* * * * *

Of the Peruvian History before the arrival of the Spaniards[35].

"Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally possessed by small independent tribes, differing from each other in manners, and in their forms of rude policy. All, however, were so little civilized, that, if the traditions concerning their mode of life, preserved among their descendants, deserve credit, they must be classed among the most unimproved savages of America. Strangers to every species of cultivation or regular industry, without any fixed residence, and unacquainted with those sentiments and obligations which form the first bonds of social union, they are said to have roamed naked about the forests with which their country was then covered, more like wild beasts than like men. After they had struggled for ages with the hardships and calamities which are inevitable in such a state, and when no circumstance seemed to indicate the approach of any uncommon effort towards improvement, we are told that there appeared on the banks of the lake Titicaca, a man and woman of majestic form, and clothed in decent garments. They declared themselves to be children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent, who beheld with pity the miseries of the human race, and who had commanded them to instruct and reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by reverence for the divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, several of the dispersed savages united together, and receiving their commands as heavenly instructions, followed them to Cuzco where they settled, and where they begun to lay the foundations of a city, afterwards the capital of Peru."

"Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of these extraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes, formed that social union which, by multiplying the desires, and uniting the efforts of the human species, excites industry and leads to improvement. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture and other useful arts; Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. By the labour of the one sex subsistence became less precarious; by that of the other life was rendered more comfortable. After securing the object of first necessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations for the rude people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned his attention towards introducing such laws and policy as might perpetuate their happiness. By his institutions, the various relations in private life were established, and the duties resulting from them prescribed with such propriety, as gradually formed a barbarous people to decency of manners. In public administration, the functions of persons in authority were so precisely defined, and the subordination of those under jurisdiction maintained with such a steady hand, that the society in which he presided soon assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state."

"Thus, according to the Indian traditions, was founded the empire of the Incas, or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small; as the territory of Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco: But within these narrow limits he exercised an uncontrolled authority. His successors, as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the new subjects which they acquired; the despotism of Asia was not more complete. The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and by prohibiting intermarriages with the people, was never contaminated by mixing with that of any other race. The family thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguished by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for others to assume. The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reserved for him alone; and received from his subjects marks of obsequious homage and respect, which approached almost to adoration. But among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their monarchs seems to have been uniformly accompanied with attention to the good of their subjects. It was not the rage of conquests, if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen, that prompted the Incas to extend their dominion, but the desire of diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts which they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced. During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said that not one deviated from this beneficent character."

"When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru in 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch from the founder of the state, was seated on the throne. He is represented as a prince distinguished not only for the pacific virtues peculiar to the race, but eminent for his martial talents. By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito was subjected, a conquest of such extent and importance as almost doubled the power of the Peruvian empire. He was fond of residing in the capital of that valuable province which he had added to his dominions; and notwithstanding the ancient and fundamental law of the monarchy against polluting the royal blood by any foreign alliance, he married the daughter of the vanquished monarch of Quito. She bore him a son named Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, which seems to have happened about the year 1529, he appointed his successor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his dominions to Huascar, his eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruvians revered the memory of a monarch who had reigned with greater reputation and splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huana Capac concerning the succession appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with the empire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no sooner known at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by those sentiments of his subjects, Huascar required his brother to renounce the government of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But it had been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops which had accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvian warriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all his victories. Atahuaipa first eluded the demand of his brother, and then marched against him in hostile array."

"Thus the ambition of two young princes, the title of the one founded on ancient usage, and of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involved Peru in civil war, a calamity to which it had been hitherto a stranger, under a succession of virtuous monarchs. In such a contest the issue was obvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualpa remained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. Conscious of the defect in his own title to the throne, he attempted to exterminate the royal race, by putting to death all the children of the sun descended from Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. From a political motive, the life of the unfortunate Huascar, who had been taken prisoner in a battle which decided the fate of the empire, was prolonged for some time; that, by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might more easily establish his own authority."

"When Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew, in 1531, this civil war raged between the two brothers in its greatest fury; and though the two competitors received early accounts of the arrival of the Spaniards, they were so intent upon the operations of a war which they deemed more interesting, that they gave no attention to the motions of an enemy too inconsiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it would be easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. By this fortunate coincidence of events, of which he could have no foresight, and of which he remained long ignorant from its defective mode of intercourse with the people of the country, Pizarro was permitted to advance unmolested into the centre of a great empire, before any effort of its power was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniards acquired some imperfect knowledge of the struggle between the two contending factions; and the first complete information respecting it was received from messengers sent by Huascar to Pizarro, to solicit his aid against Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper."

* * * * *

Manco Capac, the first Inca of the Peruvians, is said to have reigned about the middle of the twelfth century, as the traditionary accounts attribute a period of about 400 years between the commencement of his reign and the decease of Huana Capac in 1529, which would place the origin of the monarchy about the year 1129, allowing an average of 30 years to each of 13 successive reigns. The traditions of such ancient matters among an ignorant people are little to be depended on; and even admitting the series of kings to be right as to number, the ordinary average of twenty years to each of the thirteen successive reigns would only give 260 years for the duration of the monarchy, and would carry back the commencement of the reign of Manco Capac only to the year 1269. The series of these kings, as given by various Spanish writers, according to the traditions of the Peruvians, is as follows:

1. Manco Capac. 2. Sinchi Roca. 3. Lloque Yupanqui. 4. Mayta Capac. 5. Capac Yupanqui. 6. Inca Roca. 7. Yahuar Huacac. 8. Inca Roca, likewise named Viracocha. 9. Pachacutec[36]. 10. Yupanqui. 11. Tupac Yupanqui. 12. Huana Capac. 13. Huascar, or Inti-cusi-Hualpa. 14. Atahualpa. 15. Manco Capac the Second, crowned at Cuzco by permission of Pizarro; afterwards revolted and retired to the mountains. 16. Sayri Tupac; who resigned the nominal sovereignty of Peru to Philip II. He died a Christian, and left one daughter who married a Spaniard named Onez de Loyola, and from whom are descended the marquisses of Orepesa and Alcanises.

* * * * *

As the empire of Peru was made up of many barbarous tribes, its native inhabitants spoke many languages or dialects, which were only understood in their own particular districts. The language of the ruling people or tribe to which the royal family belonged, called the Quichua, was solely used at court, and we have already seen that the sons of all the chiefs or curacas of the empire were ordered to be educated at Cuzco, that they might be all able to converse with the sovereign. In this language the sounds of b, d, f, g, and r, are said to have been wanting; and yet that of the r occurs in the names of several of their kings. Garcilasso says that this letter had a guttural sound, perhaps resembling the burr, or parler gras of the French: And it is alleged that this language of a comparatively barbarous people was nearly as copious and as artificial as the Greek. The following specimens are given in the Modern Geography, III. 585, to which are added two examples of what are called Peruvian poetry, from Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 50. The nouns in this language are declined by altering the terminations thus; Runa, a man; Runap, of a man; Runapac, to a man, &c. The verbs have also moods and tenses, the terminations often extending to a great length.

1. Huc 5. Chumpi, picheca. 9. Yscon. 2. Yscay 6. Zocta. 10. Chunca. 3. Quimza 7. Canchis. 100. Pachac. 4. Tahua 8. Puzac. 1000. Huaranca.

The Andes....Anti A Hog.........Cuchi The Arm......Ricra A House.......Huaci Bad..........Mana alli[A] A Husband.....Coza The Beard....Zunca Iron..........Quellay Beauty.......Zumay A King........Capac, Inca The Belly....Vicza A Lake........Cocha A Brother....Huauquey A Lance.......Chuqui A Canoe......Huampu Land..........Allpa To Die.......Huauny, pitini Little........Huchuy A Dog........Alles Love..........Cuyay, munay To Drink.....Upiana A man.........Runa The Ears.....Rinri The Moon......Quilla Eared, or having Mother........Mama great ears...Ringrim A Mountain....Puna, acha To Eat.......Micuni The Mouth.....Simi An Emerald...Umina No............Maria The Eye......Naui The Nose......Cenca A Family.....Ayllu A Queen, or Father.......Mayu Princess...Coya Fire.........Nina A Sacrifice...Arpay Many fires...Ninanina Sand..........Aco A Fish.......Challhua The Sea.......Atun cocha[B] Flesh........Aycha .......Mama cocha[C] A Foot.......Chaqui A Ship........Huampu[D] A Friend.....Cocho Silver........Collqui Good.........Alli A Sister......Panay Gold.........Cori Snow..........Riti Gold dust....Chichi cori A Son.........Churi Great........Hatun A Stone.......Rumi A Hatchet....Avri, champi The Sun.......Inti The Hair.....Caspa Water.........Unu, yaco The Hand.....Maqui Woman.........Huami The Head.....Uma Yes...........Y

Specimen of Peruvian poetry.

Caylla Llapi To the Song Pununqui I will Sleep, Chaupitua At Midnight Samusac I will come.

[A] Not good.

[B] Great Lake.

[C] Mother Lake.

[D] Huampu likewise signifies a canoe, and probably a ship might be named Atun huampu, a great canoe.—E.

[1] In a note of the French edition of 1742, it is said that, in the folio edition of Zarate printed at Seville in 1677, Luque was called the father of Almagro, and that no mention is made of that ecclesiastic having taken any part in the expedition. Robertson, in his History of America, II. 273, says that Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman of honourable family by a low woman, and that his education was so entirely neglected that he could neither read nor write. He adds that, after serving some years in Italy, he embarked for America, where he greatly distinguished himself. In our last chapter, Diaz makes frequent mention of Pizarro as serving with reputation under Cortes, in the early part of the expedition to Mexico; but gives no account of his quitting the service of Cortes; to whom he was probably somehow related, as the mother of Cortes was named Catalina Pizarro Altamirano. Almagro, according to Robertson, was a foundling, and bred like Pizarro in the army. Luque acted as priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and had amassed considerable riches.—E.

[2] Named Pedrarias by Robertson.—E.

[3] Chinchama, by the map in Zarate is that part of the western coast of Tierra Firma or Darien, opposite the Isla del Rey. The poor province of Peru, beyond or to the southwards of Cinchama, is that now called Biruquete; and the Pueblo quemada, or Burnt People, must be looked for in the province of Novita, perhaps Nounamas, immediately to the south of which is the river of St Juan.—E.

[4] Tacamez, otherwise called the district of Esmeraldas, or of emeralds, is in the kingdom of Quito near the equinoctial line.—E.

[5] Instead of twelve, the text only names eight of the brave associates of Pizarro.—E.

[6] Morope, in lat. 6 deg. 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation of the place mentioned in the text.—E.

[7] This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in lat. 5 deg. 10' south.—E.

[8] Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque, Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from fifty to seventy-five pounds.—E.

[9] It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first departure of Pizarro from Panama.—Robertsons America, II. 281.

[10] Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the conquest of Mexico.—E.

[11] His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the fulfilment of his contract.—Robertsons America, II. 284.

[12] It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3 deg. 20' S. and extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which divides it from Chili, in lat. 21 deg. 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles; consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth, bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent, divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land, immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached from lat. 3 deg. 20' S. to about lat, 1 deg. N. but is now included in the viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with which it is connected by the river Magdalena.—E.

[13] The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez, on both sides of the equator.—E.

[14] Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru, as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river Piura, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by Pizarro.—E.

[15] This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink, unless by supposing these human heads to have been the heads of small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text, immediately before, of human carcasses hung up in the form of crosses, ought perhaps to have been rendered instead of crosses.—E.

[16] A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo.—E.

[17] This is merely a repetition of the big bones of Mexico and the Ohio, already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum.—E.

[18] Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3 deg. S. and is near thirty leagues in circumference, being about ten leagues long by five in breadth.—E.

[19] The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto is in lat. 1 deg. 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert of Atacama, in lat. 21 deg. 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly 25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which extends to 39 deg. 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753 Spanish leagues.—E.

[20] This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the viceroyalty of New Granada.—E.

[21] The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note.—E.

[22] Instead of four degrees, Quito is only the fourth part of a degree beyond the line.—E.

[23] Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5 deg. 30' S. is in the district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of the Amazons.—E.

[24] No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise called St Juan de la Frontera.—E.

[25] Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines.—E.

[26] No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga; but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga.—E.

[27] Probably the country of the people now called Chunchos, who are implacable enemies to the Spaniards.—E.

[28] Probably the province now called Chicas on the eastern side of the Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the Paraguay or Rio Plata.—E.

[29] Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12 deg. 26' S. is the island of Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province of that name.—E.

[30] The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47. Manco Capac.—E.

[31] By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation.—E.

[32] Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator.—E.

[33] This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian of America in naming him Atahualpa.—E.

[34] These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war against the revolters in Quito.—E.

[35] The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which, being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America, Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose disarranged work is too confused for quotation.—E.

[36] By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed after a reign of eleven days.—E.



SECTION II.

Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement of the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili.

After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he made every preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he was not seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, by which their affairs were considerably retarded, as Almagro was the richer man and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerly mentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected his interest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacified by his apologies and promises, and their friendship was renewed; yet Almagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro, more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing to these disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Ponce de Leon[1] fitted out a ship which belonged to him, in which Don Francisco Pizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were very few in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the great difficulties and hardships which had been suffered in the former attempt, and the poor success which had then been met with[2]. Pizarro set sail about the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrary winds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more to the north than he intended[3]; by which means he was reduced to the necessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he and his troops suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions, and by the extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersected their line of march, all of which they had to pass near their mouths, where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had often to pass them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro was conspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, and frequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even assisting those who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named Coaque[4] on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where they procured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after the hardships and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sent back one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending by them above 30,000 castillanas[5] of gold, which he had seized at Coaque, to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of the riches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellent emeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place where such precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by the Spaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they were so ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammer without breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indians might impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great value through their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singular disease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts or wens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely sore and loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of them recovered, though almost every one was less or more affected.

Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarro attributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province or district in which Puerto Viejo now stands, and easily reduced all the surrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar and Juan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement of horse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua[6].

Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarro proceeded with all his troops to the harbour of Tumbez, whence he determined to pass over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to that port. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to be constructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, to transport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty miles from the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in this passage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut the cords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown the men and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of their secret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard, constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. On arriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously and requested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon known that they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention of massacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed of this treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took the principal cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master of the enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors. Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vessels or rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in all haste to assist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and drove away the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two or three of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom was Gonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee.

Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with a considerable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult to subdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealed among the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved to return to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome from its extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its shores. For this reason he divided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandoned the place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundred prisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whom was one of the principal nobles of that place. On the 16th May 1532, Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks or floats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of these barks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce his own speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour with the blackest ingratitude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificed these three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made a narrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one of these floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, and had already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego de Aguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stop the float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up to Tumbez, he would certainly have been put to death.

From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readily be supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for the disembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the first evening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothers Ferdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto, and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were able to land. These gentlemen had to pass the whole night on horseback entirely wet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide their bark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it overset while they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarro remained on the shore to direct the landing of the troops, while the governor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into the country without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives had armed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. On returning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who had rode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. He returned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he was able to collect.

Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troops from the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till the return of the vessels, as there was not enough of shipping to contain the whole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himself from continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governor with very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez, during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enter into terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, but all to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in their power to our people, and especially to the servants and others who went out into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards were unable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side of the river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought up secretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night, with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto, with above fifty horsemen. With these he made a very fatiguing march before day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knolls overgrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedly to the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, putting many of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued them into all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword, in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length, the principal cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents of gold and silver in token of submission.

Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of his troops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme, the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the latter treasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himself the greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river Poechos[7], thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciques and inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendly manner to the natives. Passing beyond the before mentioned river, he came to the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence he detached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the river Amatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all the caciques and natives submitting and demanding peace.

While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certain envoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brother Atahualpa, and requesting his assistance to establish him, as the lawful sovereign, in his just rights[8]. On the receipt of this message, Pizarro determined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent therefore his brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; and established a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near the sea on the river Chira[9], as a port in which to receive vessels coming with reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel, and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procured since leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for the province of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa then was[10].

On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, while passing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where for above fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single tree to shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or the river Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found some well peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance of provisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues and privations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way of the mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa, bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers and golden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when he appeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, that the prince might know who he was[11]. Pizarro received this envoy with much kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required on the part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that he might be assured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, on condition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friendship; as he had it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to this country, to do no harm to any one without just cause.

On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march with great precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack him during the passage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to pass through an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute men might have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, he found another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would not presume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permission for the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediately took up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was a house or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun, the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When he had posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Soto at the head of twenty horsemen to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at the distance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival. On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into a full career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many of the Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so much displeased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all who had run away from the horse to be immediately put to death.

After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any direct answer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: He spoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the king had said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained what had been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more horsemen, and addressed Atahualpa in the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother the general had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carlos with an offer of friendship and alliance, and wished therefore to have an audience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given to him in charge by the king of Spain." To this Atahualpa replied; "That he accepted with pleasure the offer of friendship from the general, provided he would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken from them, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose to settle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanish general in the palace of Caxamarca."

After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immense city, from the prodigious multitude of tents and the vast numbers of men which it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom he gave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words of Atahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness to Pizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especially considering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small force in the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general and most of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution, they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage and honour, trusting to the assistance of God in the discharge of their duty. They passed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round their quarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal.

Early in the morning of the 16th November 1532, Pizarro drew up his small body of men in regular order. Dividing his cavalry into three bodies, under the command of his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo, assisted by the Captains Soto and Benalcazar, he ordered to keep themselves concealed within their quarters till they should receive orders to attack. He remained himself at the head of the infantry, in another part of the inclosed court, having issued the strictest commands that no one should make the smallest motion without his orders, which were to be conveyed by the discharge of the artillery.

Atahualpa employed a great part of the day in arranging his troops in order of battle, pointing out to each of the commanders where and in what manner their divisions were to attack the Spaniards. He likewise sent a detachment of 5000 Peruvian warriors under one of his principal officers named Ruminagui, with orders to take possession of the defile by which the Spaniards had penetrated the mountain, and to kill every one of them who might endeavour to escape in that way[12]. Atahualpa having given all these orders, began his march and advanced so slowly that in four hours his army hardly proceeded a short league. He was carried in his litter in the usual state, on the shoulders of some of the principal lords of his court, having three hundred Indians marching before him in rich uniforms, who removed every stone or other substance which might obstruct the way, even carefully picking up the smallest straws. He was followed by a numerous train of curacas or caciques, and principal officers of his court, all carried in litters. The Peruvians held the Spaniards in small estimation, they were so few in number, and imagined they could easily make them all prisoners without presuming to make the smallest resistance. One of the caciques had sent to inform Atahualpa not to stand in any awe of the Spaniards, as they were not only few in number, but so effeminate and lazy that they were unable to march on foot without being tired by a very short distance, for which reason they travelled on the backs of large sheep, by which name they distinguished our horses.

In the order already described, Atahualpa entered with all his army and attendants into a large square or enclosure in front of the tambos or palace of Caxamarca; and seeing the Spaniards so few in number and all on foot, as the cavalry remained in concealment, he conceived that they would not certainly dare to stand before him or to resist his commands. Rising up therefore in his litter, be said to his attendants, "These people are all in our power, and will assuredly surrender." To which they all answered that this was certainly the case. At this time, the bishop Don Vincente Valverde advanced towards Atahualpa, holding a crucifix in one hand and his breviary in the other, and addressed him to the following effect.

"There is but one God in three persons who has created the heavens and the earth and all that are therein. He formed Adam the first man out of the dust of the earth, and afterwards made Eve his wife from a rib taken out of his side. All the generations of men are descended from these our first parents, by whose disobedience we have all become sinners, unworthy therefore of the grace and mercy of God, and beyond the hope of heaven, until Jesus Christ our Redeemer was born of the Virgin and suffered death to purchase for us life and immortality. After our Lord had suffered a shameful death upon the cross, he rose again in a glorious manner; and, having remained a short time on earth, he ascended into Heaven, leaving St Peter his vicar on earth, and after him his successors who dwell in Rome, and are named popes by the Christians. These holy successors of St Peter have divided all the countries of the world among the Christian kings and princes, giving in charge to each to subdue that portion which has been alotted to him. This country of Peru having fallen to the share of his imperial and royal majesty, the emperor Don Carlos king of Spain, that great monarch hath sent in his place the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, now present, to make known to you on the part of God and the king of Spain, all that I have now said. If you are disposed to believe all this, to receive baptism, and to obey the emperor, as is done by the greatest portion of the Christian world, that great prince will protect and defend you and your country in peace, causing justice to be administered to all. He will likewise confirm all your rights and liberties, as he is accustomed to do to all the kings and princes who have voluntarily submitted to his authority. But if you refuse this and choose to run the hazard of war, the governor will attack you with fire and sword, and is ready at this moment to do so with arms in his hand[13]."

When Atahualpa had listened to this discourse, very imperfectly rendered by an ignorant interpreter, he answered, "That the whole of this country had been conquered by his father and his ancestors, who had left it in rightful succession to his elder brother the inca Huascar. That he having been conquered and taken prisoner, Atahualpa held himself as legitimate sovereign, and could not conceive how St Peter could pretend to give it away to any one, without the knowledge and consent of him to whom it belonged. As for Jesus Christ, who he said had created heaven and earth and man and all other things, he knew nothing of all this, believing that the sun his father was the creator of all, whom he and his nation venerated as a god, worshipping likewise the earth as the mother of all things, and the guacas as subordinate divinities, and that Pachacama was the supreme ruler and creator of all things. As for what he had said of the king of Spain, he knew nothing at all about the matter, never having seen him." At the last, he asked the bishop where he had learnt all those things which he had been telling him. Valverde answered him that all these things were contained in the book which he held in his hand, which was the word of God. Atahualpa asked it from him, opened the book turning over its leaves, saying that it said nothing to him, and threw it on the ground. The bishop then turning to the Spaniards, called out, "To arms! to arms! Christians: The word of God is insulted."

Pizarro being of opinion that he would be easily destroyed if he waited for the attack of the Peruvians, immediately ordered his soldiers to advance to the charge, sending word to his brothers and the other officers who commanded the cavalry to execute the orders which they had already received. He likewise ordered the artillery and the crossbows to commence firing upon the Indians, on which the cavalry, as had been concerted, sallied forth and charged through among the Indians in three separate bodies; while he moved forwards at the head of the infantry, pushing directly for the litter in which Atahualpa was carried, the bearers of which they began to slay, while others pressed on to supply their places. As Pizarro was convinced that he and his people would be infallibly destroyed if the battle remained for any length of time undecided, the loss of one soldier being of infinitely worse consequence to him than the destruction of hundreds was to the enemy, and that he gained nothing by the death of thousands of the Peruvians, determined to make every effort to gain possession of Atahualpa, for which purpose he cut his way up to the litter in which he was carried; and seizing him by his long hair dragged him from his seat to the ground. In doing this, as several of his soldiers were making cuts with their swords against the golden litter, one of their swords glancing off wounded Pizarro in the hand. Paying no attention to this wound, he held fast his rich prize, in spite of the endeavours of multitudes of Indians to rescue their sovereign, who were all either killed or driven away, and at length secured Atahualpa as his prisoner.

When the Peruvians saw their sovereign in the hands of the Spaniards, and found themselves assailed in so many places at once by the enemy, especially by the horse, the fury of whose charge they were unable to resist, they threw down their arms and dispersed in every direction, endeavouring to preserve their lives by flight. A prodigious multitude of them being stopped by a corner of the great court or square, pressed with such violence against the wall that a part of it gave way, forming a large breach by which many of them escaped. The cavalry pursued the fugitives in every direction till night, when they returned to quarters[14].

When Ruminagui heard the noise of the artillery, and saw a centinel who had been placed on the top of a rock thrown down by a Spaniard, he concluded that the Spaniards had gained the victory; and was so much alarmed that he marched away with all his men to Quito, never stopping for any time till he got to that city, which is two hundred and fifty leagues from Caxamarca.

Atahualpa being thus made prisoner, and his whole army having taken to flight, the Spaniards went next morning to pillage his camp, where they found a prodigious quantity of gold and silver vessels, excessively rich tents, stuffs, vestments, and many other articles of immense value. The gold plate alone which was carried along with the army for the use of Atahualpa exceeded the value of 60,000 pistoles[15]. Above 5000 women who were found in the camp of the enemy voluntarily surrendered themselves to the Spaniards.

The captive Atahualpa now made submissive application to Pizarro, earnestly intreating to be well used, and made offer for his ransom to deliver a quantity of gold that should fill a large chamber, besides so large a mass of silver that the Spaniards would be unable to carry the whole away. Pizarro was astonished at this magnificent offer, which he could hardly credit, yet promised the fallen monarch that he should be well used, and even engaged to restore his freedom if he made good his offer. Atahualpa was so much pleased with this promise, that he immediately sent numerous messengers through the whole empire, particularly to Cuzco, ordering all the gold and silver that could be procured to be brought to Caxamarca to pay his ransom. He had promised an immense quantity, as he had engaged to fill a long hall in the tambos or palace of Cazamarca as high as he could reach with his hand[16], for which purpose the height was marked by a coloured line drawn round the whole room. Although large quantities of gold and silver arrived every day after this agreement, the Spaniards could not be satisfied that the promise of Atahualpa would ever be fulfilled. They began even to murmur at the delay, alleging that the time which had been fixed by Atahualpa for the accomplishment of his promise was already past; and they alleged that he had fallen upon this scheme on purpose to gain time for the assemblage of a new army, with which to attack them at unawares. As Atahualpa had considerable sagacity, he soon noticed the discontent of the Spaniards, and asked Pizarro the reason. On being informed, he made answer that they were in the wrong to complain of the delay, which was not such as to give any reasonable cause for suspicion. They ought to consider that Cuzco, from whence the far greater part of the gold had to be brought, was above 200 large leagues distant from Caxamarca by an extremely difficult road, by which all the gold had to be carried on the shoulders of the Peruvians, and that very little time had elapsed for the accomplishment of so laborious a work. Having thus endeavoured to explain the cause of delay in payment of the ransom, he requested that they would satisfy themselves on the subject by inspection that he was actually able to perform his engagement; after which they would not think much of its being delayed a month more or less. For this purpose, he proposed that he should depute two or three of the Spaniards, who might go to Cuzco, having orders from him to be shewn the royal treasures in that city, of which they would then be able to bring back certain information to satisfy the rest.

Opinions were much divided among the Spaniards, as to the adoption or rejection of this proposal. Several considered it is a most dangerous measure for any person to trust himself in the hand of the Peruvians, especially to so great a distance. Atahualpa considered this doubt of safety as very strange, especially as they had him in their hands as an hostage, together with his wives, children, and brothers. On this, Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Barco resolved to undertake the journey; and accordingly by the directions of Atahualpa, they set out in litters, each of which was carried on the shoulders of two men, with a number of other Peruvians accompanying them, to serve as reliefs when the others were tired. They were carried in this manner almost as fast as if they had rode post; as the litter carriers went along with great swiftness, frequently relieved by the others, of whom there were fifty or sixty in all.

Several days journey from Caxamarca, Soto and Barco met a party of the troops of Atahualpa, who were escorting the Inca Huascar as a prisoner. This unfortunate prince, on learning who they were, requested to have a conference with them, to which they consented, and in which he was distinctly informed of all the recent events. On being informed of the intentions of his imperial majesty Don Carlos, and of Pizarro, who commanded the Spaniards in his name, to cause impartial justice to be executed both to the Peruvians and Spaniards, he laid before them a distinct account of the injustice which he had suffered from his brother Atahualpa, who not only wished to deprive him of the kingdom, which belonged to him of right, as the eldest son of the late monarch Huana Capac, but now kept him a prisoner, with the design of putting him to death. He urged them to return to their general, and to lay his complaints before him, requesting that he, who now had both competitors in his power, and was consequently entire master of the country, would judge between them, and decree the possession of the empire to him who held the lawful right of succession. He farther promised, if Pizarro would do this, that he would not only fulfil all that Atahualpa had promised, which was to fill the apartment at Caxamarca to a certain height, but he would fill it with gold to the roof, which would be three times more than Atahualpa had promised. He assured them that he was better able to do all this, than was Atahualpa to perform what he had promised; because Atahualpa, to implement his engagement, would be under the necessity of stripping the temple of the Sun at Cuzco of all the plates of gold and silver with which it was lined; whereas he, Huascar, was in possession of all the treasures which belonged to his father Huana Capac, and the former Incas, by which he was able to perform what he had now offered, and a great deal more.

All that he alleged was certainly true, as Huascar was in possession of immense treasures, which he had hidden under ground in some secret place, unknown to all the world. On this occasion, he had employed many Indians to transport his wealth into the place of concealment, after which he had ordered them all to be put to death, that they might not inform any one of the place. After the Spaniards were entire masters of the country, they made every possible search after these treasures, and even continue their search to the present day, digging in every place where they suspect they may be concealed, but hitherto without being able to find them.

Soto and Barco told Huascar, that it was out of their power to turn back, being under the necessity of continuing the journey on which they had been sent by order of their general; but that on their return they would make a faithful report of all he had said. They accordingly went on their way towards Cuzco. But this meeting and conference occasioned the death of Huascar, and the loss to the Spaniards of the vast treasure he had promised for his liberty and restoration. The captains who had the custody of Huascar made a report to Atahualpa of all that had passed in the interview between their prisoner and the Spanish messengers; and Atahualpa had sufficient sagacity to see, if these matters came to the knowledge of Pizarro, that he would feel inclined to take part with Huascar, especially in consideration of the prodigious quantity of gold which had been offered for his interference. He had remarked the extreme eagerness of the Spaniards for the possession of gold, and feared that they would deprive him of the kingdom, and give it his brother, and might put himself to death, as an unjust usurper of the clear rights of another. Being disposed, from these motives, to order his brother Huascar to be put to death, he was only restrained from doing this immediately by one circumstance. He had frequently heard from the Christians, that one of their principal laws, which was most religiously observed, was, that all who were guilty of murder were punished with death, whether the murder were committed by themselves personally, or by others at their instigation. He resolved, therefore, to sound Pizarro, and to discover his sentiments on this subject, which he did with wonderful artifice and dissimulation. One day he pretended to be overcome with extreme grief, weeping and sobbing, and refusing to eat or drink, or to speak with any one. When Pizarro inquired the cause of this distress, he allowed himself to be long intreated before he would give any reason of his sorrow. At length, as if overcome by solicitation, he said, "That he had just received intelligence that one of his officers had put his brother Huascar to death, by which news he was entirely overcome with grief, as he had always entertained the warmest and most respectful affection for him, not only as his eldest brother, but in a great measure as his father and sovereign. That although he had taken Huascar prisoner, he not only had no intention of using him ill in his person, but did not even mean to deprive him of the kingdom: his sole object being to oblige him to give up the possession of the kingdom of Quito, according to the last will of their father, Huana Capac; who had made a conquest of that country, which was beyond the boundary of the hereditary empire of the incas, and which consequently their father had an undoubted right to dispose of in his favour." Pizarro endeavoured to console the pretended affliction of Atahualpa, by assuring him, when peace and good order re-established in the empire, that he would make a strict inquiry into the circumstances of the death of Huascar, and would severely punish all who had participated in the crime.

When Atahualpa found that Pizarro took up this affair with so much coolness and moderation, he resolved to execute his design, and sent immediate orders to his officers who had the custody of Huascar to put him to death. So promptly were these orders obeyed, that it was difficult to ascertain in the sequel whether the excessive grief of Atahualpa was feigned, and whether it preceded or followed the death of his brother Huascar. Most of the soldiers blamed Soto and Barco for this unhappy event: not considering the necessity of every one to obey the orders of their superiors with exactness, according to their instructions, especially in time of war, without assuming the liberty of making any alteration or modification according to circumstances in their own opinion, unless they have express and formal discretionary power.

It was currently reported among the Peruvians, that when Huascar learnt he was to be put to death by order of his brother, he made the following observation: "I have been only a short while sovereign of this country, but my faithless brother, by whose orders I am to die, will not be longer a king than I have been." When the Peruvians soon afterwards saw Atahualpa put to death, conformable to this prediction, they believed Huascar to have been a true son of the sun. It is reported also, that Huascar should have said, when his father Huana Capac took his last leave of him, he foretold "That white men with long beards would soon come into Peru, and advised him to treat them as friends, as they would become masters of the kingdom." Huana Capac may have received some intimation of this future circumstance from the demons; and that the more readily, that Pizarro had been on the coast of Peru before his death, and had even begun to make some conquests.

While Pizarro continued to reside in Caxamarca, he sent out his brother Ferdinand with a party of cavalry to discover the country, who went as far as Pachacamac, about a hundred leagues from Caxamarca. In the district of Huamachucos, Ferdinand met with Hlescas, one of the brothers of Atahualpa, who was escorting a prodigious quantity of gold to Caxamarca, part of the ransom of the captive inca, to the value of two or three millions at the least, without counting an immense quantity of silver[17]. He continued his journey from Huamachucos to Pachacamac, not far to the south of where Lima now stands, through several difficult and dangerous passes; when he learnt that one of the generals of Atahualpa, named Cilicuchima was stationed with a large army at a place about forty leagues from thence. Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to the Peruvian general to request that he would come to speak with him; and as Cilicuchima refused, Ferdinand took the resolution to wait upon him in person. This was considered by many as extremely rash and imprudent, to trust himself in the hands of a barbarous and powerful enemy. He was successful however in the attempt, as by various representations and promises, he prevailed on the Peruvian general to dismiss his army, and to go along with him to Caxamarca to wait upon his sovereign Atahualpa. To shorten their journey, they took a very difficult route through mountains covered with snow, where they were in danger of perishing with cold.

On arriving at Caxamarca, before entering into the presence of Atahualpa, Cilicuchima bared his feet and carried a present to his sovereign after the custom of the country, and said to him weeping, that if he had been along with him, the Spaniards should not have been allowed to make him a prisoner. Atahualpa answered, that his captivity was a punishment from the gods, whom he had not honoured and respected as he ought to have done; but that his defeat and capture were chiefly owing to the cowardice and flight of Ruminagui with his 5000 men, who ought to have succoured him when attacked by the Spaniards.

While Don Francisco Pizarro was in the province of Poecho between Tumbez and Payta, before he marched to Caxamarca, he received a letter without any signature, which it was afterwards learnt had been sent to him by the secretary of Don Diego de Almagro. He was informed by this letter, that Almagro had fitted out a large ship and several smaller vessels with a considerable number of soldiers, in which he proposed to sail beyond the country of which Pizarro had taken possession, and to reduce the best portion of Peru under his own authority, as beyond the government which had been granted to Pizarro by his majesty, which only extended 200 leagues to the south of the equator[18]. The governor had never shewn his patents to any person[19]; yet it was currently reported that Almagro actually left Panama with the intention of carrying that design into execution; but on arriving at Puertoviejo, and learning the amazing successes of Pizarro, and the prodigious quantities of gold and silver he had already acquired, the half of which he considered as belonging to him, he changed his purpose, and marched with all his people to Caxamarca to join Pizarro. On his arrival there, the greater part of the ransom of Atahualpa was already brought, and Almagro and his followers were filled with astonishment and admiration at the sight of the prodigious masses of gold and silver which were there collected, more than they thought could have been in any part of the world.

When all this gold and silver was melted down, weighed and essayed, it was found to amount to the amazing sum of six hundred millions of maravedies, or more than 4,500,000 livres. It is true that the proof or essay of this gold was made hurriedly, and only by means of the touchstone, as they had no aqua fortis to conduct the process in a more exact manner. It afterwards appeared that this gold had been estimated two or three carats below its real value; so that the whole amount ought to have been reckoned at seven millions of maravedies, or 5,250,000 livres. The quantity of silver was so large, that the royal fifth amounted to 30,000 marks of fine silver, most of which was afterwards found to contain two or three carats of gold. The royal fifth of the gold amounted to 120 millions of maravedies, or 900,000 livres. Each horseman received for his share in gold, without counting the silver 240 marks or 12,000 pesos, equal to 80,000 francs. The shares of the horsemen were a quarter part larger than those of the foot soldiers. Yet all these sums did not amount to a fifth part of what Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. Those who had come along with Almagro, though considerable both from their rank and number, certainly had no just title to demand any share in the treasure which Atahualpa paid for his ransom, as they had no share in his capture; yet the general assigned each of them 20 marks, or 1000 pesos, as a donative to keep them in good humour.

Pizarro thought it now incumbent upon him to send intelligence to his majesty of the success of his enterprize, for which purpose he sent over his brother Ferdinand to Spain; and as when he departed, the precious metals had not been melted or proved, so that it was impossible to ascertain what was the exact share belonging to the king, two thousand marks of gold and twenty thousand marks of silver, were set apart for this purpose[20]. In making the selection of articles to be sent to Spain, the largest and finest pieces were chosen, that they might have a grander appearance: Among these were several large vessels of various kinds and for different uses, together with figures of men and women and various animals. When Atahualpa learnt that Ferdinand Pizarro was to embark for Spain he was much afflicted, having a great affection for that gentleman, in whom he reposed implicit confidence; and when Ferdinand came to take leave, he said to him, "I am sore afflicted at your departure, for I am much afraid the big-belly and the blinkard will put me to death in your absence." By the former he meant Requelme the treasurer, who was very fat, and by the latter Almagro, who had lost an eye, whom he had observed frequently to mutter against him, for certain reasons, which will appear in the sequel.

As Atahualpa suspected, Ferdinand Pizarro had not been long gone, when the death of the unfortunate prince began to be talked of among the Spaniards. This was brought about by the suggestions of an Indian named Philippillo, who had accompanied the general into Spain, and now served him as an interpreter with the Peruvians. He pretended that Atahualpa had secretly laid a plan for destroying all the Spaniards; for which purpose he had a great number of armed men concealed in various places, meaning to employ them when a favourable opportunity occurred. The proofs and examination of facts and circumstances respecting this alleged plot, had all to come through Philippillo, as the only one who knew both languages; and he gave such a turn to every thing as best suited his own views and purposes. Accordingly the Spaniards were never able perfectly to discover the truth, or to penetrate entirely into his motives for this procedure. It has been alleged by some persons, that Philippillo had become amorous of one of the wives of Atahualpa, with whom he even had a criminal intercourse, and expected to secure the quiet possession of his mistress by the death of that unfortunate prince. It was even reported that Atahualpa had come to the knowledge of that amour, and had complained to Pizarro of the criminal and even treasonable conduct of the paramours; which, by the laws of Peru, could only be expiated by burning the guilty persons, putting to death all their near relations, destroying all their cattle and substance, laying waste the place of their birth, and sowing salt on the place, so as to render the memory of the crime infamous for ever.

It has been alleged by others that the death of Atahualpa was occasioned by the solicitations and intrigues of those newly arrived Spaniards who accompanied Almagro, who considered his continuing to live as prejudicial to their interests. The soldiers of Pizarro who were with him when Atahualpa was taken prisoner, insisted that those who came with Almagro had no right to participate in any part of the treasure given or to be given on account of his ransom, and could not justly pretend to any share of what might be collected until all that Atahualpa had promised was entirely paid up. The soldiers of Almagro, on the other hand, believed it to be for their interest that Atahualpa should be removed out of the way; since as long as he might live, the soldiers of Pizarro would always pretend that all the treasure which might be procured formed part of his ransom, so that they would never come in for any share. However this might be, the death of that unfortunate prince was resolved on, and even this determination was communicated to him. Astonished at this fatal intelligence, of which he had never entertained the slightest suspicion, Atahualpa urged his merciless conquerors to confine him rather in a stricter captivity, or even to put him on board their ships. "I know not," said he, "how you can possibly suppose me so stupid as to think of any treachery against you in my present situation. How can you believe those troops which you say are assembled, have been called together by my orders or by my consent? Am I not a prisoner, in chains, and in your hands? And is it not easy for you to put me to death whenever these pretended troops make their appearance? If you believe that my subjects will undertake any thing against you without my consent, you are ill informed of the absolute authority I possess over all my subjects, and the perfect obedience which it is their glory to render me on all occasions. So to speak, the birds do not dare to fly, nor the leaves to move upon the trees without my orders; and how then shall my subjects presume to go to war against you without my consent."

All that he could urge was of no avail, as his death was absolutely resolved upon, although he offered to place hostages of the highest consideration in the hands of the Spaniards, whose lives should be answerable for any of the Christians who might be slain or ill treated by his subjects. Besides the suspicions already mentioned, which were alleged against Atahualpa, it is said that he was accused of the death of his brother Huascar. He was condemned to die, and his sentence was executed without delay. In his distress, he was continually repeating the name of Ferdinand Pizarro; saying, if he had been present, he would not have allowed him to be thus unjustly put to death. Shortly before his death, he was persuaded by Pizarro and Valverde to submit to the ceremony of baptism[21].

"While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of Atahualpa, and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his confinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to Ferdinand Pizarro and Hernando Soto; who, as they were persons of birth and education superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, were accustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captive monarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, he delighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he was always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled with contempt. Among all the European arts, that which he most admired, was reading and writing; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he should regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name of God on the nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to several Spaniards, asking its meaning; and, to his amazement, they all, without hesitation, gave the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and on presenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as a mean person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not address enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery inspired him. To be the object of scorn to a barbarian, not only mortified the pride of Pizarro; but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force to all the other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death."

"But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, and that he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for the commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all the formalities observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself and Almagro, with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to acquit or condemn; an attorney-general was named to carry on the prosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record the proceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited still more amazing. It consisted of various articles: That Atahualpa, though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the throne, and usurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign to death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, but commanded the offering of human sacrifices; that he had a great number of concubines; that since his imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled the royal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; that he had incited his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On these heads of accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, and others so absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the subject of a serious procedure, is not less surprizing than his injustice, did this strange court go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom it had no jurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, witnesses were examined; but as they delivered their evidence in their native tongue, Philippillo had it in his power to give their words whatever turn best suited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-determined in their opinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar Valverde prostituted the authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by his signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa endeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he might be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot. But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. He ordered him to be led instantly to execution; and, what added to the bitterness of his last moments, the same monk who had just ratified his doom, offered to console, and attempted to convert him. The most powerful argument Valverde employed to prevail with him to embrace the Christian faith, was a promise of mitigation in his punishment. The dread of a cruel death extorted from the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was performed; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt alive, was strangled at the stake."

Ruminagui, one of the captains under Atahualpa, who had fled with five thousand men from Caxamarca, as already related, having arrived in the kingdom of Quito, seized the children of Atahualpa, and made himself master of that country as if he had been the lawful sovereign. A short time before his death, Atahualpa had sent his brother Illescas into the kingdom of Quito, with orders to bring his children from thence; but Ruminagui not only refused to deliver them up, but even put them all to death. After the death of Atahualpa, some of his principal officers, according to his dying commands, carried his body to Quito that it might be interred beside the remains of his father Huana capac. Ruminagui received them in the most honourable manner, with every outward mark of affection and respect, and caused the body of Atahualpa to be buried with much pomp and solemnity, according to the custom of the country. After the ceremony, he gave a grand entertainment to the officers of the late unfortunate monarch, at which, when they were intoxicated, he caused them all to be put to death, together with Illescas the brother of Atahualpa. He caused this person to be flead alive, and had a drum covered with his skin, inclosing his head in the inside of the drum.

After the governor Pizarro had made a repartition of all the gold and silver which was found in Caxamarca, he learned that one of the officers of Atahualpa, named Quizquiz, had assembled some troops in the province of Xauxa[22], and endeavoured to excite an insurrection in the country. Pizarro therefore marched against him, but Quizquiz durst not wait for him in Xauxa, and retreated to a greater distance. Pizarro pursued, causing Hernando de Soto to lead the van with a party of horse, while he led the rear or main body himself. While advancing in this order into the province of Vilcacinga[23], Soto was unexpectedly attacked by a vast body of Peruvians, and in great danger of being totally defeated, five or six of his men being slain; but on the approach of night, the Peruvians retreated to a mountain, and the governor sent on Almagro with a reinforcement of cavalry to Soto. Early next morning the fight was resumed, and the Spaniards endeavoured to draw the Peruvians into the plain, by pretending to retreat, that they might not be exposed to the prodigious quantity of stones which the Indians hurled down upon them from the mountain. The Peruvians seemed aware of this stratagem, as they continued to defend their position on the mountain; though they were not apprized of the reinforcement which Soto had received, as the morning was thick and misty. Being unable to induce their enemies to descend from their advantageous situation, the Spaniards assailed the Peruvians with so much resolution, that they drove them from their position with considerable slaughter, and forced them to take to flight.

At this place, a brother of the late Incas, Huascar and Atahualpa, named _Paul_ Inca_[24], came to Pizarro under pretence of entering into terms of peace and submission. After the death of his brothers, this prince had been recognised as king of Peru, and had been invested with the fringed fillet, which answered among the Peruvians as the crown or emblem of supreme rule. The Inca told the governor that he had a very considerable force of warriors in Cuzco, all of whom only waited his arrival to submit to his orders. Pizarro accordingly marched towards that city, and arrived within sight of it after several days march. So thick a smoke was seen to arise from the city, that Pizarro suspected the Peruvians had set it on fire, and immediately sent on a detachment of cavalry to endeavour if possible to prevent the destruction of the city. On their arrival near Cuzco, a vast body of Peruvians issued from the city and attacked them with great violence, with stones, darts, and other arms; insomuch that the Spaniards were forced to retreat above a league to rejoin the main body of the army which was commanded by Pizarro in person. He immediately detached the greater part of his cavalry under the command of his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, who attacked the enemy with so much courage and impetuosity, that they were soon defeated and many Peruvians were slain in the pursuit. On the approach of night, Pizarro reassembled all his army, which he ordered to lie on their arms; and marched next morning with every precaution to Cuzco, which he entered without opposition.

After remaining twenty days in Cuzco, Pizarro was informed that the Peruvian General Quizquiz had drawn together a considerable body of warriors, with whom he pillaged and raised contributions in a province named Condefugo[25]. The governor detached Hernando Soto with fifty horsemen against Quizquiz, who did not think proper to await his arrival; but he took the resolution of marching to Xauxa or Jauja, on purpose to attack the baggage and royal treasure belonging to the Spaniards, which had been left there with a guard, under the care of Requelme the treasurer. Although the Spanish troops in Xauxa were few in number, they posted themselves in a strong position, waiting the attack of Quizquiz, and defended themselves so courageously that he was unable to make any impression upon them, and accordingly drew off his troops, taking the road to Quito. The governor sent Soto after him with his detachment of cavalry, and soon afterwards sent off his two brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, to reinforce Soto. These three Spanish captains pursued Quizquiz above a hundred leagues, but were unable to come up with him, and returned therefore to Cuzco.

In that ancient capital of the Peruvian empire, Pizarro and the Spaniards found a prodigious booty in gold and silver, not less in value than all they had collected at Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa. He made a division of this among his soldiers, and settled a colony in Cuzco, which had long been the capital of the Peruvian empire, and continued to be so for a considerable time under the Spaniards. He likewise made a repartition of Indians among such Spaniards as chose to settle in the place as colonists: Only a few, however, chose to avail themselves of their advantage; as a considerable proportion of the Spaniards were better pleased to return into Spain, that they might enjoy in repose the treasure which they had acquired at Caxamarca and Cuzco, than to remain in Peru.

"The riches displayed by the early conquerors of Peru on their return among their astonished countrymen, had so great an effect to induce others to try their fortunes in that golden region, that the governors of Guatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua could hardly restrain the people under their jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to that inexhaustible source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru. In spite of every check or regulation, such numbers resorted to the standard of Pizarro, that he was soon enabled to take the field at the head of five hundred men, besides leaving sufficient garrisons in San Miguel and other places necessary for the defence of his conquests[26]".

It has been already said that Pizarro, soon after his arrival in Peru, established a settlement at the town of San Miguel in the province of Tangarara, not far from the harbour of Tumbez[27], as a secure place of disembarkation for those who came to join him from Spain. While he still remained at Caxamarca after the death of Atahualpa, on recollection that he had left a weak garrison in San Miguel, the governor thought proper to send a reinforcement of ten horsemen to that place under the command of Benalcazar. Soon after his arrival, a considerable number of Spanish soldiers came there from Panama and Nicaragua, and as the Cagnares made loud complaints to him that they were oppressed by Ruminagui and the Peruvians of Quito, Benalcazar chose two hundred of the new recruits, eighty of whom were cavalry, with whom he marched for Quito, because he was informed that Atahualpa had left a large quantity of gold in that city, and that he might likewise protect the Cagnares, who had declared themselves the friends of the Spaniards. Ruminagui advanced with an army of more than twelve thousand Peruvians to defend the defiles of the mountains leading towards the kingdom of Quito, which he endeavoured to do with considerable judgment, taking advantage of the nature of the ground, and fighting only in places of difficult approach. Benalcazar, on his side likewise, joined stratagem and military conduct to courage and prudence; for, while he occupied the attention of the enemy by frequent skirmishes, and demonstrations of attacking them in front, he detached one of his officers with fifty or sixty horsemen, who gained possession of a commanding post during the night on the rear of the Peruvians, so that he was able next morning to render himself easily master of the pass they had endeavoured to defend. In this way, Benalcazar gradually drove the enemy from their strong ground into the plain of Quito, where they were unable to withstand the charge of the cavalry and suffered considerably. Ruminagui still endeavoured to make head in several different posts, which he carefully forfeited with concealed pit-falls, digging for this purpose broad and deep ditches, in the bottom of which a number of pointed stakes were set up, the whole covered over with green turf held up by slender twigs, somewhat like those described by Caesar as contrived by the inhabitants of Alesia. But all the contrivances of the Peruvians for surprizing Benalcazar, or for drawing him into their snares were quite unavailing. He avoided them all, and never attacked on the side they expected; often making a circuit of several leagues so as to attack them unexpectedly on the flank and rear, and always carefully avoiding every piece of ground that had not a natural appearance. The Peruvians tried another stratagem, on seeing the former miscarry: They dug a great number of small pits close to each other, about the size of a horses foot, in every place around their camp where they thought the cavalry might come to attack them. But all their arts and labour were useless, as Benalcazar was never off his guard, and was not to be deceived by any of their contrivances, so that they were at last driven all the way to the city of Quito. It is reported of Ruminagui, that one day after his arrival in Quito, where he had a great number of wives, that he told them they might soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing the Christians, with whom they would have the opportunity of diverting themselves; and that, believing him in jest, they laughed heartily at the news, on which he caused most of them to be put to death. After this cruel deed, he set fire to a large apartment filled with rich dresses and valuable moveables belonging to the late Inca Huana Capac, and retired from Quito, having first made another unsuccessful attempt to surprise the Spaniards by a night attack, after which Benalcazar made himself master of Quito with very little opposition.

While these things were going on in the kingdom of Quito, the governor Pizarro received information that Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was governor of Guatimala, had embarked with a considerable force for Peru, on which account he deemed it proper to detach some troops under Almagro to San Miguel, to inquire into the truth of that report and to prevent the invasion of his government. As Almagro on his arrival at San Miguel could get no distinct accounts of the motions of Alvarado, and was informed of the resistance made to Benalcazar in the kingdom of Quito by Ruminagui, he accordingly marched there with his troops and formed a junction with Benalcazar, assuming the command of the combined forces, after which he reduced several districts and fortified stations of the natives. But, as he did not find any gold in that country, which was by no means so rich as he thought he had reason to expect from report, he soon afterwards returned towards Cuzco, leaving the command in Quito to Benalcazar.

After the conquest of New Spain by the Marquis del Valle, he detached one of his captains named Don Pedro de Alvarado to a neighbouring country called Guatimala; which that officer accordingly reduced to subjection after much trouble and many dangers, and, as a reward of his services, was appointed to the government of that province by the king of Spain. On receiving intelligence of the riches of the newly discovered empire of Peru, Alvarado solicited permission from the emperor Don Carlos to be permitted to undertake the conquest of some part of that country, beyond the bounds that had been granted to Pizarro, and received a patent to that effect. Having received authority for this purpose, while he was making preparations for the expedition, he sent one of his officers, named Garcias Holguin, with two ships to examine the coast of Peru, and to gain some precise intelligence respecting its actual state. From the report of Holgum respecting the immense quantities of gold which the governor Don Francisco Pizarro had found in that country, Alvarado was encouraged to proceed in his enterprize; flattering himself, that while Pizarro and his troops were occupied at Caxamarca, he might be able to acquire possession of Cuzco[28], which he considered as beyond the two hundred and fifty leagues which had been assigned as the extent of the government conferred upon Pizarro. For the better execution of his design, and lest reinforcements might be sent from Nicaragua to Pizarro, he came by sea to that place one night, where he made himself master of two large ships which had been fitted out there expressly for the purpose of carrying a large reinforcement of men and horses to Peru. In these two ships, and in those which he brought with him from Guatimala, Alvarado set sail with five hundred men, cavalry and infantry, and landed on the coast of South America at the harbour of Puerto Viejo.

From Puerto Viejo, Alvarado marched almost due east with his army, crossing those mountains which separate the plain country of Guayaquil from the table land of Quito, which the Spaniards call the Arcabucos, being thickly covered with brushwood, but over which the road is tolerably easy and only moderately steep, being almost under the equator. In this march his men suffered extremely from hunger and thirst, as the country through which they went was very barren, and had neither springs nor rivulets. The only relief they could procure was from certain large canes as thick as a mans leg, in each of the joints of which they usually found rather more than a quart of excellent water. They were so much distressed by famine on this march as to be under the necessity of eating several of their horses, the flesh of which sold so high that a dead horse brought more money on this occasion than he had cost when living. Besides thirst and famine, they were very much distressed during a considerable part of the way by quantities of hot ashes falling upon them, which they afterwards learnt were thrown up by a volcano in the neighbourhood of Quito, which burns with such violence that its ashes are often carried by the wind to the distance of eighty leagues, and its noise like prodigious thunder is sometimes heard at a hundred leagues from Quito. In the whole march, which was nearly under the equinoctial line, the troops of Alvarado found everywhere abundance of emeralds. After a long and difficult march through these arcabucos, where they were for the most part obliged to cut their way through the thick brushwood by means of axes and their swords, they came at length to a high chain of mountains covered with snow, over which it was necessary to pass. In this difficult and dangerous passage by an extremely narrow road, it snowed almost continually, and the cold was so extremely severe, that although every one put on all the clothes they had along with them, more than sixty men perished from the extreme severity of the weather. One of the soldiers happened to be accompanied by his wife and two young children, and seeing them entirely worn out with fatigue, while he was unable to assist them, he preferred to remain with them and perish, although he might have saved himself. At length, after infinite toil and danger, they found that they had reached the top of the mountain, and began joyfully to descend into the lower grounds of the kingdom of Quito. It is true that in this country they found other high mountains covered likewise with snow, as the province is entirely surrounded and interspersed with mountains; but then there are many temperate vallies among these mountains, which are well peopled and cultivated. About this time, so great a quantity of snow melted suddenly on one of these mountains, producing such prodigious torrents of water, that the valley and village of Contiega were entirely overwhelmed and inundated. These torrents bring down immense quantities of stones, and even vast fragments of rock, with as much ease as if they were only pieces of cork.