It has been already said that Almagro had left Benalcazar in the government of Quito, meaning to return to Cuzco, because no intelligence had reached him of the motions of Alvarado; and mention has been made of his having reduced certain rocks and fortresses into which the Indians of Quito had retired to defend themselves. This had occupied him so long, that Alvarado had penetrated into the province of Quito before Almagro had returned into the south of Peru, being still employed in reducing the southern districts of Quito. He received the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado while reducing the province of Liribamba[29], for which purpose he had to pass a considerable river with much difficulty and danger, as the Indians had destroyed the bridges, and waited on the other side of the river to attack him while passing. He defeated them, though with much difficulty, as the Indians were very numerous, and their wives fought as bravely as the men, being very expert in slinging stones. In this engagement the head cacique of the Indians was made prisoner, and from him Almagro got the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado, who was then only at the distance of about sixty miles, employed in reducing an Indian fortress into which one of the captains of the Indians had retired, whose name was Zopazopaqui. On receiving this news, Almagro sent seven horsemen to inquire into its truth, and to bring him exact information of the strength and intentions of Alvarado. These were all made prisoners by the troops of Alvarado, who liberated them some time afterwards. Alvarado advanced with his troops within less than twenty miles of the camp of Almagro, who, considering the great superiority in number possessed by Alvarado, formed the resolution of returning to Cuzco with an escort of twenty-five horse, and to leave the remainder of his troops under Benalcazar for the defence of the country.

At this time, Philipillo, the Indian interpreter who has been already mentioned as the cause of the death of Atahualpa, fearing to incur the punishment of his treachery, fled from the camp of Almagro to that of Alvarado, taking along with him a principal Peruvian cacique. These men had concerted with most of the Peruvian curacas or chiefs who accompanied Almagro, to hold themselves and their people in readiness to abandon him and to join Alvarado at the earliest notice sent them for that purpose. Immediately on his arriving in the presence of Alvarado, Philipillo offered to make him master of the whole country, informing him at the same time of the design of Almagro to retire to Cuzco, and that if he chose to attack him without delay he might easily make him prisoner, as he had only about eighty horsemen and a hundred and fifty infantry. On this advice, Alvarado marched immediately to attack Almagro, whom he found at Liribamba, resolved to defend himself bravely, and to die fighting rather than fly. Almagro had thrown up intrenchments for his defence, having divided his small party into two bands, one of which he commanded in person, and placed the other under the command of Benalcazar. Alvarado marched up with his troops in order of battle; but when just on the point of commencing the attack, certain propositions of peace were made, and a truce was agreed upon for the rest of the day and the following night, on purpose to agree upon conditions[30]. In a conferrence for this purpose, an agreement was entered into, which was greatly forwarded by a licentiate named Caldera. It was agreed that Almagro should pay to Alvarado 100,000 pesos, or 2000 marks of gold[31], as an equivalent for the expences he had incurred in fitting out his expedition, and that the two commanders should go together to Pizarro, for the purpose of procuring the necessary funds for payment of this agreement. The conditions were kept secret, lest the companions of Alvarado might prevent their execution, as their interest had been entirely overlooked in this agreement. It was therefore given out that Alvarado was to embark with his people to make farther discovery of the country, leaving that part which was already occupied and conquered by the Spaniards, and permission was given to all who thought proper that they might remain at Quito with Benalcazar. A considerable number of the followers of Alvarado availed themselves of this permission, and others accompanied him and Almagro to Pachacamac, where they were informed Pizarro had gone from Xauxa expressly to receive them. Before leaving the province of Quito, Almagro ordered the curaca who deserted from him along with Philipillo to be burnt alive, and would have treated the interpreter in the same manner, but Alvarado interceded for him, and obtained his pardon.

While Almagro and Alvarado were on their march from the province of Quito for Pachacamac, the curaca or chief of the Cagnares, informed them that the Peruvian general Quizquiz had assembled an army of above 12,000 men, with which he had collected all the people and cattle of the country between and Xauxa, and intended attacking them on their march. This chief added, that if they would delay their march for some time, he would contrive a plan for delivering Quizquiz into their hands. Almagro was not disposed to put too much confidence in this proposal, and continued his journey. On arriving in the province of Chaparra[32], they unexpectedly fell in with above two thousand Peruvian warriors commanded by a curaca named Sotaurco. This was the advanced guard of Quizquiz, whose main body was two or three days march in the rear. Quizquiz had a similar detachment at a considerable distance on his left flank, on purpose to raise contributions of provisions from the inhabitants of the country for the subsistence of his army; and had besides a rear guard of three or four thousand warriors, two days march behind. The main body under his own immediate command escorted all the cattle which had been collected on the march, and great numbers of prisoners, so that his whole army occupied a space of above sixty miles of country.

Sotaurco, the commander of the Peruvian vanguard, endeavoured to gain possession of a defile or pass in the mountains, by which he supposed the Spaniards intended to march; but Almagro not only prevented the execution of that project by seizing the pass, but even made Sotaurco prisoner. From him Almagro was informed of the order of march observed by Quizquiz, and determined to make a forced march with all his cavalry to attack him. In this march, at a steep stoney pass near a river which it was necessary to pass, most of the horses lost their shoes; and as it was in the night, the Spaniards had to replace them as well as they could by the light of fires and candles. Being afraid lest Quizquiz might be informed of their approach by some of the natives of the country, Almagro continued his march with all possible expedition, and towards the evening of the second day of his march he came in sight of the Peruvian camp.

Immediately on seeing the Spaniards, Quizquiz withdrew to some distance with all the women and people who were unfit for battle, and placed his troops in a post of very difficult access under the command of Huaypalca, a brother of the late inca Atahualpa. Almagro advanced without hesitation to attack them, although the horses were so weary that they were hardly able to move though led mostly by the soldiers; besides which the Peruvians rolled down upon them from the mountain great quantities of large stones and fragments of rock. In spite of every obstacle, the Spaniards made their way to the post occupied by Huaypalca, which they attacked both in front and flank, and forced him to retire among the steep rocks, where he defended himself till night, and then drew off under cover of the darkness to rejoin Quizquiz. Sometime afterwards, it was learnt that the detached party of Peruvians which marched on the left of Quizquiz, had made prisoners of fourteen Spaniards, all of whom they put to death. Almagro, in continuing his march, was opposed by the Peruvian rear-guard at the passage of a river, so that he was unable to get over for a whole day. Besides occupying the opposite bank of the river, the Peruvians had taken possession of a very high mountain immediately above the place occupied by the Spaniards, so that they were unable to attack the enemy without exposing themselves to great danger; and indeed a good many of the Spaniards were wounded, among whom Alfonso de Alvarado was pierced quite through the thigh by a javelin, and another officer of rank was severely wounded. The Peruvians kept firm all night, but in the morning they abandoned their post on the banks of the river, leaving the passage free for the Spaniards. The Indians had burnt all the baggage which they could not carry off, but above 15,000 Peruvian sheep were found in their camp, and more than four thousand Indian men and women, of those whom Quizquiz had made prisoners, who now voluntarily surrendered themselves to the Spaniards. The Peruvian warriors had retired to a strong post on the top of a mountain, where Almagro did not think fit to attack them, as he was desirous to continue his march to the south.

On their arrival at San Miguel, Almagro sent the Captain Diego de Mora to Puerto Viejo, to take the charge of the vessels belonging to Alvarado, who likewise sent Garcias de Holguin on his part, that this measure might be executed amicably according to agreement. After giving all the necessary orders at San Miguel, and having provided his own men and those of Alvarado with arms, money, and clothes, he and Alvarado continued their journey towards Pachacamac. In the course of this march, he left Captain Martin Astete to build and settle a town now called Truxillo, in a convenient situation on the coast, in pursuance of orders to that effect from the governor Don Francisco Pizarro.

About this time Quizquiz, having continued his march towards Quito, had his advanced guard attacked and defeated by one of the officers belonging to Benalcazar. Quizquiz was much afflicted by this loss, and knew not well what to do or how to conduct himself. The curacas or native chiefs in his army advised him to make his peace with Benalcazar; but he would not listen to this proposal, even threatening to put them to death if they ever mentioned such a thing again, and ordered them to prepare for returning into Peru. But, as they were in want of provisions, and had no hopes of procuring any in the retreat which Quizquiz meditated, several of the curacas, at the head of whom was Huaypalca, remonstrated with him that it was better to die like brave men in battle against the Spaniards, than to retreat as he desired and to die of famine in a desert country. As Quizquiz gave a very unsatisfactory answer to this remonstrance, Huaypalca gave him a thrust in the breast with his lance, and all the other curacas fell upon him with their clubs and axes, cutting him to pieces. After this they dismissed the troops, allowing every one to go where he pleased.

On the arrival of Almagro and Alvarado at Pachacamac, they were joyfully received by the governor, who had come there from Xauxa to meet them. Pizarro honourably fulfilled the entire agreement which Almagro had made with Alvarado, by the payment of the stipulated sum of 100,000 gold pesos; though several persons remonstrated against paying so large a sum, and alleged that Almagro had been constrained to enter into the agreement by necessity, and that Alvarado, instead of receiving so much money, deserved to be sent prisoner into Spain, for having invaded the government belonging to another person. After receiving the money, Alvarado returned quietly to his government of Guatimala[33].

After the departure of Alvarado, the governor Pizarro began the establishment of a colony or settlement in the district of Pachacamac, which he named Ciudad de los Reyes, or the City of the Kings, otherwise called Lima, to which place he removed the colonists whom he had formerly established at Xauxa or Jauja; as the situation of Lima appeared to him exceedingly well calculated for trade, being near the sea[34]. From that place, Almagro went with a considerable force to Cuzco, and Pizarro visited Truxillo on purpose to place that colony on a proper footing, by making an equitable repartition of the lands and Indians among the colonists.

While at Truxillo, Pizarro received information that Almagro was inclined to take possession of the city of Cuzco, having been apprized by Ferdinand Pizarro, who was sent to Spain, that his majesty had appointed him a separate government extending a hundred leagues beyond the boundaries which had been assigned to Pizarro, and which Almagro alleged were considerably to the north of Cuzco. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers of the governor, who were then in Cuzco, and several other persons of consideration, vigorously opposed Almagro and Hernando Soto, who took the part of Almagro, and a civil war seemed on the point of breaking out: But Almagro was unable to succeed in his design, as the great majority of the senators or members of the Cabildo took the part of the governor and his brothers. Immediately on receiving intelligence of these disputes, Pizarro posted with all expedition to Cuzco, where he soon re-established tranquillity by his presence. He pardoned Almagro, who was much ashamed of having occasioned so much confusion by attempting a matter of such high importance on such slight grounds as a mere hearsay or report. The ancient friendship and association between Pizarro and Almagro was renewed, and it was agreed that Almagro should go with a military force on discovery to the south, and if he found any country worth taking possession of, that the associates were to use their joint interest at the court of Spain to procure the government of it for him; but, if no good country were to be found, the government of Peru was then to be divided between Pizarro and Almagro. This agreement was solemnly ratified by oath upon the consecrated host, pledging themselves never to attempt in future to do any thing contrary to the interests of each other. Some have said that Almagro, on this occasion, swore that he would never make any future attempt upon Cuzco, or any part of the country to the distance of a hundred and thirty leagues to the south of that city, even in the event of being named by the king to to its government; and they add, that in addressing himself on this occasion to the holy body of Christ, he used these words, "If I should violate the oath which I now make, I pray, O Lord! that thou mayest punish and confound me in body and soul."

After this solemn agreement; Almagro prepared everything for his departure, and accordingly set out with above five hundred men, as shall be related in the next section. Pizarro returned to Lima, whence he sent Alfonso de Alvarado to conquer the country of the Chachapoyas, which is in the mountainous region of Peru about sixty leagues from Truxillo. This officer and his followers encountered much difficulty and labour in this enterprize, in which they at length succeeded, by forming establishments and reducing the inhabitants to submission; after which, the government of the province was conferred upon Alvarado, by whom the conquest had been effected.

[1] With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press."—It must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no mention whatever of Ponce de Leon.—E.

[2] Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen.—E.

[3] According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio de Santjago in lat. 1 deg. S. on the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas. Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of Pizarro to Coaque.—E.

[4] From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of Tacames.—E.

[5] A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners.—E.

[6] In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left Coaque.—Roberts. H. of Amer. II. 288.

[7] Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini—E.

[8] Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some curaca in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to Atahualpa.—E.

[9] San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea—E.

[10] In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire, the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or rather matchlocks.—Robertson, H. of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to have had two small field-pieces.—E.

[11] This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro.—E.

[12] Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions on the part of Atahualpa.—E.

[13] Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form, concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession of any new country.—E.

[14] In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers.—Roberts. Hist. of America. II. 302. and note cxxxi.

[15] Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the battle worth 100,000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority.—E.

[16] The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have fulfilled the alternative.—E.

[17] The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of eight reals, or dollars.—E.

[18] At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro, would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. of 11 deg. 25' S. whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21 deg. 35' S. and its most valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of Almagro.—E.

[19] This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and destructive civil wars.—E.

[20] Reckoning the mark at eight ounces, the gold at L.4, and the silver at 5s 6d. per oz. this royal fifth would come to L.108,000, and the whole treasure to five times that sum, or L.540,000. But as the precious metals were then worth at least six times as much as now, or would purchase six times the amount of labour or necessaries, this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three millions sterling.—E.

[21] Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas.—E.

[22] Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi.—E.

[23] Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba.—E.

[24] This name of Paul could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after period.—E.

[25] This it probably an error of the press for Condesugo. To the south of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the period concerning which he writes.—E.

[26] This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original followers.—E.

[27] Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta—E.

[28] From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of the press for Quito.—E.

[29] Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles south from Quito.—E.

[30] Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement.

[31] Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at four pound Sterling are worth L.64,000, perhaps equivalent to near L.460,000 of modern money.—E.

[32] Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of Quito.—E.

[33] According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to Alvarado of 20,000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table.—E.

[34] Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the river. This city got the name of the City of the Kings; either from its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival of the three kings; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint sovereigns of Castile.—E.



SECTION III.

Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture by Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru.

Inconsequence of the agreement between Pizarro and Almagro, which was ratified on the 12th of June 1535, Almagro soon afterwards set out upon the proposed discovery and conquest at the head of five hundred and seventy men, partly cavalry and part infantry; for so great were the hopes of acquiring riches in this expedition, that several who had already acquired establishments in Peru, abandoned their houses, lands, and Indians, to follow the fortunes of Almagro[1]. Juan, de Saavedra was sent on before the main body of the army with a detachment of a hundred men; and, in the course of his march through that province which has since been called Los Charcas, he met with some Indians on their road from Chili to Peru, who were going to pay their homage to the Inca. Almagro having along with him a body of two hundred men, both horse and foot, made a march of two hundred and fifty leagues, reducing the whole country in his way, till he arrived in the district of the Chichas, where he learnt that he was followed by a body of fifty Spaniards commanded by Niguerol de Ulloa. Almagro commanded that party to join him, and continued his march towards Chili, which is 350 leagues beyond the province, of Chichas, reducing all the tribes on his route to submission. Almagro halted at this place with half his troops, and sent on the rest under Gomez de Aivarado, who proceeded sixty leagues farther; but was forced to return to Almagro, in consequence of the severity of the weather.

After the departure of Almagro from Cuzco, the Inca Manco Capac and his, brother Villaoma entered into a plot for massacring all the Spaniards in Peru on a certain day. Manco Capac had engaged execute to that part of the conspiracy which had for its object the destruction of Almagro and his troops, but which he was unable to accomplish. What was done by his brother will be related afterwards. Philipillo, the Peruvian interpreter who has been formerly mentioned, was acquainted with this conspiracy, on which account he made his escape from Almagro, and being pursued and taken was condemned to be quartered. Before his execution, he confessed that he had unjustly procured the death of Atahualpa, that he might thereby secure to himself one of the wives of that unhappy prince, of whom he was enamoured.

About two months after the arrival of Almagro in Chili, one of his captains named Ruy Dias came to him with a reinforcement of a hundred men, and informed him that all the natives of Peru had revolted and had massacred most of the Spaniards in that country. Almagro was much grieved at this intelligence, and resolved immediately to return, that he might chastise the revolters and restore the country to obedience; meaning afterwards to send one of his captains with a sufficient force to reduce Chili. He accordingly set out on his return, and was met on his way by Rodrigo Orgognez, who brought him a reinforcement of twenty-five men, and was soon afterwards joined by Juan de Herrada with a farther reinforcement of a hundred. Herrada brought him likewise the letters patent of the king, by which he was appointed governor of two hundred leagues of country beyond the boundaries assigned to Pizarro. This new government which was granted to Almagro was directed to be named the New Kingdom of Toledo, and that of Pizarro, the New Kingdom of Castille. Having said at the commencement of this section, that Almagro carried with him from Cuzco on this expedition a force of 570 Spanish troops; it must be remarked that such was his intention, but that in reality he had only 200 men along with him, after which his army was made up nearly to the intended number by the different reinforcements of which we have made mention.

In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hardships from hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often to encounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves and seals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But the most severe circumstance during this march was the intense cold which they encountered in passing over some mountains covered with snow. In particular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good many horses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that when Almagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of the bodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright and leaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses, which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet and uncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troops used the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In some parts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reduced to great straits from want of water; on which account they had to make bags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water for their supply.

It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animals than those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble in some measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches on their backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more, with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. The Spaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, they immediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by any means whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and it becomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of these animals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its head towards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with a kind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of its stomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides serving as a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especially that species which is called pacas, which has very long wool. These animals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiring only a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or five days without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equal to the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all the butcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in this country, before the establishment of regular markets, when any person killed one of these sheep, his neighbours used to participate, and they in their turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours.

In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, which is taken in the following manner. Several horsemen place themselves in ambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches and endeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. These birds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go with astonishing swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of short flights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback is altogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem to kill or take them alive.

In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, and are entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sun melting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, or torrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when the cold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500 leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. of about 30 deg. S. rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer so regular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimes another, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerably well peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into two districts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably more indented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru[2]. It enjoys the vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at opposite times of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with the Spanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which is directly opposite our Arctic or north pole, is only marked by a kind of small white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that direction in which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There is likewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in form of a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of the astronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars near the south pole are situated somewhat like those of the ursa minor, except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than those of the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lost sight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under the equator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line, these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above the poles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line, navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic pole which form the cross, until they reach the thirtieth degree of south latitude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which form this constellation.

The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly the same as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of the year when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma and generally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights are always equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and other places the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives of Chili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and use the same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerably well looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against each other, and some of whom are able to bring 200,000 men into the field. One of these lords at this time was named Leuchengorma, who possessed an island about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols, in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjects of Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great province about fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which was entirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but at certain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all their sons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought up among themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects of Leuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named Guaboymilla, which signifies golden heaven in their language, and so named because her country produces a great quantity of gold. These women manufactured rich stuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paid tribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of, their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of the country, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed, Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but he has never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or for colonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed about thirty-three degrees to the south of the equator[3].

The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the latitude of 40 deg. south and still farther; which is known by one of the ships belonging to the fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, which passed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole western coast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the port belonging to Lima. This ship brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru, which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of the whole country.

These animals are named ococha by the Peruvians, which word signifies having come from the sea.

Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili, Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knight of the order of St Jago, with other advantages[4]. He had likewise obtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certain extent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a new government.

At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to assume the nominal title of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, in consequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with his brothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wrote to Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the Collao endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong place among rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept a constant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed great friendship for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to send to the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return of Ferdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to go into the district of Jucaya[5] on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival, promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late Huana Capac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend this festival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which had been formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. Manco Capac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards who superintended the working of the mines, and others who were travelling through the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of his captains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a sudden and unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. The Spaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hard fighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone which struck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet in consequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by the Spaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner of carrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had made him beloved by every one.

Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, the Inca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for more than eight months, making frequent assaults on various parts of the works, chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarro and his brothers, assisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, Don Alfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made a resolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, as the number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of the place and the multitude of assailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco were aware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubted but the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that they defended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, depending only on the mercy of God and their own courage. Their small number was daily diminished, as hardly a day passed in which the Indians did not kill or wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarro made a sally with twenty horsemen, and proceeded to the lake or marsh of Chinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by so vast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner, had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with a body of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for having advanced so far among the enemy with so few men.

We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peru and to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herrada had brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a government beyond that assigned to Don Francisco Pizarro. The principal officers who were along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularly Gomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvarado the governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eager to procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gaining establishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of the insurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indian interpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro and most of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged by all these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrived within six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro of his motions or intentions[6]. Almagro made overtures to the Inca Manco Capac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he had already done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party and assisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he had been appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed an interview between them under pretence of settling the terms of an agreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery, and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointed for the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command of Juan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attacked Almagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded several of his men.

In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival of Almagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos in command of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore from Cuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope of being able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party of Almagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. But Saavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces, amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for his reception. When the two parties were just about to engage, Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, that they might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the other consented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it is difficult to know with any certainty what passed; but it was reported that Ferdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troops under his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; but that Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray his general.

On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined the troops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. While on the march, he made prisoners of four horsemen who had been sent out by Ferdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particulars of the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundred Spaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on which news Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents as governor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom he urged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the bounds of the government assigned to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not include their city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answer to this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of the government belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined, they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city was found to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settled at that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by several experienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to be regulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties. The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent assigned by his majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured either along the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into the account all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by which means, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Lima according to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of the province of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent of country granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directly from north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means of settling the degrees of latitude at the two extremities, allowing so many leagues to each degree.

Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, and to assign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if he would agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligence were sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that he might have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means of settling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has been said by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on these principles; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowed all the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest and refreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days and nights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to take proper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of this circumstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by a thick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without being observed. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew to arms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with the assistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in several places, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged the Cabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure his conquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuaded from this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsible for them.

It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed to with Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations of several Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered all the bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzco against him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro was advancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, he said aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarro did not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many days afterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvian warriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brother the Inca Paul[7] with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominal king of Peru.

Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from his majesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru, he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and his descendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named Atabillos[8], with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining to them, together with the title of Marquis of that province. The king gave him the title of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to the grant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the first place be better informed of the nature and circumstances of the country and its native institutions, before he could determine on that measure, but that Pizarro might rest assured of having every reasonable concession in his favour.

On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzco under Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent several detachments of troops to the assistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco, sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circumstances or convenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be so hazardous as it was in reality[9]. The Peruvians having accurate information of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficult passes of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on several occasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. One considerable reinforcement of seventy horsemen, was sent by the Marquis from Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who was waylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pass called the mountain of Parios, about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. One Gonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with a body of eighty horsemen, was likewise defeated and slain; and two other captains, named Morgoveio and Gaete, while endeavouring to pass the mountains to the relief of Cuzco, were treated in the same manner. Of all these different detachments, scarcely one man escaped, so that those who followed knew nothing of what happened to those who went before them. The enemy always attacked the Spaniards while engaged in marching through some deep and narrow valley among the mountains, occupying both ends of the valley by strong bodies of warriors, and rolling down great stones and masses of rock from the steep and high mountains on both sides of the valley, destroyed our men and horses in a miserable manner, often without fighting. In this way they at different times destroyed more than three hundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of their arms, besides acquiring considerable and valuable plunder in gold and jewels and silk dresses. Not knowing the fate of the former detachments, Francisco de Godoy was sent with a reinforcement of eighty men; but falling in with two of those who had belonged to the detachment under Gaete, who had escaped, he learnt from them what had happened, on which he immediately endeavoured to retreat from the mountain passes, in which he had considerable difficulty, as the Indians had already occupied the defiles in his rear. He made good his retreat however, followed and harassed by the Indians for more than twenty leagues, sometimes attacking him in the rear and at other times in the van, and at length got safe to Lima with much difficulty. About the same time the captain Diego de Aguero arrived at that place with some other Spaniards, who had saved themselves from the Indians, who had endeavoured to massacre them at their country residences.

The marquis sent Pedro de Lerma at the head of eighty cavalry to drive away a numerous army of Peruvian warriors who had invaded the lower country in pursuit of Aguero. Lerma fought against these troops of the Inca a whole day, and at last forced them to take refuge in a strong place among steep rocks, where the Spaniards surrounded them. In this battle, Lerma lost several of his teeth, and several of his men were wounded, but none killed. The Indians were so exceedingly crowded together among the rocks to which they had retired, that they were unable to use their arms, insomuch that the Spaniards might probably have put an end to the war on this occasion, if the marquis had not sent them an order to retire. On seeing the retreat of their enemies, the Indians returned thanks to their gods for their escape from so great danger, and took post on a high mountain near the city of Lima on the other side of the river, whence they harassed the Spaniards by frequent skirmishes and attacks. The commander of these Indians was named Tyzogopangui, who had along with him one of the brothers of the Inca, whom the marquis had sent along with Gaete[10]. While the Peruvians remained in the neighbourhood of Lima, skirmishing every day with the Spaniards, it often happened that the natives who were in the service of the Spaniards, who were called Yanacones, went during the day to their friends in the mountains, who gave them provisions, and returned at night to their masters.

As he was in a manner besieged by so large a force of the enemy in Lima, the marquis concluded that his brothers and all the other Spaniards in Cuzco had certainly been slain, and that the insurrection was so general that the inhabitants of Chili had likewise destroyed Almagro and his army. In this emergency, both that his Spaniards might not expect to save themselves by sea, and to convince the Peruvians that he had no intention to leave the country, he sent off all his ships to Panama. At the same time he sent notice to the Viceroy of New Spain and all the other governors in America and the West Indies of the perilous state of affairs in Peru, intreating them to send him assistance. In these letters, he is said not to have shewn his usual firmness, and it is reported that this was occasioned by the earnest solicitations of many of those around him. He sent orders at the same time to the commandant of Truxillo to abandon that place, and to come to his assistance with all the armed men and horses he could collect, sending off the women and children and all their valuable effects to the province of Tierra firma. But before the execution of these orders, the captain Alfonso de Alvarado arrived at Truxillo with the troops he had taken along with him for the conquest of the province of the Chachapoyas, whence he had been recalled by orders from the marquis. Leaving a part of his troops for the defence of Truxillo, Alvarado marched with the rest to Lima, where the marquis appointed him lieutenant-general of his army, in place of Don Pedro de Lerma, who had hitherto enjoyed that office. This gave great offence to Lerma, and was the occasion of his revolt, as shall be mentioned in the sequel.

As the marquis was now reinforced by a considerable number of troops, he thought himself in condition to send assistance to those parts which were in greatest danger, and detached therefore Alfonso Alvarado with three hundred horse and foot, who pillaged several districts with very little resistance from the Indians. But about four leagues from the city of Pachacamac, he was violently attacked by the Indians, whom he defeated with considerable slaughter; after which he continued his march towards Cuzco. On this march the army of Alvarado suffered great hardships in passing across a large extent of desert country, five hundred Indians who attended as servants perishing of thirst; and it is said that all the Spanish infantry must have died of thirst and fatigue, if they had not been relieved by the activity of the cavalry in bringing them water from a distance. After reaching the province of Jauja, Alvarado was joined by Gomez de Tordoya with two hundred horse and foot, who had been sent after him. His force being augmented to five hundred men by this reinforcement, Alvarado proceeded to the bridge of Lumichaca, where he was surrounded by a numerous army of hostile Indians. Having defeated these in battle, he continued his march to the bridge of Abancay[11], continually harassed by the Indians. At that place he learned that Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro had been imprisoned by Almagro, who had taken possession of Cuzco; on which he resolved to halt where he then was till he might receive precise orders from the marquis for his farther proceedings.

When Almagro was informed of the arrival of Alfonso Alvarado at Abancay, he sent Diego Alvarado to wait upon him, attended by seven or eight horsemen, with orders to notify his commission as governor in these parts. Alfonso, after examining the commission, declared that he did not consider himself competent to decide upon an affair of such high importance, and that the documents ought to be communicated to the marquis. Almagro had come part of the way from Cuzco towards the camp of Alvarado, where he waited the return of his messenger; and not seeing him at the time he expected, he became afraid that Alvarado had detained him and might advance to Cuzco by another road. He returned therefore to Cuzco in all haste to provide for his defence. Learning the discontent of Lerma, on account of having been superseded in the command of the army by the marquis, and that he was disposed to come over to his side with eighty men, Almagro marched out from Cuzco with his troops a fortnight afterwards, and advanced towards the army of Alfonso Alvarado. While on the march, the advanced guard belonging to Almagro, by means of an ambush, made Pedro Alvarez Holguin prisoner, who had been sent out on discovery by Alvarado. On learning this circumstance, Alvarado meant to have arrested Pedro de Lerma, as he entertained suspicions that he was in correspondence with Almagro; but Lerma had previously escaped to the enemy, carrying along with him the signatures of all those who had joined him in the plot for deserting to Almagro.

After the junction of Lerma, Almagro approached during the night to the bridge of Abancay with one part of his army, where he knew that Gomez de Tordoya and a son of Colonel Vilalva waited for him; and he detached at the same time a large body of his troops to a ford of the river, where those who had conspired in his favour along with Lerma had the guard. By these men the troops of Almagro were received as friends, so that they passed the river without opposition. Some of these conspirators contrived during the night to throw above fifty lances belonging to the cavalry of Alvarado into the river. Owing to all these circumstances, when Alvarado proposed next morning to have attacked the enemy, he found himself abandoned by the conspirators; and a considerable number of his own troops, not being able to find their arms, did not come up in time for the attack. By these means Almagro got an easy and bloodless victory, not a single Spaniard being killed on either side, Rodrigo Orgognez only losing several of his teeth by a stone thrown from a sling[12]. After the capture of Alfonso Alvarado, the Almagrians pillaged his camp, and carried all the adherents of Pizarro as prisoners to Cuzco, where they were harshly treated. In consequence of this victory the partizans of Almagro were so much elated, that they used to say the Pizarros might now retire from Peru to govern the Mangroves under the equator.

In consequence of the victories which Alvarado had gained over the Indians at Pachacamac and Lumichaca, as already mentioned, the Inca and Titu Yupanqui were obliged to retire from before Lima, which they had in a manner blockaded. By this circumstance the marquis found himself at liberty to act in support of his interest at Cuzco; and having received considerable reinforcements from various parts, he began his march for Cuzco at the head of more than seven hundred men, horse and foot. In this expedition, his only purpose was to succour his brothers against the Peruvians, as he had not hitherto received information of the return of Almagro from Chili, or any of those other events which had taken place, as before related. Most of the troops by which the marquis was lately joined, were sent by Don Alonso de Fuenmayor, archbishop and president of Hispaniola, under the command of his brother Don Diego de Fuenmayor. Besides these, Gaspar de Espinosa had brought some troops from Panama, and Diego de Avala had brought others from Nicaragua. With this army the marquis set out from Lima for Cuzco, taking the way of the plain, and arrived in the province of Nasca, about twenty-five leagues from Lima[13]. At this place he received intelligence of the return of Almagro, the death of one of his brothers and imprisonment of the other two, the defection of Lerma, and the capture of Alvarado. He was sensibly affected by this afflicting news; and considering that his troops were only prepared for contending against Indians, he thought proper to return immediately to Lima to take proper measures under the present emergency of his affairs.

Soon after his return to Lima, the marquis sent the licentiate Espinosa to endeavour to bring about an accommodation with Almagro. Espinosa was directed to represent to Almagro, that if his majesty were informed of the disputes between them, and the evil consequences of these upon the condition of the colony, he would assuredly recal both, and send some other person to assume the government of Peru, who would reap the rich fruit of their joint labours. If Almagro refused to listen to these remonstrances, and to enter into a friendly accommodation, Espinosa was instructed to request that he would set the brothers of Pizarro at liberty, and would remain at Cuzco without attempting any farther hostilities, untill they had laid a statement of their differences before his majesty, and had received his final orders respecting the boundaries between their governments. Espinosa was unable to persuade Almagro to agree to any accommodation, and soon afterwards died. Leaving Gabriel de Roias as his lieutenant in Cuzco, with the charge of Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso de Alvarado, Almagro descended into the plain with a considerable force, carrying Ferdinand Pizarro along with him. He penetrated into the province of Chancay, which is only twenty leagues from Lima, where he even established a colony or garrison, in a place which was without any manner of doubt within the province of the marquis.

On the return of the marquis to Lima, he made additional levies of troops; giving out openly that he was reduced to take up arms against Almagro, who had invaded his government. In a few days he assembled an army of seven hundred men, among whom was a considerable body of musqueteers, which had been brought from Flanders with the necessary arms and ammunition by Pedro de Vergera, along with the troops of Diego de Fuenmayor. Hitherto there had not been a sufficient number of musquets in Peru to form entire companies of that species of troops; but on the present occasion the marquis was enabled to arm two companies with that powerful weapon, one of which was commanded by the before named Pedro de Vergera, who had been formerly sent to discover the province of Bracamoras. Nugno de Castro was appointed captain of the other company of musqueteers. Diego de Urbina, nephew of the maestre de campo Juan de Urhina, was made captain of the pikemen. Diego de Roias, Peranzures, and Alfonso de Mercadillo, were appointed captains of horse: Pedro de Valdivia maestre de campo, and Antonio de Vilalva sergeant-major, who was son of Colonel Vilalva.

About this time, Alonso de Alvarado and Gonzalo Pizarro, who remained prisoners in Cuzco[14], made their escape from prison, and joined the marquis with above seventy men whom they had persuaded to accompany them, bringing likewise along with them as prisoner Gabriel de Roias the lieutenant of Almagro. The arrival of these officers gave much satisfaction to the marquis, both on account of their escape from danger, and because the reinforcement they brought along with them gave great encouragement to his troops. He appointed his brother Gonzalo lieutenant-general of his army, and Alonso Alvarado maestre de campo, or major-general of the cavalry. When Almagro learnt that his prisoners had escaped, and the numerous forces which the marquis had procured, he became desirous of an accommodation, for which purpose he sent Alfonso Enriquez, Diego Nugnez de Mercadura the factor, and Juan de Guzman treasurer, to the marquis to desire an interview, at which they might regulate every thing that was in dispute between them. After several messages and proposals, the marquis proposed to refer the whole matter to the umpirage of Francisco de Bovadilla, provincial of the order of Mercy, to which Almagro consented.

In virtue of the powers given to him by both parties, Bovadilla ordained that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty; that Cuzco should be restored to the marquis; that both armies should be disbanded, and the different companies sent in various directions to discover and conquer the country; and that finally the whole dispute about the boundaries of the two governments should be referred to the decision of his majesty. Bovadilla likewise persuaded Almagro and Pizarro to have an interview in the village of Mala[15], mid-way between the two armies, at which they might discuss the terms of an entire reconcilement, each to be attended by twelve horsemen. They accordingly set out for that place from their respective camps; but as Gonzalo Pizarro did not give implicit confidence to the promise of Almagro, he followed his brother with the whole army, which he secretly posted in the neighbourhood of Mala, placing Castro with forty musketeers in ambush among some reeds near the road by which Almagro had to pass, and directing him, in case Almagro was accompanied by a larger force than was agreed on, to give notice by a discharge of musketry, that Gonzalo might hasten to the defence of the marquis.

Before leaving Chincha on his way to the interview with Pizarro, Almagro left orders with his lieutenant-general, Rodrigo Orgognez, to keep vigilant guard againt the machinations of the enemy, in case the marquis should bring a greater escort than was agreed upon, that he might send him prompt assistance; and if any treason were practised against him, that Ferdinand Pizarro should be considered as an hostage for his safety. On their meeting, the marquis and Almagro embraced each other with much apparent cordiality; but after a short discourse, in which no part of their difference was alluded to, one of the horsemen who accompanied the marquis, whispered to Almagro that he was in danger, and advised him to retire without delay, as Gonzalo Pizarro had placed an ambush to intercept him. Almagro immediately called for his horse; and several of the attendants on Pizarro, seeing Almagro about to retire, endeavoured to persuade the marquis to have him arrested, which could easily have been done by means of the musqueteers under De Castro. To this the marquis would by no means consent, being resolved to keep his promise inviolate, and would not believe that Almagro meant to go away without coming to some conclusion on the subject of their meeting. Almagro however went away; and as he saw the ambush on his way back, he was convinced that treachery was intended against him, and made loud complaints of the conduct of the marquis after his return to Chincha. Yet, by the intercession of Diego de Alvarado, Almagro set Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty, on condition that the marquis should provide him with a ship and a free port, by which he might send dispatches to Spain and receive answers, and that they should continue in peace until they received the final determination of the sovereign respecting the boundaries of their governments. Rodrigo Orgognez was exceedingly averse from this measure of liberating Ferdinand Pizarro, who had been harshly treated while a prisoner, and who he believed would be eager for revenge if set free, and strongly urged Almagro to put him to death. But Almagro would not listen to his advice, and sent Ferdinand Pizarro to the marquis, accompanied by his own son the younger Almagro and several gentlemen. Ferdinand Pizarro was hardly set off on his return, when Almagro began to repent that he had set him at liberty; and it is believed he would have been remanded to prison if he had not made haste on his journey, during which he was met by several of his brothers principal officers.

Soon after the liberation of his brother Ferdinand, the marquis received provisional orders from his majesty, by the hands of Pedro Anzures; by which the two governors were commanded to retain the countries which each of them had discovered and conquered, and in which they had formed establishments at the time when this provisional order should be notified to them; neither of them making any attempt to disturb the other until his majesty should give definitive orders on the subject. Having now his brother at liberty, the marquis sent a notification to Almagro of this imperial order, requiring him to retire according to his majestys orders from the country which he, Pizarro, had discovered, and in which he had established colonies. Almagro answered, that he was ready to obey the orders of his majesty, in keeping possession of the country and establishments he occupied when the imperial order was notified, for which reason he required the marquis to leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of what he how possessed, declaring that on his part he would carefully and entirely perform whatever should be finally commanded by his majesty. The marquis replied, that the city of Cuzco and the adjoining territory had been first discovered, colonized, and occupied by him, of which he had been violently dispossessed by Almagro, that in conformity with the orders of his majesty, therefore, it behoved Almagro to evacuate that city and territory, or he would drive him from it by force, as all the compacts and conventions which had been entered into between them were abrogated by this new regulation of his majesty.

As Almagro refused to accede to these demands, the marquis marched against him with his whole force, on which Almagro retired towards Cuzco, and fortified himself on a high mountain named Guavtara, breaking up all the roads to render the approach to his camp as difficult as possible. Ferdinand Pizarro found means to ascend the mountain during the night by a secret path, and forced the passages with his musqueteers, so that Almagro was forced to abandon this position, seeking his safety in flight. Being sick at the time, he went with the advanced guard, leaving Orgognez to bring up and protect the rear. One night, Orgognez learnt by two of Pizarros horsemen who were taken prisoners, that the enemy were close up with his rear, on which he hastened the retreat as much as possible, although several of his officers were anxious for him to turn back upon the pursuers, knowing by experience that those who usually inhabited the plain were liable, on their first coming into the mountainous region, to sickness and vomiting, very much resembling sea-sickness. Orgognez refused to listen to this advice, because contrary to the orders of Almagro; yet it was believed he might have been successful, as the troops belonging to the marquis were in reality affected by that ordinary malady, and were besides so much distressed by the snow that Pizarro retired back with his army into the maritime plain of Peru. Almagro continued his march to Cuzco, where he employed himself for two months in raising recruits, procuring ammunition, preparing arms of silver and copper, founding cannon, and making every preparation to defend himself against Pizarro.

After the return of the marquis into the plain, various consultations were held as to the best plan of procedure, and it was at last determined that Ferdinand Pizarro, now lieutenant-general under the marquis, with his brother Gonzalo Pizarro as major-general, should march with the army against Cuzco[16]. On this occasion, a manifesto was circulated as the reason of this measure, that several of the inhabitants of Cuzco had made complaints to the marquis against the tyranny of Almagro, who had violently seized their goods and houses, and dispossessed them of their Indians and every thing that belonged to them. The marquis returned to Lima, and his brother Ferdinand marched at the head of the army towards Cuzco. Having arrived on the mountainous ridge near Cuzco in the evening, all his officers urged Ferdinand Pizarro to descend immediately into the plain that the army might encamp there for the night; but Ferdinand positively rejected this advice, and ordered the army to encamp on the mountain. Early next morning, the whole army of Almagro was seen drawn up in order of battle on the plain, under the supreme command of Orgognez; Francisco de Chaves, Juan Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, having the command of the cavalry under his orders. On the side of the mountain there was a great body of Indians in charge of a small number of Spaniards, intended to be employed as circumstances might admit in the expected battle. In the meantime, all the friends and partizans of the marquis who were in Cuzco were committed prisoners to the citadel, which was so extremely crowded on this occasion, and the places appropriated for their confinement so small, that several of them were stifled.

On the following day, after the solemnization of the mass, Ferdinand Pizarro marched his army into the plain of Cuzco in order of battle, and advanced towards the city, intending to gain possession of some high ground which overlooked the citadel. Ferdinand and his troops flattered themselves, from their great superiority in numbers, that Almagro would not risk a battle, and were even anxious to spare the effusion of Christian blood on the present occasion, in which the natives of the same country and subjects of the same sovereign were preparing to destroy each other, instead of uniting in a common cause for the general good of all. Orgognez was actuated by a different principle, and had occupied the only passage by which the troops of Pizarro could approach towards Cuzco, in which he had drawn up his troops and artillery with much judgment, under cover of a marsh, across which it was necessary for the troops of Pizarro to pass before they could attack his position. Immediately on reconnoitring the order of the enemy, Ferdinand Pizarro ordered captain Mercadillo to advance with his cavalry to a proper place for keeping the Indians in check in case they should attempt to attack his army while engaged in battle with Orgognez, and whence likewise he might be able to give succour where necessary during the approaching engagement. Before the Spaniards began to engage, the Indians on both sides skirmished with each other. The cavalry of Pizarro endeavoured to pass the morass, and being opposed by a squadron of Almagro's horse, the musketeers belonging to Pizarro advanced in front of their own horse and soon compelled the adverse cavalry to give ground. On seeing this successful commencement of the battle, Pedro de Valdivia, a maestre de campo of the marquis, assured his friends that the victory was their own. While the troops of Pizarro were passing the marsh, the Almagrians plied their artillery, and by one discharge five men belonging to Pizarro were brought down. But Pizarro pressed on under cover of a close fire from his musketeers, and passed both the marsh and a rivulet beyond, and drew up in good order on the firm ground, every one of the captains having been previously instructed how to proceed with their divisions before the engagement commenced. As Pizarro noticed that the pikemen in the army of Orgognez carried their pikes high, he gave orders to his musketeers to fire a little high, by which means in two vollies they broke above fifty of the enemies pikes[17]. At this time Orgognez ordered his army to advance to the charge, and observing that several of his divisions hesitated, being held in check by the fire of the musqueteers, he moved on himself at the head of his main body, directing his attack to that part of the enemy where Ferdinand Pizarro was seen at the head of his squadrons. Orgognez apparently despairing of the battle, called out while advancing, "Follow me who will! I go in the name of God to do my duty, and to seek an honourable death!" While Orgognez was advancing, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado observed that his flank was uncovered, and accordingly made an immediate charge, by which above fifty of the Almagrians were overthrown. Orgognez was wounded by a musket-ball in the head, which broke through his beaver; notwithstanding which he killed two men with his lance, and wounded one of Pizarros servants in the mouth whom he mistook for the general, as he was finely dressed. For some time the engagement was extremely severe and the combatants were mingled together; but at length the troops of Pizarro forced the Almagrians to take to flight after they had a considerable number killed and wounded.

Almagro being sick, took no part in the battle, which he observed from a height at some distance, and on seeing his troops take to flight, exclaimed, "I thought we had come out to fight like valiant soldiers, not to run away like cowards." He immediately withdrew to the citadel of Cuzco, to which place he was pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado, and made prisoner. Orgognez was taken prisoner by two of Pizarros horsemen, who were leading him away when a third came up who bore him a grudge for some injurious treatment, and cut off his head. Several others who had surrendered were slain in this manner by personal enemies, in spite of every endeavour by Ferdinand Pizarro and his officers to protect them. The soldiers of Alvarado especially, ashamed and irritated by the defeat they had formerly sustained at the bridge of Abancay, were eager for revenge, and put many of the Almagrians to death in cold blood. Captain Ruy Dias had taken up a prisoner behind him on horseback, on purpose to protect him, when one of his own troopers run him through with his lance.

When the Indian servants of the two armies saw that the battle among the Christians was ended, they too gave over fighting, and fell to plundering the dead, whom they stripped of their clothes and valuables, even pillaging several who were yet alive, but unable to defend themselves because of their wounds; and as the conquerors were entirely taken up in pursuing their victory, the Indians had it in their power to do as they pleased, so that they entirely stripped everyone whom they found on the field of battle. The Spaniards, both victors and vanquished, were so worn out and fatigued by their exertions in this battle, that they might have been easily destroyed by the Indians who were present, if they had dared to attack them according to their original intention; but they were so busied in plundering the killed and wounded, that they neglected the opportunity of avenging themselves on their oppressors. This decisive battle was fought on the 6th of April 1538, in a plain called Cachipampa or the field of salt by the Indians, about a league to the south of the citadel of Cuzco, near a salt spring from which the inhabitants make great quantities of salt; and as these salt works are in the neighbourhood of the field, this engagement has been always known by the name of the battle of Salinas, or of the salt works[18].

After this decisive victory, Ferdinand Pizarro used every means to conciliate the officers of Almagros army who had survived the battle, that he might engage them in the party of the marquis, and being unsuccessful, he banished several of them from Cuzco. Being unable to satisfy the demands of all those who had served him on the late occasion, as many of them thought so highly of their own merits that the government of Peru would hardly have been a sufficient reward in their own estimation, Ferdinand Pizarro resolved to separate the army, sending it away in various detachments to discover and conquer those parts of the country which had not been hitherto explored and reduced. By this measure, he at the same time rewarded his friends by giving them opportunities to distinguish and enrich themselves, and got rid of his enemies by sending them to a distance. On this occasion Pedro de Candia was sent with three hundred men, part of whom had belonged to Almagro, to conquer the country of Collao, a mountainous district which was said to be extremely rich. Not being able to make any progress in this country on account of the difficulty of the roads, he had to return; besides which his troops became mutinous, chiefly at the instigation of one Mesa, who had been commissary of artillery under Almagro, and was encouraged by the other soldiers of Almagro who served on this expedition. On this, Candia arrested Mesa and sent him to Ferdinand Pizarro with the evidences of his guilt. This circumstance, combined with information of conspiracies in several other places, which had for their object to free Almagro from prison and to give him possession of Cuzco, satisfied Ferdinand Pizarro that the country would never be in quiet while Almagro lived.

Ferdinand accordingly brought Almagro to trial, in which he was convicted of giving occasion to all the preceding disorders, of which he was the first and chief cause; having begun the war by several acts of hostilities; having taken forcible possession of the city of Cuzco by his own private authority, where he put several persons to death merely for opposing his unlawful usurpation; and having marched in hostile array into the province of Chincha, which incontestibly belonged to the province assigned to the marquis. When sentence of death was pronounced, Almagro said every thing he could think of to excite the compassion of Ferdinand Pizarro that he might spare his life. He represented that the marquis in a great measure owed his present greatness to him; as he had advanced the greatest proportion of the original funds for the discovery of Peru. He desired Ferdinand to recollect, that when he was a prisoner in his hands, he had set him at liberty contrary to the representations of his officers, who advised that he should be put to death: And that though he, Pizarro, might have been ill treated while a prisoner, that had been done without his orders or knowledge. He intreated him to consider his very advanced age, which would soon bring him to the grave, without the disgrace of a public punishment. Ferdinand expressed his astonishment that one of such great courage should shew so much fear of death, which was now inevitable, and desired him to submit to the will of God like a good Christian, and to meet death with the courage of a gentleman and a man of honour. Almagro replied, that be ought not to be surprised at seeing him afraid of death, being a man and a sinner, since even Jesus Christ had evinced a fear to die. All this however was of no avail, as Ferdinand caused him to be beheaded.

After the execution of Almagro, Ferdinand Pizarro went to Collao, where he punished Mesa for having excited mutiny among the troops of Candia; after which he sent the three hundred men under the command of Peranzures to reduce the country which had been assigned to Pedro de Candia. These troops had to march by a most difficult and dangerous route among morasses and uncultivated places, where they thought to have perished of famine. Ferdinand remained in Collao, which he reduced. This is a level country containing several gold mines, but so cold that it produces no maize, the natives living principally on a root named papas, which resembles truffles. This country likewise abounds in those Peruvian sheep which have been formerly described[19]. About this time the marquis came to Cuzco, to which place Ferdinand went to confer with him, leaving his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to continue his conquest. Gonzalo advanced into the province of the Charcas[20], where he was attacked by a great body of Indians and reduced to great straits, insomuch that Ferdinand set out from Cuzco to his assistance with a body of horse. On this occasion, on purpose to encourage these succours to use every possible expedition, the marquis gave out that he meant to go in person to relieve his brother Gonzalo, and actually went two or three days journey from Cuzco. When Ferdinand arrived at Charcas, he found that Gonzalo had already extricated himself from his difficulties, having defeated and dispersed the enemy. They continued together for some time reducing the country, having frequently to fight with the Indians, till at last they took their chief prisoner, named Tixo[21], on which the natives universally submitted. Ferdinand and Gonzalo now returned to Cuzco, where the marquis distributed settlements to every one sufficient to maintain them in ease and comfort.