spread of several other rigorous proceedings as having been exercised by him, of which he never even conceived the idea. These news caused much emotion and discontent among the persons who accompanied Vaca de Castro, insomuch that several of them urged him to refuse recognizing the viceroy, and to protest both against the regulations and his commission, as he had rendered himself unworthy of the government by executing his commission with extreme rigour, refusing justice to his majestys faithful subjects, and turning a deaf ear to their respectful remonstrances. Vaca de Castro soothed them as much as possible, by assuring them that when the oydors were arrived and had begun to act as the royal court of audience, they would certainly listen to their remonstrances on being instructed in the true state of the country; but that for himself, he could in no degree consent to disobey the orders of his majesty. At this time, Vaca de Castro had arrived at Guarachiri, about twenty leagues from Lima, and on receiving the orders which had been transmitted to him by the viceroy, he immediately divested himself of his office, and discontinued from exercising any of the functions of government; except that he granted some vacant repartitions of lands and Indians to different people, some of which grants were in his own name.

Finding all their representations to Vaca de Castro ineffectual, the principal persons who attended him set out in their return to Cuzco, under pretence that they dared not to await the arrival of the viceroy so long as he was alone; but that they would return to Lima on the arrival of the judges: Yet, in spite of these specious pretexts, it was easy to see that they were much discontented and had evil intentions. Indeed they clearly evinced this soon afterwards on their arrival at the city of Guamanga, where they excited a great tumult, and took possession of all the artillery which Vaca de Castro had disposed in that place after his victory over Don Diego. They then collected a great number of Indians, and caused the whole of this train or artillery to be removed to Cuzco.

Vaca de Castro continued his journey from Guarachiri to Lima, which he found all involved in confusion and discontent, the inhabitants being much divided in opinion as to the expediency of receiving the viceroy or refusing to recognize him in that capacity. Some alleged that the orders of his majesty did not command his recognition till his actual arrival. Others said that he ought not to be recognized even on his arrival, considering the unjust regulations which he brought along with him, and the rigour with which he put them in force, in spite of every remonstrance and supplication to the contrary. But by the earnest exhortations of Yllan Suarez, alcalde or judge of police and royal commissary of Lima, they came at length to the resolution of receiving the viceroy, and even to admit the regulations, which were published with much solemnity. Upon this all the magistrates principal inhabitants of the city, went to Huaura to welcome the viceroy and to pay him their respectful compliments. From Huaura he was accompanied by the whole cavalcade to Lima, where he was received with great pomp and magnificence, making his entry under a canopy of cloth of gold. All the magistrates walked in procession, carrying the ensigns of their office, and dressed in long robes of crimson satin turned up with white damask. In this grand stile the viceroy was conducted in the first place to church, and thence to his palace.

Next day as the viceroy had received information of the discontents and seditious conduct of the persons who had retired to Cuzco, he ordered Vaca de Castro to be arrested and thrown into the common prison, as he suspected that he had fomented these seditious practices, and that he had even been their secret adviser to that step. Although the inhabitants of Lima were by no means perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Vaca de Castro, they yet humbly petitioned the viceroy, not to allow a person of such high rank, who was a member of the royal council and had been governor of the country, to be thrown into the common prison; as, even if he merited the punishment of death, and were to be beheaded next day, he ought to be more honourably dealt with. The viceroy was softened by these remonstrances, and ordered Vaca de Castro to be placed under arrest in the palace, taking a bail bond from the burgesses for his safe custody under a heavy penalty; and besides, he placed all the effects of the late governor under sequestration. The inhabitants of Lima were extremely discontented by the harsh conduct of the viceroy, holding frequent secret conferences among themselves, and a considerable number of them withdrew gradually from the city, repairing to Cuzco, at which place toe viceroy was not acknowledged.

At this time Gonzalo Pizarro dwelt at Chuquisaca de la Plata, in the province of las Charcas, employed in the arrangement of the estate which had been conferred upon him by his brother the marquis, where ten or twelve of his most intimate friends resided along with him. On learning the arrival of the viceroy, the causes of his mission, and the regulations which he had brought out for the government of the colony, and which he rigorously enforced, Gonzalo took the resolution of going to Cuzco, under pretence of inquiring after news from Spain, and to regulate the affairs belonging to his brother Ferdinand, according to the instructions he had received on that subject. While employed in collecting money for his journey, he received letters from all parts of Peru, written both by private persons and the magistrates of the cities and towns, endeavouring to persuade him to stand forwards in defence of the common interests on the present emergency, by protesting against the execution of the royal ordinances, and demanding either that their execution should be delayed, or that some other remedy should be interposed to prevent universal ruin among the colonists. Gonzalo was even urged to this interference, as a person to whom the government of the country belonged of right, as heir to the marquis his brother. In some of these letters the writers offered to devote themselves and their fortunes to his service: Others informed him that the viceroy had publickly declared he would put Gonzalo to death. In this way every means was used to irritate Gonzalo, that he might come to Cuzco to prevent the entry of the viceroy into that city. As every thing seemed to conspire towards the accomplishment of the desire which he had always cherished, of acquiring the government of Peru, he gathered a large sum of money, both from his own funds and those belonging to his brother Ferdinand, and repaired to Cuzco accompanied by a retinue of twenty Spaniards[3].

The whole Spanish population of the city went out to meet him, and received him with every demonstration of joy. Every day additional persons flocked to Cuzco, withdrawing from Lima in consequence of the rigorous conduct of the viceroy, who continually irritated the inhabitants by his tyranny. Numerous meetings were held in the town-house of Cuzco, both of the magistrates and the citizens in general, to consult as to what ought to be their conduct in the event of the viceroy arriving at their city. Some proposed that he ought to be received, and that a deputation should be sent to his majesty, praying him to give relief in respect to the regulations, which would ruin the colony unless changed or considerably modified. Others alleged, if the viceroy were received, that he was so determined on the establishment of the regulations in their entire rigour, that he would instantly deprive them of all their Indians; and that, whatever alteration might be afterwards made, it would be exceedingly difficult to recover them. It was at length resolved to elect Gonzalo Pizarro procurator-general, and Diego Centeno, who had been sent to represent the city of la Plata, was appointed his deputy. Gonzalo was authorised, in the exercise of this new office, to lay the remonstrances of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, in regard to the new regulations, before the royal Court of Audience; and at first considerable difference of sentiment took place in the councils of the remonstrants, as to the mode in which he should proceed to Lima: whether he should be accompanied by a body of troops for his defence in case of need, or should go there merely as a peaceful messenger. At last the former alternative was resolved on, and for the following reasons, in excuse for taking up arms against the viceroy. First, that the viceroy had beat up for volunteers at Lima, under pretence of chastising those who had taken possession of the artillery. Secondly, that the viceroy conducted himself with the most inflexible rigour in carrying the regulations into effect, without listening to the supplications and remonstrances which had been presented to him, and without waiting for the arrival of the judges of the royal audience, to whom, not less than to himself, the authority had been confided for enforcing or suspending the execution of the regulations. Lastly, because the viceroy had been several times heard to declare that he would put Gonzalo to death, on account of his participation in the late civil war, and in the death of Don Diego. Some of the remonstrants were disposed to place this measure, of escorting the procurator general by an armed force, upon a more moderate pretext, alleging that it was necessary for him to travel through a part of the country, in his way to Lima, where the Inca was in arms, and that it was proper in consequence that Gonzalo should be enabled to defend himself from the hostility of the natives. Others talked more openly, saying that the viceroy was a person of an obstinate and inflexible disposition, who did not confine himself within the bounds of justice and equity, and against whom it was necessary to have some other protection than that of the law. Some able persons among them endeavoured to place their present conduct in a favourable light, by drawing up a kind of manifesto, in which they endeavoured to demonstrate, that there was nothing in their present conduct which could be considered as derogatory to the respect which was due to the royal authority, as justice allowed every one to repel force by force, and to defend themselves against unjust oppression, even resisting by violence a judge who acts unlawfully, and against the essential forms of law and justice.

It was flnally determined therefore, that Gonzalo should raise a body of troops, and for this purpose many of the inhabitants of Cuzco offered their persons and properties, declaring themselves ready to hazard their lives in defence of the common cause. Besides the title of Procurator-general of Peru, for the purpose of presenting the supplications and remonstrances of the colonists, Gonzalo was appointed general of the army which was to defend him against the Inca. As is usual in such matters, these resolutions were all extended with much formality, to give a colour of regularity to their proceedings. The remonstrants then proceeded to levy an army, for the payment of which they took possession of the royal treasure, and availed themselves of the property belonging to deceased colonists and some other funds, under pretence of a loan. After this captain Francisco de Almendras was detached with some troops to take possession of the defiles of the mountains, on purpose to prevent any intelligence of their proceedings being conveyed to Lima. In this measure, they were aided by Paullu, brother to the Inca, who guarded all the passes on his side by means of his Peruvians, to prevent any one from carrying intelligence to the low country.

The Cabildo or council of Cuzco sent letters to the Cabildo of la Plata, representing the prodigous injuries which would accrue to all the colonists from the execution of the obnoxious regulations, informing them of the measures which they had resolved upon for averting the ruin of the colony, and requiring them to approve of and concur in these measures, to which in fact they were already parties, since captain Diego Centeno, their deputy, had already consented to them in their name and behalf. They therefore required their concurrence and assistance, and requested them to repair immediately to Cuzco with their arms and horses. Gonzalo wrote by the same conveyance to all the inhabitants of La Plata, soliciting their individual concurrence and aid. At this time, Luis de Ribera acted in the city of La Plata as lieutenant to Vaca de Castro, the former governor, and Antonio Alvarez, another inhabitant of the same place, held the office of judge ordinary. These men, on hearing of the transactions which had taken place at Cuzco immediately revoked the commission which had been given to Centeno as deputy from their city, and sent an answer to the regency of Cuzco in the name of the whole cabildo of La Plata declaring that they were resolved to obey the orders of his majesty, although it should cost them their lives and properties: That their city had always preserved its loyalty against all who had acted against the royal authority, and they were resolved to persist in the same line of conduct: That Centeno had only been authorised to concur in their name to such measures as might appear conducive to the service of his majesty, the advantage of his dominions, and the preservation of the natives of the country; and since, in the election of Gonzalo, and the other measures which had been resolved upon at Cuzco, they saw no tendency towards those things which had been confided to Centeno, they could not be implicated in the consent which Centeno had given beyond his legitimate powers, nor were they to be considered as bound to ratify what he had done in their name, as every thing which had been done was contrary to the orders and instructions which they had given him.

This letter did not contain the universal sentiments of the citizens of La Plata, in which Gonzalo had several friends, who used their endeavours to gain over the inhabitants to his side, and to engage them to join his army. They even endeavoured more than once to kill Ribera and Alvarez, but these officers used such precautions as to baffle all their attempts. Ribera and Alvarez waited patiently for receiving the regulations from the viceroy; but owing to the great distance of their city from Lima, these had not yet reached them. In the mean time, they commanded all the inhabitants, under severe penalties, to remain in La Plata; yet several of them left the city and joined the remonstrants at Cuzco.

The viceroy made his entry with great pomp, in the month of May 1544, into Lima, where no one dared to speak to him on the subject of suspending the obnoxious regulations. The magistrates, indeed, had already made their respectful remonstrances and supplications, alleging substantial reasons why they ought to be suspended, but all in vain. He engaged indeed, after the regulations should have been carried into effect, that he would write to his majesty, representing that it was for the interest of the crown, as well as for the advantage of the natives of the country, that they should be revoked; and that those who had drawn them up were certainly ignorant of the true state of the country, or they could never have advised the king to establish them. He acknowledged that the regulations were prejudicial to the royal interest and the good of the country; and he recommended that deputies should be sent to him from all parts of Peru, in conjunction with whom he would write to the king what might be proper on the subject; and that doubtless he would then receive orders calculated to remedy the apprehended evils: But that he could not of his own authority suspend the execution of the ordinances, and must continue to act as he had already done, as his orders left him no choice but absolute obedience to the royal instructions.

At this time three of the judges of the court of audience, Cepeda Alvarez and Texada, arrived at Lima, leaving Ortiz, the other judge, sick at Truxillo. The viceroy issued immediate orders for the inauguration of the royal Court of Audience; for which purpose all the necessary preparations were made for the solemn reception of the royal seal, as usual on the first establishment of this high tribunal. The seal was placed in a rich casket, carried by a horse superbly caparisoned and covered by housings of cloth of gold, and led under a canopy of the same splendid materials, held up by the magistrates of the city dressed in flowing robes of crimson velvet, in the same ceremony as is used in Spain on the entry of the king in person into any of the cities. On this occasion, Juan de Leon led the horse, being appointed to officiate as chancellor, in the place of the Marquis de Camarasa, president of Cazorla, who then held the seals in Spain. After this procession, the court of audience was installed, and proceeded immediately to business; but a subject of dispute soon arose between the viceroy and the judges, which renewed the dissentions which had arisen between them even before their arrival in Peru, the explanation of which requires some detail.

When the viceroy arrived at the Tambo or palace of Guavra[4], where he waited till he was sure of being received at Lima, he found written on one of the walls of the tambo to the following effect: "Whoever may endeavour to deprive me of my house and property, I shall endeavour to deprive of life." He dissimulated his displeasure at these words for some time; but being afterwards persuaded that these words had been written by Antonio de Solar, to whom the district of Guavra belonged, and who he believed was not well inclined towards him, because he had found the tambo entirely deserted on his arrival, he sent for Solar a few days after his reception at Lima. In a private conference, he spoke to Solar concerning these words which he had seen on the walls of the tambo, and reproached him likewise for having spoken to him personally with much insolence: Then, ordering the gates of the palace to be shut, the viceroy sent for one of his chaplains to confess Solar, declaring his resolution to have him immediately hanged from one of the pillars of a gallery fronting the great square of Lima. Solar refused to confess himself, and the dispute continued so long that news of what was going forwards spread over the city, on which the archbishop and some other persons of quality came to the palace and humbly requested the viceroy to defer the execution. At first he obstinately persisted in his intention; but at last consented to postpone the execution till next day, and sent Solar to prison loaded with fetters. On the morrow, the anger of the viceroy was somewhat appeased, so that he did not renew his orders for hanging Solar, but detained him for two months in prison and in irons, without any information or process respecting his crime.

After the installation of the court of audience, the judges went on a Saturday to visit the prison; and having been informed of the foregoing circumstances by a judicial note or request presented to them on the subject, they demanded to see Solar, whom they asked the cause of his imprisonment; to which he answered that he knew nothing about the matter. On examination, they found no process against Solar, and the jailor and registrars were only able to say that the viceroy had given orders for his imprisonment. On the ensuing Monday, the judges represented to the viceroy that they had found no process or informations against Solar, and could only learn as the reason of his imprisonment that it was by his orders; and consequently, having no documents to instruct the lawfulness of his detention, they could not in law or equity do otherwise than order him to be set at liberty. The viceroy said that Solar had been arrested by his orders, and that he had even been inclined to have hanged him, on account of the writing on the wall of the tambo, and because of his personal insolence when there was no witnesses present; believing, by his sole authority as viceroy, that he had the power of arrest, and even of ordering him to be hanged, without being under the necessity of giving them any reasons for his conduct. To this the judges made answer, that his authority as viceroy could only extend so far as justice and the laws of the kingdom allowed. As the viceroy and they could not agree on this point, when they visited the prison on the following Saturday, they ordered Solar to be liberated, desiring him however to remain under arrest in his own house; and on a subsequent visitation, they set him entirely at liberty.

The viceroy was much chagrined by this affront, and sought anxiously for an opportunity of being revenged, for which he thought the following circumstance gave him a favourable opening. The three judges lodged separately with some of the richest inhabitants of Lima, who likewise provided their tables, and furnished every thing that was necessary for themselves and their servants. At first this was done with the consent of the viceroy, till such time as they might be able to procure and to furnish houses for themselves. After the dispute concerning Solar, the viceroy caused them to be informed, that it did not seem to him consistent with decorum that they should live at the expence of the citizens, which would be assuredly displeasing to his majesty, and therefore that they ought to look out for houses for their accommodation: And that, besides, he did not approve of their walking about the streets in company with the merchants and other inhabitants of the city. The judges made answer, that they had not been able to find any houses for hire, and that they were under the necessity of waiting till some then building were finished: That in future they would live at their own charges: but as to walking in the streets with the inhabitants, it was neither a criminal nor a forbidden conduct, nor in any way improper; as even in Spain the members of the royal council, or of any other tribunal, were in use to do the same, which was even useful, as in that way the merchants had an opportunity of informing or reminding them of their affairs. The viceroy and the judges were always upon bad terms, and their misunderstanding broke out into disputes on every occasion. It is said that at one time the licentiate Alvarez, one of the judges, preferred an oath to a procurator or attorney, respecting a bribe which he had given to Alvarez de Cueto, brother-in-law to the viceroy, for his interest to obtain the appointment. By this procedure of Alvarez, the viceroy is said to have been greatly offended.

During all this time, the passes of the mountains leading towards Cuzco had been so well guarded by the Spaniards and Peruvians appointed for that purpose, that no intelligence could be had at Lima of what was going on among the remonstrants. It was only known that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone to Cuzco, and that all those who had withdrawn from Lima and other places in the plain had repaired to the same place in expectation of a civil war. The viceroy and judges of the royal audience issued their joint proclamation, ordering, in the name of the king, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, and the other cities of Peru, to recognize and submit to Blasco Nunnez as viceroy, and to repair with their arms and horses to Lima to offer their services. Most of these proclamations were lost by the way; but that which was sent to La Plata was more fortunate, and, by virtue of its authority, Luis de Ribera, Antonio Alvarez, and the other magistrates and officers of that city, proclaimed Blasco Nunnez with much ceremony and great rejoicings: And, in testimony of their submission to his authority, they equipped twenty-five horsemen, being all the city could spare, who were sent to join the viceroy under the command of Captain Luis de Ribera. Lest Gonzalo might cut off their passage and arrest them on their march, Ribera made his way towards Lima by a desert and unfrequented road.

Some even of the inhabitants of Cuzco got copies of the proclamation, in consequence of which several of them repaired secretly to Lima to offer their services to the viceroy, as will be more particularly specified in the sequel. By their means the viceroy became acquainted with the transactions at Cuzco, on which account he found himself under the necessity of using every effort to increase his forces by means of additional levies; for which purpose he fortunately possessed ample funds, as Vaca de Castro had embarked upwards of 100,000 crowns which he had drawn from Cuzco to transmit to the king, which the viceroy took possession of and employed for the equipment and pay of his troops. He appointed Don Alfonso de Montemayor and Diego Alvarez de Cuero, who was his own brother-in-law, captains of horse; Martin de Robles and Paul de Menezes captains of foot; and Gonzalo Diaz de Pignera captain of musqueteers. Vela Nunnez, his own brother, was made captain-general of the troops. Diego de Urbina maestre de campo, or major general, and Juan de Aguire serjeant-major, or adjutant general. Without including the citizens, his army amounted to 600 men; of whom 100 were cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and the remaining 300 armed with pikes. On purpose to arm these soldiers, he caused a considerable number of musquets to be made, some of which were of iron, and others of cast metal, which he procured by melting down some of the bells belonging to the great church.

Besides frequently exercising his troops to perfect them in their discipline, he occasionally caused false alarms to be given that he might ascertain their disposition towards him, as it was much suspected that the majority were by no means hearty in the cause. Having some suspicion of Vaca de Castro, the former governor, whom he had lately allowed to be a prisoner at large on parole not to leave the city, and believing that he had some secret intelligence with his former friends and dependents, the viceroy ordered a false alarm one day about noon, reporting that Gonzalo was near at hand; and when the troops were all assembled in the great square, he sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto to arrest Vaca de Castro. At the same time he arrested Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexia de Gusman, Lorenco de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltazar Ramirez his brother-in-law, all of whom he sent prisoners on board a ship comanded by Jeronimo de Zurbano. A few days afterwards, he set Lorenco de Aldana at liberty, and sent off Cabrera and Mexia to Panama, and the two Ramirez to Nicaragua. Vaca de Castro remained prisoner in the ship, neither he nor any of the rest being informed of what they were accused, nor were any informations or law-processes made respecting them. While these civil discords were going on, two ships loaded with merchandise arrived at the port belonging to Arequipa[5], both of which were purchased by Gonzalo Pizarro, with the intention of employing them to transport his artillery, and for getting possession of the harbour of Lima, and seizing the ships belonging to the viceroy, believing that whoever was master of the sea along the coast of Peru must command the country, by having it in his power to land in any unguarded place and to do all the mischief he pleased, on account of the prodigious extent of coast. By commanding at sea, he would likewise have been enabled to procure arms and horses from the vessels which are in use to bring these to Peru, and would have it in his power to stop all vessels coming there from Spain with merchandise or other supplies. On learning that Gonzalo had purchased these two vessels, and the purpose for which he destined them, the viceroy was a good deal distressed, fearing they might occasion considerable detriment to his affairs, as he had no means of opposing two ships so well provided with artillery; yet he took the best measures in his power to prepare for his defence. He equipped, therefore, one of the vessels in the port of Lima, which he armed with eight brass cannon and some others of iron, with several musquets and cross-bows, appointing Jeronimo de Zurbano to the command, with orders to make the best resistance he could against the ships of Gonzalo. Fortunately these preparations became unnecessary; for the captains Alfonso de la Cacares and Jeronimo de la Cerna, who dwelt in Arequipa, went secretly by night on board the two ships which Gonzalo had purchased, and which remained waiting for their artillery, and by large bribes to the masters and mariners got possession of them for the viceroy; then, abandoning their houses lands and Indians, they immediately set sail for Lima. On their arrival off the harbour of Callao, the viceroy got notice of their approach from some centinels who were stationed in a neighbouring island, and having no doubt that they were enemies, he immediately set out from Lima at the head of a body of cavalry. In the meantime, Zerbana discharged his artillery against the two ships, which immediately lowered their sails in token of peace, and sent some of their people on shore in a boat to surrender the ships to the viceroy. This circumstance gave much satisfaction to the viceroy and all the inhabitants of Lima, as it relieved them from a danger of which they were in great fear.

While these things were going on, Gonzalo Pizarro levied troops at Cuzco, which he carefully armed and disciplined, and made every necessary preparation for war. He assembled a body of 500 men, of which he appointed Alfonso de Toro major-general, retaining the chief command in person. He divided his cavalry into two troops, one of which he gave the command of to Don Pedro de Porto-Carrero, placing himself at the head of the other. Gumiel, and the bachelor Juan Belez de Guevera, were appointed captains of two companies of pikemen; and Captain Pedro Cermeno had the command of the musqueteers. He had three standards, one having the royal arms, which was given to Porto Carrero; a second having the arms of Cuzco was confided to Antonio de Altamirano, alcalde of Cuzco, whom he afterwards beheaded as inclined to the royal interests: the third, bearing his own arms, was carried by his ensign; but was afterwards given to Captain Pedro de Puelles. Ferdinand Bachicao was made commander of the artillery, consisting of twenty excellent field-pieces, with a plentiful supply of powder, balls, and every other necessary for their service.

Gonzalo endeavoured to secure the troops in his interest, covering his designs and endeavouring to justify his criminal enterprize by the most specious pretexts. Having assembled his army he made a long harangue to the soldiers, in which he represented, "That he and his brothers, as was well known to to them all, had discovered the kingdom of Peru, which they had reduced under the dominion of the king at their own proper charges, and had already remitted very large sums in gold and silver to his majesty; yet, after the death of the marquis, the king had not conferred the government of the country, either on the son of the marquis, or on him who now addressed them, as ought to have been done in conformity with the promises and agreements which had been made at the first discovery, but had even sent a cruel and inflexible person at this time to strip all of them of their property, as it was quite obvious that every person in Peru came under the scope of the obnoxious regulations. Blasco Nunnez Vaca, to whom the execution of these fatal regulations was confided, caused them to be put in force with the utmost rigour, not only refusing to listen to remonstrances and petitions the most respectful, but treating every one harshly who presumed to offer the most humble representations against their execution; of all which, and many other things of a like nature, every one who heard him were able to testify. Besides which, it was publickly given out, that the viceroy had orders to cut off his head; although it was well known to them all that he had not only never done any thing contrary to the service of the king, but had always conducted himself with the most zealous loyalty. For all these reasons, and by the consent and appointment of the city of Cuzco, he had resolved to go to Lima, to make a representation of their grievances to the royal audience, and humbly to supplicate a suspension of the ruinous regulations, that time might be given for sending deputies to the king in the name and on behalf of the whole kingdom of Peru, to inform his majesty of the true state of affairs, and of what seemed necessary to be done in the present conjuncture; having no doubt, when his majesty was truly informed, that he would devise a suitable remedy. If however, after using their utmost efforts, his majesty should still think proper to enforce the regulations, he and all with whom he acted would then obey the royal orders with the most entire and unreserved submission. His own journey and compearance before the viceroy, considering the menaces of that officer and the troops which he had levied, were obviously attended with the utmost danger to himself and all who should accompany him, unless he and they should be in a situation to defend themselves from lawless violence. For this reason it had been deemed indispensably necessary that he and the other deputies should be accompanied by a body of troops, which they had not the most distant intentions of employing to injure any person, unless they were attacked. He entreated them, therefore, to accompany him in his journey to Lima, and to observe during their march the strictest and most vigilant discipline, and that they might be assured, he, and those other gentleman who acted along with him, would reward them liberally for their toil and bravery, in enabling them to act with effect for preserving the properties of all from ruin."

By this specious discourse, in which Gonzalo endeavoured to persuade his troops that his cause was just and his intentions pure, a considerable effect was produced, and his soldiers unanimously declared their determination to follow and defend him at the risk of their lives. He then marched out from Cuzco, accompanied by all the inhabitants of that city; and having put his troops in proper order, he gave permission that same evening to several of the citizens, as had been previously concerted between them, to return on purpose to prepare for the journey. Next morning early, twenty-five of the most eminent citizens, who had first given their assent to the supplications against the obnoxious regulations, considering that the steps which were now taking were criminal and rebellious, and dreading the injurious consequences which they would necessarily produce in Peru, came to the resolution of abandoning the party of Gonzalo and offering their services to the viceroy. They immediately set about executing this design, and went by long journeys through unfrequented ways in the deserts and mountains, lest Gonzalo might order them to be pursued, which he actually did. The principal persons in this defection were Gabriel de Roias, and Gomez de Roias his nephew, Garcilasso de la Vega, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo de Soria, Juan de Saavedra, Jeronimo Costilla, Gomez de Leon, Luis de Leon, and Pedro Manjares[6]. On setting out from Cuzco, they carried with them the orders they had received from the royal audience, by which they were enjoined to compear at Lima to submit to the authority of the viceroy.

When Gonzalo was informed of this notable defection from his cause, by which all his troops seemed very considerably disconcerted, he was almost in the mind to have abandoned his enterprize, and to withdraw into the district of Charcas with about fifty horsemen of his most attached friends, to fortify himself there as well as he could; but after mature reflection, he considered it as less dangerous to follow his first intentions, and to continue the march for Lima. Having taken this resolution, he endeavoured to encourage his troops, by telling them that the deserters were assuredly ill-informed of the true state of affairs at Lima, as he had letters from the principal inhabitants of that city, assuring him that, with fifty horsemen only, he might easily bring his enterprize to a happy conclusion, and without incurring the smallest danger, as all the colonists entertained the same sentiments with him, and only needed his countenance and direction to declare themselves. He continued his march accordingly, but very slowly and with infinite difficulty, on account of the extreme labour which was requisite for bringing forward his artillery. All the cannon and warlike stores had to be carried on the shoulders of Indians, by means of levers or long spars, for which purpose the guns were taken off from their carriages, and it required twelve Indians to each gun, who were hardly able to go above a hundred paces under their load, when they were relieved by an equal number. On this account, 300 Indians were assigned to each gun, so that the artillery alone, with its ammunition and stores, required above 6000 Indians to conduct it over the mountains.

Several gentlemen and other persons of consideration who accompanied Gonzalo, began to repent of being engaged in the enterprize. They had concurred with the rest at the beginning, in the propriety of remonstrating against the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and had even offered to risk their lives and fortunes in that measure; but on seeing the turn which affairs had taken, and that Gonzalo gradually assumed an authority to which he had no pretensions, they wished sincerely to get away from the engagements into which they had entered. Before leaving Cuzco, Gonzalo had seized the treasure belonging to the crown, not only without the consent and authority of the magistrates, but contrary to their advice and desire. They were anxiously desirous, therefore, of retracing the dangerous and criminal steps which they had taken, and the rather because they already believed that it would be unsuccessful. Gaspard Rodriguez De Campo-rondo, the brother of the deceased Captain Pedro Anzurez, and who had succeeded to the management of his estate and Indians, was the leader of these persons who wished to return to their duty. He and the rest concerted with each other how they might best abandon Gonzalo and join the viceroy; but they were somewhat afraid of trusting implicitly to Blasco Nunnez, in consideration of the extreme severity of his character, fearing that he might punish them for the share they had taken hitherto in the insurrection, notwithstanding of this their intended tardy abandonment of Gonzalo. For this reason they resolved to take effectual measures for securing an indemnity, and sent off, by a secret and unfrequented road, letters for the viceroy and the audience, in charge of a priest named Baltasar de Loaysa, by which they craved pardon for the past and a safe conduct for their compearance at Lima; adding, that, as they held some rank in the insurgent army, being captains under Gonzalo, all their friends and dependents might be expected to follow their example, by which in all probability the army of Gonzalo would fall to pieces of itself. Besides Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez, Arias Maldonado, Pedro de Vila-Castin, and others to the number of twenty-five, concurred in this plan of abandoning Gonzalo.

Loaysa went in all haste to Lima, and, for the better concealment, he avoided uniting himself with Gabriel de Roias and the others who had formerly set out from Cuzco to join the viceroy. On his arrival at Lima, he immediately delivered his dispatches to the viceroy and the audience, and received without delay the safe conduct which his employers required. The news of this affair was soon spread over Lima, in which many of the inhabitants and others secretly wished well to the party of Gonzalo, as conformable to their own interest; and they were therefore a good deal mortified at the defection among the insurgents, which they supposed would soon occasion the army of Gonzalo to disperse; after which, the viceroy would assuredly carry the regulations into execution with the utmost rigour, when there was no one to oppose him.

At the time when the viceroy was received at Lima, Pedro de Puelles, who was lieutenant of Guanuco under Vaca de Castro, came among the first to pay his compliments and to tender submission to his authority. As he had resided long in Peru, and had great experience in the affairs of that country, the viceroy gave him a new commission, by which he was confirmed in the lieutenancy of Guanuco, to which city he was sent back, with orders to hold the inhabitants in readiness to take the field with their horses and arms in case of need. Puelles not only prepared the people of his government for taking the field, but even retained in his pay some soldiers who had come from the province of Chachapoyas along with Gomez de Soliz and Bonefaz. Thinking it necessary to strengthen his army as much as possible to oppose Gonzalo, who was now marching towards Lima, the viceroy sent Jeronimo de Villegas with a letter commanding Puelles to join him without delay with all his force. On the arrival of Villegas at Guanuco, he and Puelles consulted together on the state of affairs, and concluded that if they should join the viceroy they would give a decided superiority to his side; and after the defeat of Gonzalo, having no one to oppose him, the viceroy would then cause the regulations to be enforced in their utmost rigour, by which the whole colonists of Peru would suffer extreme injury; as by depriving them of their Indians, not only the burgesses to whom they belonged would be reduced to poverty, but even the soldiers would be materially injured, as the burgesses would be no longer in condition to furnish subsistence to the troops as now. They came to the resolution therefore to join the party of Gonzalo, and set out immediately in search of his army for that purpose.

[1] The author of this history.—E.

[2] About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of Huaura, which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of places in Peru the initial syllable Gua or Hua, are interchangeably used by different authors.—E.

[3] Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place in 1544.—E.

[4] It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N.N. W. of Lima.—E.

[5] Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant.—E.

[6] Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro, saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was personally acquainted.—E.

END OF VOLUME FOURTH.