About this time likewise various other parties were sent out in different directions to discover and reduce the provinces of Peru and the neighbouring districts; among the commanders of these detachments were the captains Vergara, Porcel, Mercadillo, and Guevera. Pedro de Valdivia likewise was sent to Chili, where Almagro had formerly been, and Gonzalo Pizarro to Quito, of whose adventures we shall speak hereafter. When all these matters were arranged, by which the Spaniards were dispersed in various parts, and tranquillity was restored to the country, Ferdinand Pizarro set out for Spain to give an account to the emperor of all the transactions which had taken place in Peru, though many advised him not to run the risk of that measure until it was known what judgment might be formed at court respecting the death of Almagro. Before his departure, Ferdinand strongly advised his brother the marquis to put no trust in those who had adhered to the service of Almagro in the late troubles, who were usually denominated the Chilese, and particularly that he ought to keep them at a distance from each other, being well assured that if even eight or ten of them were permitted to dwell in one neighbourhood, that they would form conspiracies against his life.

[1] Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great elevated valley of the lake Titicaca, probably the highest inhabited land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru from Chili.—E.

[2] From the desert of Atacama in lat 25 deg. S. to the island of Chiloe in about lat. 42 deg. S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles.—E.

[3] Valparayso stands nearly in the latitude indicated by the text. Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in lat. 30 deg.40' S.—E.

[4] Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson, II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536.—E.

[5] According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco. Garcilasso says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a league from the city.—E.

[6] The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537.—E.

[7] Garcilasso names this prince Paullu Inca.—E.

[8] Named Atavillos by Garcilasso de la Vega.—E.

[9] The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here recounts circumstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco. We are here giving a translation of a original document; not endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author.—E.

[10] Garcilasso names the Peruvian general Titu Yupanqui. The remainder of the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians was Titu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima."—E.

[11] Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60 miles west from Cuzco.—E.

[12] We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcilasso calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado Alonso.—E.

[13] Nasca is about 240 miles S.S.E. from Lima, or about sixty Spanish leagues.—E.

[14] Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that Almagro carried these officers along with his army:—E.

[15] Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the same name, about 50 miles south from Lima.

[16] According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter.—E.

[17] Garcilasso informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron chain.—E.

[18] In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcilasso carefully notices the mistake, and assures us that it was fought on the 6th of the month.—E.

[19] Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac. The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on discovery, is called Musu by Garcilasso, and was probably the Pampas or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes, nearly in the latitude of Cailloma—E.

[20] We learn from Garcilasso that in this province the city of La Plata was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi and Porco—E.

[21] Perhaps the Inca Titu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion.—E.



SECTION IV.

Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro to Los Canelos.

On the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia in Chili, he was peaceably received by the Indians, who wished to gather in their crops, as it was then the season of harvest. When this important business was accomplished, the whole country rose upon the Spaniards, who were unprepared for this event and somewhat dispersed, and killed forty of them before they could draw their forces together. On this occasion, when Valdivia was about to take the field to chastise the Chilese, part of his troops threatened to mutiny against his authority, and he was under the necessity of hanging several of the ringleaders, among whom was captain Pedro Sancho de Hosz, who was almost equal to himself in the command of this expedition. After the suppression of this mutiny, Valdivia took the field against the Indians, and during his absence an army of the enemy exceeding seven thousand men came to attack the newly established city, in which only a small number of Spaniards remained for its defence, under the command of the captains Francisco de Villagran, and Alfonso de Monroy. These officers went boldly out against the Chilese, at the head only of thirty horsemen, with whom they fought bravely against the immense number of Chilese archers from morning till night, after which they retired into the city, extremely fatigued and several of them wounded, but none of them slain. As the Chilese suffered a great loss in killed and wounded during this engagement, they retired during the night.

For eight years afterwards, Valdivia and his troops defended themselves bravely against every effort of the Chilese, who continued the war incessantly. In all that time, Valdivia obliged his soldiers to cultivate a sufficient quantity of land for their sustenance, not being able to procure Indians for that purpose, yet resolved not to abandon the country which had been commited to his government. At the end of that period he returned into Peru, at the time when the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca was employed in levying an army against Gonzalo Pizarro, as shall be related in the sequel[1].

Soon after the overthrow of the Almagrians, it was reported in Peru that a very rich country had been discovered to the eastwards of Quito, which in particular contained great quantities of cinnamon trees, on which account it got the name of Los Canelos, or the cinnamon country. The marquis accordingly resolved to send his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to discover that country; and as it was necessary to march thither by way of Quito, where likewise every requisite for the expedition was to be procured, the marquis conferred the government of the kingdom of Quito on his brother, till his majestys pleasure might be made known. Gonzalo Pizarro accordingly set out from Cuzco with a considerable force, taking his route for Quito by way of the elevated mountain vallies[2]. In this march he was opposed by the Indians of the province of Guanuco with so much perseverance and bravery, that the marquis was under the necessity of sending him a reinforcement under Francisco de Chaves. After having overcome this obstacle, he arrived in safety at Quito, where he proceeded to make preparations for his expedition to Los Canelos.

On account of the hostile conduct of the Guanucos towards Gonzalo, and because the curacas or caciques of that province, in conjunction with those of the Conchucos had made frequent attacks on the city and province of Truxillo, in which they killed all the Spaniards they could meet with and pillaged the country, not even sparing their Indian neighbours, the marquis sent a detachment of troops under Gomez de Alvarado to make a conquest of Guanuco, with orders to establish a settlement in that country to keep the natives under subjection. In their military expeditions, the Peruvians of Guanuco carried an idol along with them, named Cataquilla, to which they made offerings of all whom they massacred or made prisoners, and of the spoil which fell into their hands. They persisted for a long time in their barbarous hostilities, till at length, Miguel de la Cerna raised a considerable force in Truxillo, with which he joined Francisco de Chaves. With these forces conjoined, they fought successfully against the Indians of Guanuco and reduced them to subjection.

When Gonzalo Pizarro had completed the preparations for his expedition, he set out from Quito in the year 1540 at the head of 200 Spaniards well equipped, of whom the half was cavalry[3]. He was attended by 4000 friendly Indians[4], and by a flock of 4000 animals, consisting of swine and Peruvian sheep, to serve as provisions, and to carry the baggage and ammunition of the army. After passing a place called Inca, the boundary of the conquests of Huana Capac towards the north and east, Gonzalo arrived in the country of the Quixos, where he was opposed by the natives, but they all disappeared one night, without the Spaniards being able to make a single prisoner. On the retreat of the Indians, Gonzalo and his troops took possession of their deserted habitations in which they rested for some days. While here, the country was visited by a dreadful earthquake, accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning and an immense fall of rain. The earth opened in many places and swallowed up above five hundred houses. By the excessive rains, which continued forty or fifty days, a river in the neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters became so swollen that it was quite impassable, in consequence of which the troops suffered much from famine, as they were unable to get across the river in search of provisions. On the cessation of the tempest, Gonzalo had to cross a prodigious ridge of mountains, on the top of which they suffered such extreme cold that many of their attendant Indians were frozen to death. And as no provisions or shelter could be had in that elevated region, he made haste to arrive in the province of Zumaco[5] which is situated at the foot of a volcano. As provisions were found here in abundance, the army halted in this place for refreshments. In the mean time Gonzalo went with a small party of troops to endeavour to find out a passage through the forest. He at length reached the banks of a river named Coca, whence he sent for the remainder of his people to join him from Zumaco. During two months that the army remained in this country, it never ceased raining day or night, so that they never had a sufficient interval in which to dry their clothes.

In this province of Zumaco the trees are found which afford cinnamon. These trees are very large and have leaves resembling the laurel. Their fruit grows in clusters, consisting of a nut resembling the acorn of the cork tree, but larger, and containing a number of small seeds. The fruit, leaves, bark, and roots have all the taste and flavour of cinnamon; but the best consists of the shell or nut which contains the seeds. In the whole of that country vast numbers of these trees are found wild in the woods, growing and producing fruit without care; but the Indians cultivate them with much attention in their plantations; and these cultivated trees produce a much better cinnamon than those trees which grow wild. This cinnamon is in great request among the natives, and is exchanged by the inhabitants of Zumaco with the neighbouring tribes, receiving in return provisions and other things of which they are in want.

Leaving the greater part of his people in the country of Zumaco, as has been already said, Gonzalo penetrated into the country with much difficulty, accompanied by the most vigorous of his men, and guided by the Indians, who frequently gave him false accounts of the country in advance, on purpose to get him away from their own district. Thus the people of Zumaco informed him that the country beyond theirs was well peopled and had abundance of provisions; but he found it extremely barren and very thinly inhabited. Having penetrated to the province of Coca upon a large river of that name, he remained there about six weeks, waiting the arrival of the rest of his people from Zumaco, all the while treated in a friendly manner by the cacique of the district.

After his troops were all assembled at Coca, Gonzalo marched along the course of the river, till at last he arrived at a place where it fell over a cataract of above 200 fathoms making a noise that could be easily heard at six leagues distance. A few days march below that place, the whole waters of the river became confined in a rocky channel not exceeding twenty feet wide, while the rocks were at least 200 fathoms in height above the water, and perfectly perpendicular. After a march of fifty leagues along the banks of this river, the Spaniards could find no place where they might possibly cross over, except at that narrow rocky channel, where a considerable number of Indians opposed their passage. Having driven away these Indians by means of their firearms, the Spaniards constructed a wooden bridge across between the steep rocks, over which they all passed in safety.

After crossing the river, the Spaniards penetrated through the woods to a country named Guema, which was extremely flat and intersected with rivers and marshes, and in which they could get no provisions except wild fruits; but after this they came to a country tolerably peopled, in which there were some provisions. In this place the natives wore cotton vestments, but in the whole country through which they had hitherto passed, the few natives they had seen were entirely naked, either on account of the continual and excessive heat of the climate, or because they had no means of procuring clothes: The men had only a kind of girdles round their waist, with some strings tied to their prepuce, which passed between their thighs and were drawn up to the girdle; and the women wore some slight clouts. At this place Gonzalo built a bark to serve for crossing the rivers in search of provisions, and to transport the baggage and the sick by water. Besides in some places the country was so covered with wood, that they were unable to clear the way by means of their swords and hatchets, and in other places so inundated, that they were often obliged to transport the whole party by water. The building of this vessel occasioned infinite difficulty and labour, as besides cutting down wood for the purpose, they had to construct a forge in which to make the necessary iron work, which they made from the shoes of their dead horses. On this occasion, Gonzalo not only obliged every one to labour without regard to rank, but gave the example himself in using both the hatchet and the hammer as occasion required. Instead of pitch and tar, the gum which exuded from some trees of the forest was collected; and instead of flax and hemp, the old clothes of the Indians and the wore-out shirts of the Spaniards were employed for caulking the scams. They at length succeeded in making their bark capable of swimming, so as to transport all their baggage very commodiously; besides which they hollowed out several canoes to accompany the bark instead of boats.

Gonzalo flattered himself that all his difficulties would be surmounted by means of this bark, and that he would now be able to pursue his discoveries to any extent he pleased. He continued his march therefore, accompanied by the bark which carried the baggage, while the main body had to travel along the banks of the river, often greatly incommoded in passing marshes, thick woods, and close brushwood. In some of these places they had to cut their way through canes and reeds with great toil, by means of their swords and hatchets; often changing from one side of the river to the other in search of an easier road. In this march they were always accompanied by the bark; and at night the whole party united together, that they might be able to give mutual assistance in case of need. After having penetrated above two hundred leagues, always following the course of the river, during which space they got only wild fruits and roots to support them, Gonzalo gave orders to Francisco de Orellana, one of his captains, to go forwards in the bark with fifty men in search of provisions; with orders to load his bark with these if he found any, leaving all the baggage at a place where two great rivers joined, according to information received from the Indians; and likewise to leave two canoes in a river which crossed the road to that place by land, to serve for ferrying over the troops.

Orellana set out accordingly in the bark, and was very soon carried by the current to the appointed place where the two rivers met; but finding no provisions, and considering the immense difficulty of going up the river against a rapid current, he resolved to trust himself to the stream to try his fortune in that way. He even neglected to leave the two canoes at this place according to the orders of Gonzalo; and although several of those who were along with him in the bark urged him to remain according to the orders of his general, he insisted upon going forwards, even maltreating Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, who opposed this act of mutiny and desertion more forcibly than any of the rest. In his progress down the river, Orellana and his people frequently landed in search of provisions, and had often to fight with the Indians, who sometimes even attacked him in the bark by means of canoes, on which occasion the Spaniards could hardly defend themselves they were so crowded. On this last account he built a second bark, at a place where the Indians received him in a friendly manner and supplied him with provisions. From these Indians he was informed of a district a few days journey farther on, which was entirely inhabited by women, who made war and defended themselves agaist their neighbours[6].

Following continually the stream of the river, but without finding any gold or silver, or the least indication of these metals, Orellana arrived at the mouth of this river on the Atlantic Ocean, about 350 leagues from the island of Cubagua. This great river is called the Maragnon or Marannon, from a person of that name who first discovered its mouth. It takes its rise in Peru on the eastern slopes of the Andes of Quito, and its entire course measured in a straight line extends to 700 leagues; but following all its flexures from the Andes to the ocean, it measures at least 1800 leagues. At its mouth it measures 15 leagues in breadth, and in many parts of its course is three or four leagues broad. Orellana went afterwards into Spain[7], where he gave an account to his majesty of his discovery, which he pretended to have made at his own charges. He alleged that he had discovered a very rich country inhabited by a nation of warlike females, on which account the country and river came to be called of the Amazons. Having procured a commission of governor of this new country from his majesty, he levied a force of five hundred men for its conquest, with which he embarked from Seville: But having a most unprosperous voyage, in which his people suffered much from scarcity of provisions, most of his followers deserted from him at the Canaries, leaving him almost alone. He died during the subsequent part of the voyage, and all his remaining companions dispersed themselves among the islands.

Gonzalo Pizarro was reduced to prodigious straits in consequence of the desertion of Orellana, both by the want of provisions and the difficulty of passing the rivers in his course; besides which Orellana had carried away with him a great quantity of gold, silver, and emeralds, which he converted to his own use in making his solicitations at the court of Spain, and in fitting out his expedition for the conquest and settlement of Amazonia. On his arrival at the place where Orellana had been ordered to leave the canoes, for the purpose of facilitating the passage of certain rivers which fall into the great Maranon, Gonzalo and his people were exceedingly embarrassed, and had to make other canoes with much difficulty to enable them to cross over, that they might continue their journey. When they came afterwards to where the two large rivers joined[8], and where Orellana ought to have waited for them, they found a Spaniard who had been left at this place by Orellana, because he had opposed the continuation of the voyage, and preferred to wait in that place for his general[9]. By his account, Orellana had renounced his dependence on Gonzalo Pizarro, meaning to proceed to discover the river in his own name and authority, and had prevailed on the people who accompanied him to elect him of new for their captain.

By the loss of their vessel Gonzalo and his men were deprived of every means of procuring provisions from the Indians, as all the mirrors, bells, and other baubles for trading with the natives of the country had been put on board the bark. In this hopeless and discouraging situation, above four hundred leagues distant from Quito, they came to the immediate resolution of returning to that city; although, from the length and difficulty of the way, through forests and marshes, they had very little hope of ever getting back, and could hardly expect to escape dying of famine in the mountains and deserts over which they had to pass. In fact above forty actually died of famine during the march. After recommending themselves to the mercy of God, they began their march in great dejection; and as the way in which they came from Peru was full of difficulties and destitute of provisions, they took another road in their return, altogether at hazard, which they did not find in any degree better than the former[10]. Before reaching Peru, they were under the necessity of killing all their remaining horses to keep themselves from starving, and even to eat all their dogs. In the course of this journey likewise, they were reduced to the necessity of feeding on certain strings, or twining plants, a good deal like the tendrils of vines, which they found in the woods, and which had the taste of garlic. During this march a wild cat or a turkey sold for four dollars, and one of the sea-birds named Alcatraz, formerly mentioned as being very bad eating, brought a dollar or more, although reckoned very unwholesome.

Some short time before Gonzalo got to Peru intelligence of his return had reached Quito, on which the inhabitants collected a considerable number of swine and Peruvian sheep which they sent off to meet him. They sent off at the same time a good many horses, and a supply of clothes for Gonzalo and his officers. This seasonable supply met them above fifty leagues from Quito, and one may easily judge that it was received with much joy, especially the provisions. The whole party, from the general to the private soldier, was almost entirely naked; as, from the almost continual rains to which they had been exposed, and the other hardships of their journey, their clothes were all rotten and torn to rags, and they were reduced to the necessity of covering themselves with the skins of beasts. Their swords were all without scabbards, and almost destroyed with rust. Their legs and arms were torn and scratched by the brushwood, thorns, and brakes, through which they had travelled; and the whole party were so pale, lean, and worn out with fatigue and famine, that their most intimate acquaintances were hardly able to recognize them. Among all their privations, what they felt the most unsufferable, was the want of salt, of which they had not been able to procure the smallest supply for above two hundred leagues.

On arriving in the kingdom of Quito, where every thing they stood in need of was brought them, they knelt down and kissed the ground as a mark of gratitude and satisfaction, and returned thanks to God for their preservation from so many dangers. Such was their eagerness for food after so long famine, that it became necessary to regulate their supply, and only to allow them to eat by little and little at a time, till their stomachs became accustomed to digest their food. As there had only been sent from Quito a sufficiency of horses and clothes for Gonzalo and his officers, they refused to avail themselves of either, not choosing to enjoy any advantages which they could not share with their soldiers, by which they rendered themselves extremely popular and gained their affection greatly. They arrived at Quito in the morning, and went immediately to church to hear mass, and to give thanks to God for their delivery from so many and severe evils; after which every one retired to his quarters, to refresh and clothe themselves according to their means. This country of Los Canelos, whence the cinnamon is procured, is immediately under the equinoctial line, similar in that respect to the Molucca islands, whence cinnamon is brought into Spain and other parts of Europe[11].

[1] We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the year 1530.—E.

[2] This force, according to Garcilasso, amounted to 100 horse, and an equal number of foot.—E.

[3] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, his force consisted of 340 Spaniards, of whom 150 were horsemen.—E.

[4] These Indians, according to Garcilasso, were laden with arms, provisions, and ammunition, besides large quantities of hatchets, ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion.—E.

[5] Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs into the Tunguragua.—E.

[6] Even Garcilasso, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these Amazons, that they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he had discovered.—E.

[7] According to Garcilasso, he contrived with great difficulty and danger to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage to Spain.—E.

[8] The river Napo joins the Maranon in lat. 3 deg. 20' S. and long. 70 deg. W. But we are uncertain whether this were the place where Orellana deserted, as there are many junctions of large rivers in the course of the vast Maranon. The two greatest of its tributary streams are the Negro which joins in long. 60 deg. W. from the north, and the Madeira in long. 58 deg. W. from the south.—E.

[9] Garcilasso preserves the name of that faithful Spaniard, Hernando Sanchez de Vargas, a young gentleman of Badajoz.—E.

[10] We learn from Garcilasso that this new road was on the north side of the river, Napo probably, and consequently that they had kept the south side in their way eastwards.—E.

[11] It is hardly necessary to say that cinnamon comes only from Ceylon, not from the Moluccas; and that so entirely different was the substance sought for in this disastrous expedition from cinnamon, that it is now entirely unknown in Europe; unless it be the Canella alba, now only used as a light aromatic of small value by druggists.

Zarate is generally loose and confused in his accounts, and almost entirely neglectful of dates. We learn from the History of America that this unfortunate expedition lasted near two years, and that two hundred and ten Spaniards and four thousand Indians perished during its continuance, only eighty Spaniards returning to Quito. Garcilasso says that two thousand of the Indians returned along with the Spaniards, and served them during the hardships of the journey with the most affectionate fidelity, supplying their extreme necessities with herbs, roots, and wild fruit, and with toads, snakes, and other reptiles, which the Spaniards greedily devoured, or they must have died for want of food.—E.



SECTION V.

Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro.

On his return to Quito in 1541, Gonzalo Pizarro received accounts of the most afflicting nature. When, as formerly related, Don Diego Almagro was put to death at Cuzco by Ferdinand Pizarro, a son whom Almagro had by an Indian woman was sent to reside in Lima. This young man, who was named after his father Diego Almagro, was of a graceful appearance, handsome, generous, and excelling in all the martial exercises, being particularly graceful and dexterous in riding the manage horse. His literary education likewise had been so carefully attended to, that he was considered as more versant in these things than his situation required. Juan de Herrada, formerly mentioned, to whose care he had been especially confided by his father, undertook the care of educating young Almagro in the capacity of his governor, and had been particularly watchful and successful in the charge. Their house in Lima was the rendezvous of such friends and partizans of the late Almagro as remained unemployed in Peru, and had been excepted from the division of lands and Indians after the defeat of their party, as the adherents of the Pizarros would not, and their dependents dared not to have any intercourse with them.

After the voyage of Ferdinand Pizarro to Spain, and the setting out of Gonzalo Pizarro upon his disastrous discovery of Los Canelos, Herrada and the younger Almagro, being now left at entire liberty by the Marquis, who before had held them in a species of imprisonment, began to take measures for the execution of an enterprize they had long contemplated. For this purpose they secretly provided arms and every thing that appeared necessary for their project of revenging the death of the elder Almagro. Their partizans were farther animated to the accomplishment of this design from resentment for the death of several of their friends and companions, who had been cut off during the late civil war. The marquis had often used his endeavours to reconcile Almagro and Herrada to his authority by gentle means, and by the offer of his friendship and patronage to them and their adherents; but finding all his advances ineffectual, he deprived Almagro of the moderate repartition of Indians which had been assigned to him, on purpose to prevent him from continuing to form a party by the application of his fortune to the support of the malcontents. All these precautions were ultimately ineffectual, as the Almagrians were so closely united among themselves, that all their property was in a great measure held common among the members of their party, even every thing that the individuals acquired by play or otherwise being thrown into a common stock in the hands of Herrada to serve their general expence. Their numbers increased daily, by the accession of all who were dissatisfied by the administration of the marquis, or who thought their merits overlooked in the distribution of property and employments. They secretly increased their store of arms, and took measures for securing the success of their plot.

Their conduct, however secretly pursued, being known among many, came at length to the knowledge of some friends of the marquis, who endeavoured to put him on his guard against the machinations of his enemies. But he, confiding in his honour and good faith, judged of others by himself, and refused to listen to this advice; saying that it was proper to leave these unfortunate men in peace, who were already sufficiently punished by the shame of their defeat, the public hatred, and the poverty to which they were reduced. So much were the Almagrians encouraged by the patient indulgence of the marquis, that their chiefs used even to pass him in public without saluting him or giving him any token of respect; and one night some of them had the audacity to affix three ropes to the gibbet, one of which was stretched towards the palace of the marquis, another towards the house of his lieutenant, and the third to that of his secretary. Even this insolence was forgiven by the marquis, in consideration of their misery and the unhappy situation of their affairs. Profiting by this indulgence, the Almagrians assembled together almost openly, several of their party who were wandering about the country without property or employment, coming to Lima from the distance even of two hundred leagues. They resolved upon putting the marquis to death; yet waited to hear from Spain what judgment might be given in the case of Ferdinand Pizarro, who was there thrown into prison as accused, of the murder of Don Diego Almagro; and to prosecute whom Captain Diego Alvarado had gone home and was actively engaged in soliciting his trial and punishment. When the conspirators learnt that his majesty had appointed the licentiate Vaca de Castro to proceed to Peru, on purpose to examine into all the past disorders, but without orders to prosecute the death of Almagro with that rigorous severity which they wished and expected, they resolved upon the execution of their long concerted enterprize. They were anxious, however, to learn exactly the intentions of Vaca de Castro, as the intended assassination of the marquis was by no means universally approved among the Almagrians. Several of the gentlemen belonging to the party, although much incensed at the death of Almagro, were anxious only for redress by legal means, and in a manner that might be conformable with the pleasure and service of the sovereign. The chiefs of this conspiracy who were now assembled in Lima, were Juan de Saavedra, Alfonso de Montemayor, Juan de Gusman controller, Manuel de Espinar treasurer, Nugnez de Mercado agent, Christoval Ponce de Leon, Juan de Herrada, Pero Lopez de Ayala, and some others. In this assemblage, Don Alfonso de Montemayor was deputed to wait upon Vaca de Castro; and accordingly set out with letters of credence and dispatches to meet Vaca de Castro at the beginning of April 1541. After his arrival at the place where Vaca de Castro then was, and before he proposed to return to his employers, news was brought of the assassination of the marquis. On this occasion, Montemayor and some others of the Almagrian party, who were not concerned in the murder, remained with Vaca de Castro till after the defeat of the younger Almagro in the battle of Chupas, preferring the service of their sovereign, in whose name and authority de Castro acted, to their individual resentments.

So public had the measures of the conspirators become in the city of Lima, that several persons gave notice of their intentions to the marquis, and advised him to employ a guard for the protection of his person: But he always said that the lives of others would guard him from violence, and that he was resolved to give no cause for suspecting that he used precautions of defence against the judge whom his majesty was sending to Peru. On one occasion, Juan de Herrada complained to the marquis of a report that he meant to put all the friends of Almagro to death. The marquis assured him that the report was entirely groundless; and when Herrada mentioned that the marquis was collecting a great number of lances and other arms, as a confirmation of the report that these were intended against the Almagrians, the marquis replied in the gentlest terms, that these arms were by no means intended to be used against him or his friends. He even presented Herrada with several oranges which he pluckt for him, which were then esteemed a high delicacy, as they were the first that were grown in Peru; and told him privately, that if he were in want of anything, he had only to give him notice, and he might depend on being provided for. Herrada kissed his hands, and thanked him for his kindness, going away delighted with the assurance that the marquis seemed to have no suspicion whatever of the conspiracy.

On arriving at his house, where the principal conspirators waited for him, it was determined to kill the marquis on the following Sunday, as they had not been able to put their design into execution on the festival of St John[1] as they at first intended. On the Saturday immediately preceding, one of the conspirators revealed the circumstances of the plot in confession to the curate of the great church of Lima. The curate went that same evening to communicate the intelligence to Antonio Picado, secretary to the marquis, who immediately carried the curate to Francisco Martinez de Alcantara, the marquises brother[2], where the marquis then was at supper together with his children[3]. On being informed of the urgent business on which they came, the marquis rose from table and retired to another room, where the curate informed him of every thing he had learnt respecting the conspiracy. The marquis was at first considerably agitated by his intelligence: but after a moments reflection, he said that he could not credit the story, as Herrada had been with him only a few days before, and had conversed with him with much humility; for which reason he was convinced that the man who now brought this intelligence had some secret end to serve, and had invented this story to assume merit. He sent however, for his lieutenant, the doctor Juan Velasquez[4] meaning to consult with him; but as Velasquez was ill in bed, the marquis went to his house, and told him all that he had heard. Velaquez used every argument to convince him that the story was false, and that he had nothing to fear. Taking up his rod of office, he declared that no one dared to revolt so long as he held that badge in his hand, and that the marquis might rest in security. He may be said in some measure to have kept his word; for when the Almagrians came next day to kill the marquis, Velasquez made his escape over a window, and took his rod of office in his teeth, that he might use both his hands to assist himself in his descent.

In spite of all these assurances the marquis was somewhat alarmed, insomuch that next day, being Sunday the 26th June 1541, he determined not to go to church, and had the mass said in his own house. After church, the doctor Velasquez and captain Francisco de Chaves, who were the principal persons in the colony, went along with several other persons to visit the marquis. Having paid their visit, they all retired to their houses, except Velasquez and de Chaves who remained to dine with him. After dinner, between twelve and one o'clock, when all the attendants of the marquis had retired to their dinner, and the whole city was quiet, Juan de Herrada and ten or twelve of his associates all armed sallied forth from the house of Almagro, which was not more than three hundred paces from the palace of the marquis, between which were part of a street and the whole breadth of the great square. On coming out into the street with their drawn swords, they exclaimed, "death to the tyrant who hath slain the judge sent by the emperor to execute judgment upon him." They used these words, and went thus openly, to induce the inhabitants to believe that their party was numerous, so that no one might take measures to oppose them. Besides this, the conspirators believed that there was no time for any one to interpose to prevent the execution of their purpose, and that it would either be accomplished, or themselves slain in the attempt, before any effectual succour would arrive. On their arrival at the palace of the marquis, one of the party remained at the gate with a bloody sword in his hand, who cried out repeatedly, "The tyrant is dead! the tyrant is dead!" This had the desired effect, as several of the inhabitants who hastened to the palace on the alarm, being convinced that the marquis was already slain, retired again to their houses.

In the mean time Juan de Herrada and the rest of the conspirators rushed up the stair towards the apartment of the marquis, who, being alarmed by some of the Indian servants, desired de Chaves to shut the doors of the saloon and the hall, while he retired to put on his armour. De Chaves was so much confused, that instead of fastening the doors he went out to the staircase demanding the reason of the noise; on which one of the conspirators wounded him. "This, said he, is not the usage of a friend," and immediately drew his sword, but was soon overpowered and slain. The conspirators immediately rushed into the hall, whence ten or twelve Spaniards who were there made their escape by the windows: Among these was Velasquez, who, as has been already mentioned, took his rod of office in his mouth, that he might use his hands the more readily in making his escape by the window. The marquis was at this time in his chamber, employed in arming himself, attended by his brother de Alcantara, two other gentlemen, and two pages. Seeing his enemies so near, the marquis was unable to fasten the clasps of his cuirass, but advanced courageously with his sword and buckler to defend the entry to the chamber, in which he was bravely assisted by those who were along with him. He defended himself for a considerable time successfully, encouraging his brother and the rest by his voice and example. At length the Almagrians slew de Alcantara, on which one of the pages took his place beside the marquis. The Almagrians, being afraid lest succour might arrive, resolved to make a desperate effort, for which purpose one of the best armed among them forced in at the door and made room for the rest to enter, who now attacked the marquis and his faithful companions with such fury that he was soon exhausted with fatigue and hardly able to handle his arms. At length the marquis received a mortal thrust in his throat, and falling to the ground called out in a loud voice for a confessor. Soon losing all power of speech, he made the sign of the cross on the floor with his finger, which he kissed and expired. Besides his brother, the two pages were likewise slain. Of the Almagrians, four were killed, and several of the rest wounded.

When the marquises death was made known, above two hundred men who waited the event, declared themselves loudly in favour of Don Diego, and went about the city arresting and disarming all who seemed to favour the party of the marquis. The conspirators went out into the street waving their bloody swords, and Herrada made Don Diego ride on horseback through the city of Lima, proclaiming him as governor of Peru. The palace of the marquis, and the houses of Alcantara and Picado the secretary were pillaged, Herrada assembled the cabildo of the city, and obliged them to acknowledge Don Diego as governor, under pretence that the elder Almagro had been appointed by his majesty to the government of New Toledo, with succession to his son or to any person he might appoint as his successor. The conspirators likewise put to death several persons who were particularly attached to the late marquis, and gave up their houses to be plundered by their own partizans. It was melancholy to behold the misery and desolation of the wives and children of those who were thus massacred, and whose houses were pillaged of every thing valuable, as they went about the streets bewailing their forlorn condition.

Some obscure persons[5] carried or dragged the dead body of the marquis to the church, where no one dared to give it burial, till one Juan Barbaran and his wife, who had been servants to the marquis, obtained permission from Don Diego, and buried the marquis and his brother as well as they could. They were obliged to hurry over the ceremony as quickly as possible, having hardly time to clothe the body in the habit of St Jago, of which order he was a member, and to put on his spurs according to the usual manner of burying the knights of that order; as they were informed that some of the Almagrians were hastening to the church to cut off the head of the marquis to affix it to the gallows. Barbaran himself performed the ceremonies of the funeral, at which he was sole mourner, and defrayed all the expences from his own funds. He next endeavoured to provide for the security of the children of the marquis, who were concealed in different parts of the city of Lima, now under the absolute controul of the Almagrians.

In this melancholy catastrophe, we have a forcible example of the uncertainty and changeableness of fortune. In a very short space of time, a private individual who held no important office, had discovered a vast extent of country containing powerful kingdoms, of which he made himself master and governor with almost uncontrolled authority, bestowing on several persons such ample fortunes and extensive revenues as none of the richest and most powerful monarchs whom we read of in history had ever given away in so short a time. Yet was this man assassinated by only twelve men at noonday, in the midst of a city the whole inhabitants of which were his creatures, servants, kinsmen, friends, and soldiers, who had all eaten of his bread and subsisted on his bounty, even his own domestic servants and those who were in his house, flying away and abandoning him to his fate. He was interred in the most obscure manner, all his richness and greatness having disappeared, not enough being left to defray the consecrated tapers and other expences of his funeral. The unsearchable ways of Providence are surprisingly illustrated by these events; and particularly, that after all the warnings and just causes of suspicion which had been given him, he refused to take any precautions for his safety which he could have done so easily.

As the discovery and conquest of Peru, the subject of this work, originated from the two captains of whom I have hitherto dicoursed, the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and the President Don Diego de Almagro; it seems proper to attempt giving their portraitures, with some account of their manners and qualifications, imitating in this the example of Plutarch; who, after giving the lives and heroic actions of two great commanders, institutes a comparison between them, shewing how far they resembled and differed from each other. We have already said all that could be learnt respecting their parentage. They were both personally brave and daring, patient of labour, of hale and robust constitutions, and exceedingly friendly, being always ready to do good offices to every one without consideration of expence. In their inclinations and manner of life they very much resembled each other, as neither of them were married, though Almagro attained to seventy-five years of age and the marquis to sixty-five. Both loved war; but Almagro, when not thus employed, willingly devoted himself to the management of his private affairs. They were both advanced in life when they undertook the discovery and conquest of Peru, in which they both encountered great fatigues, as has been formerly mentioned; but the marquis more especially was exposed to great dangers, far beyond those of the president, who remained long at Panama providing all necessaries for the success of the enterprize, while the marquis was actually engaged in the discovery and conquest of the greater part of the country. Both had great souls, continually occupied in vast designs and splendid enterprizes; yet both were of gentle and conciliatory manners, and of easy access to their followers. They were both liberal and generous in their gifts; yet the president loved to have his liberalities known and published to the world; while the marquis carefully concealed his gifts, and expressed uneasiness when they were known or blazed abroad; being more anxious to serve the necessities of those to whom he made them, than to make an ostentatious display of his munificence. One example of this is worthy of being mentioned. He learnt that one of his soldiers had lost a horse, on which occasion he went to a tennis-court belonging to his house, expecting to meet the soldier in that place, carrying with him an ingot of gold of ten pounds weight, which he meant to present him with. Not finding the soldier there, he engaged in a match at tennis without taking off his coat, as he did not wish the ingot should be noticed, which was concealed below his waistcoat. He remained there above three hours, when at length the soldier made his appearance. The marquis then took him aside and gave him the gold, saying that he would rather have given him thrice as much than have been obliged to carry that heavy weight so long.

Many other examples might be given of the secret liberalities of the marquis, who gave all his presents with his own hand that they might not be known. On this account, Almagro was always considered as more liberal, as his gifts were made in an ostentatious manner. They may be considered, however, as perfectly equal in their liberality and munificence; for, as the marquis used to acknowledge that all came from their common funds, being partners and associates in every thing derived from their joint discovery and conquest, the half of all that was given by one belonged to the other, so that he who consented to or participated in the present, was equally generous with the actual donor. Besides, in proof that they both deserved the praise of liberality, they were both during their lives prodigiously rich in ready money and vast revenues, beyond any person or prince not sovereign who had been known for many ages; yet both died so poor that no mention is made of the treasures or estates left by them; so that hardly at their deaths was there sufficient to defray the expences of their funerals; resembling in that respect Cato and Sylla and some other famous Romans, who were buried at the public charge.

Both were exceedingly kind to their servants and dependents, whom on all occasions they delighted to enrich and advance, and to rescue from dangers. In this last particular the marquis carried his attentions even to excess, as appears by the following instance. In passing a river called the Baranca, one of his Indian servants, of the Yanaconas tribe, was carried away by the strength of the current, on which the marquis plunged into the stream and swam after him, catching him by the hair, and saved him at the imminent hazard of his own life, in so rapid a current that the bravest and most vigorous man in his army durst hardly have made the attempt. When his officers blamed him for his rashness in thus exposing his life, he answered that none of them knew how to value a faithful servant. The marquis enjoyed the authority of governor much longer in tranquillity than Almagro; who, though he hardly enjoyed that authority at all, was more ambitious, and evinced a more ardent desire of exercising command. Both affected simplicity in dress, keeping to the same fashion in their old age which they had been accustomed to in their youth. In particular, the marquis used ordinarily to wear a close coat of black cloth, the wide skirts of which came down almost to his ankles, while the body had a very short waist and was closely fitted to his shape. His shoes were of white leather, with a white or grey hat, and a plain sword and dagger in the old fashion. Sometimes on festivals, by the entreaty of his servants, he wore a robe of fine fur which had been sent him by the Marquis del Valle; but immediately on his return from church he put it off, remaining in his shirt or a plain jacket, with a napkin hanging from his neck to wipe away sweat, as he usually passed most of the day when in peace in playing at bowls or tennis.

Both Pizarro and Almagro were exceedingly patient of labour and fatigue, and could submit better than most men to hunger and thirst and other privations; but especially the marquis, who was so vigorous that few young men were able to compete with him in his old days at athletic sports. The marquis in general was more addicted to play than Almagro, insomuch that he often spent whole days in playing at bowls, with any one that offered, whether mariner or miller was all one; and he never allowed any man to lift his bowl for him, or to use any ceremony whatever in respect to his rank. He was so fond of play, that few affairs were of sufficient importance to induce him to give over, especially when losing. But when informed of any insurrection among the Indians, he would instantly lay every thing aside, immediately bracing on his armour and seizing his lance and target, would hasten to the place where the mutiny had risen, without waiting for his people, who followed him with all expedition.

Both the marquis and the president were so brave and so experienced in the manner of making war with the Indians, that either of them alone would never hesitate when on horseback and armed to charge through a hundred Indians. Both were extremely intelligent, sensible, and judicious, and could take their measures both in civil and military affairs with great promptitude and propriety; yet both were so extremely illiterate that neither of them could read or write, or even sign their names; which assuredly was a great defect, and exceedingly inconvenient in carrying on the important affairs in which they were concerned; and although they in every other respect appeared like persons of high birth, and deported themselves like noblemen with much dignity and propriety, yet their entire ignorance of letters was an evident demonstration of the meanness of their birth. The marquis placed implicit confidence in his servants and friends, insomuch that in all his dispatches and orders relative to the government, and in the assignments of lands and Indians, he only made two lines with the pen, between which Antonio Picado his secretary wrote his name, Francisco Pizarro. As Ovid said of Romulus, respecting astronomy, we may say of Pizarro that he was more learned in the art of war than in the sciences, and applied himself more to know how to atchieve glorious conquests than to acquire literature. Both were exceedingly affable and familiar with the colonists, making them frequent visits, and they readily accepted invitations to dinner from any one; yet both were extremely moderate in eating and drinking; and both refrained from amorous connection with Spanish women, on the principle that to intrigue with the wives or daughters of their countrymen was both prejudicial and dishonourable to their neighbours. Almagro was the most continent in regard to the Peruvian women, as we know of no affairs of his gallantry in that country, his only son being born of an Indian woman of Panama. But the marquis had more than one attachment in Peru, having lived publickly with a sister of Atahualpa, by whom he had a son named Don Gonzalo who died at fourteen years of age, and a daughter named Donna Francisca. By another Indian woman of Cuzco he had a son named Don Francisco[6].

Both Pizarro and Almagro received high rewards from his majesty for their signal services; the former being created a marquis, with the authority of governor of New Castille, and the order of St Jago. Almagro was rewarded with the government of New Toledo, with the title of President or Lord Lieutenant of that country. The marquis always evinced the highest respect for his majesty, the utmost zeal for his service, and the most perfect obedience for his orders; insomuch that he would often refrain from doing many things which were evidently within the scope of his authority, lest he should appear to overstep the bounds of his commission. Frequently, when sitting in the meeting-houses where the gold and silver was assessed for the royal fifth, he would rise from his chair to pick up the small pieces which started from the scissars; observing that if the hands failed on such occasions, a loyal subject ought to use his mouth to serve the king. As these two great men resembled each other in many things during their lives, so in their deaths they were alike unfortunate: the president being put to death by the brother of the marquis, and the marquis slain by the son of the president.

The marquis was exceedingly anxious for the improvement of the country, giving every encouragement to the cultivation of the soil, and the establishment of colonies of Spaniards in different places. He built for himself a fine house or palace in the city of Lima, and had two sluices constructed on the river to drive mills for its supply; employing much of his leisure in superintending the workmen, and instructing the overseers how he wished the works to be carried on. He was particularly diligent in procuring the erection of a great and handsome church in Lima, and monasteries for the Dominicans and the order of Mercy; both of whom he endowed with ample estates in lands and Indians.

[1] The festival of St John the Evangelist is on the 5th May but the assasination of the Marquis did not take place till the 26th June 1541.—E.

[2] In a former note, it has been mentioned, on the authority of Robertson, that Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Pizarro by his mother; yet Garcilasso calls him his brother, and perhaps he was so by a different father.—E.

[3] The language of the French translator is here rather equivocal, but distinctly bears the construction here given of the marquis being at supper in the house of de Alcantara.—E.

[4] By Garcilasso, Velasquez is called the Chief Justice.—E.

[5] Garcilasso, quoting Zarate, says that the body was dragged to church by some negroes; the French translator says quelques miserables.—E.

[6] According to Garcilasso, the marquis had only one son and one daughter, Don Francisco being the son of his brother Gonzalo. Don Gonzalo, the only son of the marquis, was born of a daughter of Atahualpa, not a sister, named Angelina. Donna Francisca was the marquises daughter by Ynes Huayllas Nusta, a daughter of the Inca Huana Capac, whose Christian name was Donna Beatrix.—E.

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CHAPTER VII.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE[1].



SECTION I.

From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of the administration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from Spain.

After Don Diego had made himself master of the city of Lima, he deprived the magistrates of all their insignia of command, but which he immediately returned to them, with orders to execute their official duties in his name and authority. He then ordered the Doctor Velasquez, who had been chief justice or adelantado under the marquis, and Antonio Picado who had been his secretary, to be taken into custody[2]. In the next place he appointed Juan Tello, Francisco de Chaves[3], and one Sotelo to be captains of his troops. On the news of this revolution, all the idle vagabonds and debauched blackguards of the country hastened to enrol themselves under the banners of Don Diego, in hopes of participating in the plunder of the partizans of Pizarro, and of being enabled to live licentiously without labour. To enable him to pay his troops, Don Diego seized the fifth of the precious metals belonging to the crown, and took possession of the properties of those who had been massacred, and the revenues of all the absentees. In a very short time disputes and divisions arose among those who had taken part with Don Diego, as the leaders of the malcontent party among them were anxious to assassinate Juan de Herrada, because every thing was done and directed by him, Don Diego having only the name of captain general, while he in fact exercised the whole authority. The intention of these malcontents being discovered, several of them were put to death as seditious people; among whom was Francisco de Chaves, who was put to the rack and afterwards hanged as a ringleader of this new conspiracy. One Antonio de Orihuela likewise, who had only arrived of late from Spain, was beheaded, having imprudently asserted that the Almagrians were tyrants and usurpers.

Deputies or messengers were sent to all the cities and provinces of Peru, to induce the commandants and magistrates to recognize Don Diego as governor, which was done in many places out of fear: But Alonso de Alvarado, who was lieutenant governor in the province of Chachapoyas, ordered the deputies who were sent into his government to be arrested, declaring for his majesty in opposition to Don Diego, whom he denounced a rebel. He was encouraged in this bold procedure, because he was confident of being able to defend himself with a hundred men whom he commanded in a strong fortress of his province, which he fortified with much care. Don Diego used every effort to gain Alvarado to his party, by flattering promises and menaces of condign punishment; but he uniformly replied, that he would never acknowledge his authority without an express command from his majesty to that effect, and that he hoped, by the blessing of God and the assistance of the brave men whom he commanded, to revenge the death of the marquis, and to punish the Almagrians for their injurious and outrageous conduct, and the contempt of the royal authority which they had evinced in their whole procedure. Garcias de Alvarado was therefore sent with a force of cavalry and infantry, having orders to go in the first place to the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo, to deprive the inhabitants of these two colonies of their arms and horses, and then to march with all his troops against Alonso de Alvarado. Garcias went accordingly by sea to the port of Jauta, about fifteen leagues from Truxillo, where he found Captain Alonso de Cabrera, who had fled thither with all the inhabitants of Guanuco to join the people of Truxillo against the usurpation of Don Diego. Garcias made Cabrera and some other of his companions prisoners; and on his arrival at San Miguel he cut off his head, and likewise put to death Francisco de Vozmudiana, and Hernando de Villegas.

When the deputies or messengers of Don Diego arrived at Cuzco with orders to recognize him as governor general of Peru, Diego de Silva and Francisco de Carvajal were the chief magistrates of that city. These officers, together with the other magistrates and counsellors forming the Cabildo, were unwilling to submit to his authority, yet durst not declare themselves openly till they had maturely considered whether they were possessed of a sufficient force, and had enough of provisions and warlike stores to defend themselves in case of being attacked. On purpose therefore to gain time, they desired the messengers of Don Diego to return to their master, and to desire him to send them other deputies with more ample and more regular powers or instructions, after which they would recognize his authority. Gomez de Tordoya, who was one of the principal members of the royal council of Cuzco, happened not to be in the city when the deputies arrived, as he had gone out that day to take the diversion of hawking. The other members sent therefore a message to inform him of what was going on, and to desire his presence and advice. On his return to the city, he met the messengers of Don Diego, and having learnt the state of affairs, he twisted off the head of an excellent falcon which he carried on his fist, saying that fighting must now be followed, not the sports of the field. After a secret consultation with the rest of the Cabildo on the proper measures to be pursued on the present emergency, he left the city the same night, and went to the residence of Captain de Castro. They sent immediately a message to Pedro Anzurez, the lieutenant of the province of Charcas, giving him an account of the state of affairs, and he declared himself at once for the party of his majesty.

Immediately afterwards Gomez de Tordoya set off in pursuit of Pedro Alvarez Holguin, who had lately marched with above a hundred men to reduce some revolted Indians: On coming up with Holguin, Tordoya immediately told him all that had taken place, earnestly intreating him to assist the loyal inhabitants of Cuzco in their just and honourable intentions, and to assume the command of such troops as might be collected for the defence of that city against the usurpation of Don Diego. To induce him to comply, Tordoya declared himself ready to become one of his soldiers, and to give an example of implicit obedience to his commands. Holguin immediately declared for his majesty, and agreed to assume the command. He and Tordoya assembled the inhabitants of the city of Arequipa, whom they confirmed in their loyalty, and immediately set out for Cuzco with all the force they could collect. On the arrival of Holguin and Tordoya near Cuzco, above fifty men who had declared themselves for Don Diego left the city, meaning to join him at Lima; but the royalists sent de Castro and Ferdinand Bachicao after them with a party of musqueteers, who came up with and attacked them during the night, and brought them all back prisoners to Cuzco.

All the magistrates and councillors of Cuzco concurred not only in the appointment of Pedro Alvarez Holguin as military commandant, but they named him captain general and governor of all Peru, coming under an oath of obedience to him in that high capacity till the pleasure of his majesty should be made manifest on the subject: And in testimony of their zealous loyalty, the whole inhabitants of Cuzco came under obligations to replace all the sums that Holguin might be under the necessity of taking from the effects and revenues belonging to the crown for the payment and equipment of his troops, in case his majesty might not approve and allow that expence. Besides this, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, Charcas, and Arequipa engaged voluntarily to serve in the war, and to contribute towards its expences. Immediately on his appointment to the supreme power, Holguin made a proclamation of war against Don Diego as a rebel, and in a short time assembled a force of 150 cavalry, 100 musqueteers and 100 pikemen. But learning that Don Diego had more than 800 men under arms, he did not consider himself powerful enough to wait for him in Cuzco, deeming it more prudent to march from thence by way of the mountain road, on purpose to join forces with Alonso de Alvarado, who had declared for his majesty. Holguin likewise expected to be joined upon the march by several of the friends and servants of the late marquis, who had concealed themselves from the rage of the Almagrians in different parts of the mountain region of Peru. In pursuance of this plan, Holguin set out on his march from Cuzco, having appointed Gomez de Tordoya his maestre de campo or major general, Garcilasso de la Vega[4] and Pedro Anzurez, captains of horse, Nunno de Castro and Hernando de Bachicao captains of foot, and Martin de Robles as ensign to carry the royal standard. On leaving Cuzco, all who were unfit for active service in the field were left behind, and proper officers were appointed for maintaining the government and to distribute justice.

On receiving notice of all these events which had taken place in Cuzco, and that Holguin had marched from thence with his troops, Don Diego judged that Holguin would endeavour to form a junction with Alonzo de Alvarado who commanded in Chachapoyas, and would therefore proceed by the mountain road towards the north; he resolved therefore to march in such a direction as might enable him to intercept Holguin before his junction with Alonzo de Alvarado, but did not think it prudent to attempt this before the arrival of the force under Garcias de Alvarado, whom he had recalled from the originally concerted expedition against Alonzo de Alvarado[5]. While passing through Truxillo, levying men and providing arms and horses, Garcias proposed to have attacked Alonzo de Alvarado, but was resisted by the inhabitants of a town in the province of Chachapoyas named Levanto, and receiving his orders of recal from Don Diego he relinquished his design, and marched in all haste for Lima. Immediately after the return of Garcias, Don Diego began his march against Holguin, with a force of 300 horse, 100 musqueteers, and 150 pikemen; but before his departure, he banished the children of the late marquis and of Gonzalo Pizarro from the country, and executed Antonio Picado, having previously put him to the torture to endeavour to extort confession from him as to any hidden treasure belonging to the marquis.

"As during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there between the marquis and the elder Almagro, already recounted, did not soon reach the court[6]. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country on the ruin of their cause; and they related what had happened with every circumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared at court with great splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which their accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers, though they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. It was obvious, that while the leaders entrusted with the conduct of two infant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against the common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the public good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might improve the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors and the vanquished. But the evil was more apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed; and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely pernicious."

"Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested with extensive and discretionary powers; who, after viewing deliberately the posture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring on the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish the government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest of the parent state and the welfare of the colony. The man selected in 1539 for this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of royal audience at Valladolid; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If he found the governor still alive, he was only to assume the title of judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guard against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country. But, if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with a commission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed his successor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, than from any approbation of his measures; for at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison where he remained above twenty years[7]."

"Vaca de Castro, who left Spain in 1540, was driven by stress of weather in 1541, after a long and disastrous voyage, into a small harbour in the province of Popayan; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journey no less difficult than tedious, he reached Quito. In his way he received accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it, as already mentioned. He immediately produced his commission appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority which had been enjoyed by Pizarro; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesitation by Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperor in Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who had the command of the troops left in Quito in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but shewed that he possessed the talents which the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and address, he soon assembled such a body of troops as not only set him above all fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but enabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity that became his character. By dispatching persons of confidence to the different settlements in Peru, with a formal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive of great effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by his machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, and avowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments; the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, began to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest, as well as the most just[8]."

Don Diego had hardly got two leagues from Lima, in 1542, when secret orders arrived there from Vaca de Castro, addressed to F. Thomas de San Martin, provincial of the Dominicans, and Francisco de Barrionuevo, to whom he committed the direction of public affairs till his own arrival. By these persons, the cabildo of the city was secretly assembled in the Dominican convent, to whom these orders were communicated, and who immediately recognized Vaca de Castro as governor, and Geronimo de Aliaga, his principal secretary, as adelantado or lieutenant governor of Peru. Immediately upon this formal act of recognition, the members of the cabildo and several of the principal citizens fled to Truxillo, fearing the resentment of the Almagrians. Although all this had passed in secret, it was communicated on the same night to Don Diego, who was disposed in consequence to have returned with the intention of giving up the city to plunder; but he was afraid lest by delay Holguin might escape into the north of Peru, and lest by returning, the arrival of the new governor might come to the knowledge of his troops. He determined therefore to continue his march against Holguin with all expedition. In spite of all his precautions, intelligence of the arrival of the new governor reached his camp, on which several persons abandoned him secretly, particularly the provincial of the Dominicans, Diego de Aguero, Juan de Saavedra, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal the commissary, and Gomez de Alvarado.

Although every consideration prompted Don Diego to use the utmost diligence in the present posture of affairs, he was under the absolute necessity of marching slowly, as Juan de Herrada his great friend and adviser fell sick of a mortal distemper. Owing to this delay, Holguin was enabled to get beyond the valley of Jauja in his march towards the province of Chachapoyas. Yet Don Diego followed after him with so much diligence that he very nearly got up with him. In this emergency, as Holguin was by no means in sufficient force to venture a battle with Don Diego, he put the following stratagem in practice to enable him to escape, which effectually succeeded. During the night he detached twenty horsemen to make an attack on the advanced guard of the enemy, with orders to take some prisoners if possible, and then to retire. They executed their orders successfully and made three prisoners, two of whom Holguin ordered to be immediately hanged, and offered life and liberty with a considerable reward in money to the third, if he would carry information to certain persons in the army of Don Diego, who he pretended were disposed to join him, that he intended to attack the right wing of the camp in the ensuing night, that they might be ready to assist him. He even administered an oath to this soldier that he would religiously keep the secret from every one but those to whom he was directed to carry the message. Being a young man and desirous of procuring the promised large reward, he readily undertook the commission, and returned to the camp of Don Diego. When Don Diego understood that this man had come back, and that his two companions were hanged by Holguin, he suspected that mercy had been shewn him on some private conditions; for which reason he ordered the soldier to be put to the torture, who immediately avowed all that had been confided to him. By this means, Don Diego was led to believe that Holguin actually intended to surprise him by night, and took effectual measures to receive him, placing the greatest part of his troops under arms all night on that side which the soldier mentioned as the part where Holguin was to attack. The intentions of Holguin were diametrically opposite to this story which he had put in the mouth of the soldier, meaning only to gain time for a secure retreat; so that immediately after dispatching the soldier, he decamped in the middle of the night, marching with all possible celerity to get his army into a place of safety, while Don Diego uselessly kept his army under arms in expectation of being attacked.

When Don Diego discovered the trick which had been imposed on him, he resumed the pursuit of Holguin with as much celerity as he could: But Holguin had sent a quick messenger to Alonso de Alvarado, requesting him to hasten to his assistance, which Alvarado did without delay with all his own troops and several of the inhabitants of Truxillo. On the junction of these officers a few davs afterwards, Don Diego discontinued the pursuit, and returned towards Cuzco. Holguin and Alvarado sent off immediately to inform Vaca de Castro by letter of all the preceding events, and counselled him to advance without delay to join them, as they were in sufficient force to make him master of the country when strengthened by his authority. At this time Juan de Herrada expired at Jauja, and Don Diego detached a part of his army to the low country of Peru to collect those of his party who were at Arequipa and other places. His officers plundered the city of Arequipa, and dug up every where about the monastery of the Dominicans in search of treasure, as they were informed that the inhabitants of that city had concealed their valuable effects in that convent.

Vaca de Castro had reached Peru with much difficulty and fatigue. The voyage from Panama was exceedingly tedious and tempestuous, and the vessel in which he sailed lost all its anchors. Having at last reached the harbour of Buenaventura at the bottom of the bay of Choco on the coast of Raposo, he went from thence by land to the frontiers of the government of Benalcazar, who commanded in Popayan, and thence to Peru. He suffered much hardship and fatigue in that journey, both from the length and difficulty of the way and the scarcity of provisions, so that he fell sick as being quite unused to such fatigues. Yet as the death of the marquis and the subsequent events were already known in Popayan, de Castro continued his journey with as little delay as possible, that he might endeavour by his presence to remedy the disorders of the country. Although Vaca de Castro had been sent to Peru ostensibly to investigate into and take cognizance of the death of Almagro, and of the subsequent transactions, without any order to deprive the marquis of the government, or even to suspend his authority; yet he had been furnished with a secret commission, by which he was authorized to assume the government, in case the marquis should die during his voyage, or after his arrival, and to exercise all the functions of that high office, till the emperor might give orders to the contrary. By the authority of this commission, he was received in the camp of Holguin and Alvarado as governor. He was accompanied thither by several persons who had joined him on his first arrival in Peru, particularly by Captain Lorenzo de Aldana, who had been lieutenant governor of Quito under the marquis. He sent before him Captain Pedro de Puelles, to make preparations for carrying on the war. He sent likewise Gomez de Royas to Cuzco, with orders to the magistrates and inhabitants of that city to receive him as lieutenant. Royas used so much diligence and address that he arrived at Cuzco and was received and acknowledged in the command of that place before Don Diego could reach it with his army.

When Vaca de Castro passed through the province of Bracamoras on his way from Quito to Truxillo, Captain Pedro de Vergara, who was then occupied in reducing that province, and had even fortified himself in a strong post on purpose to defend himself against Don Diego, joined him with all his men. At Truxillo the new governor was joined by Gomez de Tordoya, who had quitted the camp in consequence of a dispute with Holguin. He was joined likewise at Truxillo by Garcilasso de la Vega and some other gentlemen. By all these means, when Vaca de Castro left Truxillo to repair to the camp of Holguin and Alvarado, he had already collected a well armed force of more than two hundred men, all ready to obey his orders. Immediately on his arrival at the camp, Holguin and Alvarado received him with every demonstration of joy, giving up to him their standards and all other marks of authority; all of which he restored, except the royal standard, which he retained for himself. Having appointed Holguin to the command of the army, as maestre de campo general, he ordered him to march forwards to Jauja, and to wait there till he himself might return from Lima, where he proposed going that he might establish its government in proper order, and on purpose to collect men, arms and ammunition. He gave orders to Holguin, that Captain Diego de Royas should always precede the army about twenty leagues, with a detachment of thirty horsemen, to gain intelligence of the motions of the enemy. At the same time he sent back Diego de Mora to Truxillo, to take the command in that city. De Castro thus took every proper precaution for the successful issue of his expedition, with as much prudent foresight as if he had been all his life enured to warlike affairs.