While things were in this situation, the admiral waited in the utmost trouble and anxiety, suspecting what might have happened in consequence of his boat not returning, and he could not send another to inquire till the sea at the mouth of the river should become calmer. To add to our perplexity the kindred and children of Quibio, who were prisoners on board the Bermuda, found means to escape. They were kept under hatches all night, and the hatchway being so high that they could not reach it, the watch forgot one night to fasten it down in the usual manner by a chain, the more especially as some seamen slept on the top of the grating. That night the prisoners gathered the stone ballast in the hold into a heap under the grating, and standing on the stones forced open the grating, tumbling our people off, and several of the principal Indians leaped out and cast themselves into the sea. Our seamen took the alarm and fastened the chain, so that many of the Indians could not get out; but those who remained, in despair for not being able to get off with their companions, hanged themselves with such ropes as they could find, and they were all found dead next morning, with their feet and knees dragging on the bottom of the hold, the place not being high enough. Though this loss was not material to the ships, yet it was feared it might be hurtful to our people on shore, as Quibio would willingly have made peace to get his children restored, and there being now no hostage left it was reasonable to suspect he would now make war with the greater fury.

Being thus afflicted with many troubles, having nothing to trust to but our anchors and cables, and in great perplexity to get intelligence from the shore, it was proposed that, since the Indians to recover their liberty had ventured to leap into the sea a league from shore, some of our people to save themselves and so many more, might venture to swim on shore, if carried by the boat which remained as far as where the waves did not break. Only one boat now remained belonging to the Bermuda, that of the Biscaina having been lost in the affray, so that we had only one boat among three ships. Hearing of this bold proposal among the seamen, the admiral agreed that it should be attempted, and the boat carried them within a musket-shot of the land, not being able to go any nearer on account of the heavy waves that broke on it. Here Peter de Ledesma, a pilot of Seville, threw himself into the water and got on shore. He there learnt the condition of our people, who had unanimously determined not to remain in that forlorn condition, and therefore entreated the admiral not to sail till he had taken them off, as to leave them there was sacrificing them; more especially as dissensions had already arisen among them, and they no longer obeyed the lieutenant or the other officers, all their care being to get on board with the first fair wind; and as this could not be done conveniently with the only boat which they had, they proposed to endeavour to seize upon some canoes to assist in their embarkation. Should the admiral refuse to receive them, they were resolved to attempt saving their lives in the ship which had been left with them in the river, and rather trust to fortune than remain at the mercy of the Indians, by whom they were sure to be massacred. With this answer Ledesema returned by swimming through the surf to the boat, and thence went to the admiral, to whom he gave a full report of the state of affairs on shore.

Being fully informed of the disaster which had befallen the colony, and the confusion and despair which reigned onshore, the admiral determined to remain and take off the people, though not without great risk and danger, as his ships lay in an open road without hopes of escape if the weather had become boisterous. But it pleased GOD, that in the eight days we continued here, the weather moderated so much that all the people on shore got off in safety. This they effected by means of their boat, assisted by several large canoes bound fast two and two together that they might not overset; and they used such diligence after the surf disappeared, that in two days they brought every thing away, leaving nothing but the hull of the ship, which was become quite unserviceable in consequence of the ravages of the worms. Rejoiced that we were all again together, we sailed up that coast to the eastwards; for though all the pilots were of opinion that we might make St Domingo by standing away to the north, yet the admiral and his brother only knew that it was quite requisite to run a considerable way along this coast to the eastwards before they should attempt to strike across the gulf which intervenes between the continent and Hispaniola. This was very displeasing to our people, who conceived that the admiral meant to sail direct for Spain, for which his ships were utterly unfit, neither had he a stock of provisions for so long a voyage. He knew best what was fit to be done, and therefore continued the eastern course till we came to Porto Bello, where we were forced to leave the Biscaina, as she had become so leaky and worm-eaten that she could be no longer kept above water. Continuing this course, we passed the port formerly called the Retrete, and a country near which there were many small islands, which the admiral called Las Barbas, but which the Indians and pilots named the territory of the cacique Pocorosa.

From thence we held on ten leagues farther to the east to the last land which we saw on the continent, called Marmora[16]; and on Monday the 1st of May 1503, we stood to the northwards, having the wind and current from the east, which made us lay our course as near the wind as possible. Though all the pilots said we should be to the east of the Caribbee islands, yet the admiral feared we should not be able to make Hispaniola, as it afterwards proved. Upon Wednesday the 10th of May we were in sight of two very small low islands called Tortugas or the Tortoises, on account of the prodigious multitudes of these animals which so swarmed about these islands, and in the sea about them that they resembled rocks. On the Friday following, we came in sight about evening of that great cluster of islands on the coast of Cuba, called Jardin de la Reinas or the Queens Garden, about thirty leagues from the Tortugas. We came here to anchor about ten leagues from the coast of Cuba, full of trouble and perplexity; our men had now nothing to eat but biscuit, with some little oil and vinegar, and our ships were so worm-eaten and leaky, as to keep the people labouring at the pumps day and night. In this forlorn state a great storm arose, and the Bermuda dragging her anchors ran foul of us, and broke in our stem and her own stern. It pleased GOD that we got the ships loosened again, though with much difficulty, owing to the rough sea and high wind. Although we let go all our anchors none would hold but the sheet anchor, and when day returned we discovered that its cable held only by one strand, so that if the night had continued an hour longer it must have given way, and the sea being all full of rocks, we could not fail to have been dashed in pieces upon some of those astern. But it pleased GOD to deliver us here as he had done before from many dangers.

Sailing from hence with great toil, we came to an Indian town on the coast of Cuba named Mataia, where we procured some refreshments; and as the winds and currents set so strong towards the west that we could not possibly stand for Hispaniola, we now sailed for Jamaica as our only hope of preserving our lives. The ships were now so worm-eaten and leaky that we never ceased working day and night at all the three pumps in both ships; and when any of the pumps gave way, we were forced to supply the deficiency while it was mending by bailing out the water in buckets and kettles. Notwithstanding all this labour, on the night before midsummer eve, the water gained on as and came up almost to our deck. With infinite labour we held on till day, when we put into a harbour on the north shore of Jamaica called Puerto Bueno, or the Good Harbour; which, though good to take shelter in against a storm, had no fresh water or any Indian town in its neighbourhood. Having made the best shift we could, we removed on the day after the festival of St John, 26th of June, from that harbour to one farther eastwards called Santa Gloria, or Holy Glory, which is inclosed by rocks. Being got in here, and no longer able to keep the ships above water, we ran them on shore as far in as we could, stranding them close together board and board and shoreing them up on both sides to prevent them from falling over. In this situation they could not budge, and as the water came up almost to the decks, sheds were erected on the decks and the poops and forecastles for the men to sleep in, that we might secure ourselves against any surprise from the Indians, that island being not then subdued or inhabited by the Christians.

Having thus fortified ourselves in the ships about a bow-shot from the land, the Indians, who were a peaceable good-natured people, came in their canoes to sell provisions and such things as they had for our commodities. To prevent any disorder among the Christians, that they might not take more in exchange than was fit, and that the natives might be fairly dealt with, the admiral appointed two persons to have the charge of buying what might be brought by the Indians; these men were likewise directed to divide what was purchased daily among the men, as there was now nothing left on board for subsistence. Some of our provisions had been spoiled or lost in the haste and confusion of leaving Belem, and almost all the rest was spent during the voyage to Jamaica. It was the good providence of God which directed us to this island, which abounds in provisions, and is inhabited by a people who are willing enough to trade, and who resorted from all quarters to barter such commodities as they possessed. For this reason, and that the Christians might not disperse about the island, the admiral chose to fortify himself upon the sea, and not to settle a dwelling on shore; for being naturally mutinous and disobedient, no punishment would have kept the people from running about the country and going into the houses of the Indians to take away any thing they pleased, which would have angered their wives and children, and have given occasion to quarrels; the taking away their provisions by force would have made them our enemies, and would have reduced us to great want and distress. These disorders could not happen now, as the men were all kept on board, and there was no going on shore without leave. By these precautions the Indians were kept in good humour, and our market was well supplied. They sold us two Huties, which are little creatures like rabbits, for a piece of tin, cakes of their bread called Zabi for two or three red or yellow glass beads, and when they brought a quantity of any thing they were gratified with a hawks-bell. Sometimes we gave a cacique or great man a red cap, a small mirror, or a pair of scissars. This good order kept the men plentifully supplied with provisions, and the Indians were well pleased with our company.

As it was necessary to devise some means of returning into Spain, the admiral frequently consulted with the captains and other officers how we might best get out from our present situation of confinement, and at least secure our return to Hispaniola. To stay here in hopes that some vessel might arrive was altogether out of the question, and to think of building a vessel was impossible, as we had neither tools nor workmen fit to do any thing to the purpose; and we should spend a long time, and not be able after all to construct a vessel calculated to sail against the winds and currents that prevail among these islands. After many consultations, the admiral at length resolved to send over to Hispaniola, to give an account there of his having been cast away on the island of Jamaica, and to desire that a ship might be sent to his relief with provisions and ammunition. To effect this purpose, he made choice of two men in whom he could confide to perform it with fidelity and courage, as it seemed next to an impossibility to go over from one island to the other in canoes, and yet there was no other resource. These canoes or boats are hollowed out of one single trunk, and are so shallow that the gunwale is not a span above water when they are loaded. Besides they must be tolerably large to perform that long passage, the small ones being more dangerous, and the largest too heavy and cumbrous for so long a voyage.

Two canoes that were deemed fit for the purpose being procured in July 1503, the admiral ordered James Mendez de Segura his chief secretary to go in one of them, accompanied by six Christians, and having ten Indians to row or paddle; and in the other he sent Bartholomew Fiesca, a Genoese gentleman, with a similar crew of Spaniards and Indians. Their orders were, that as soon as they reached Hispaniola which is 250 leagues from Jamaica, Mendez was to go on to St Domingo to execute the commission with which he was entrusted; and Fiesco was to return immediately with intelligence of the safe arrival of Mendez, that we might not remain in fear lest some disaster had befallen our messenger. Yet this was much to be dreaded, considering how unfit a canoe is to live upon a rough sea, especially when manned by Christians; for if there had only been Indians, the danger would not have been so great, because they are so dextrous that though a canoe oversets they can turn it right easily while swimming, and get into it again. But honour and necessity often lead men to bolder attempts than this. The two canoes took their way along the coast of Jamaica to its eastern point named Aoamaquique by the Indians, from a cacique of that province so called, which is 33 leagues from Maima, where we were. As the distance between the islands is about 90 leagues, and nothing in the way but one little island or rock, 8 leagues from Hispaniola, it was necessary to wait for calm weather in order to cross so great a sea in such incompetent vessels. This it pleased God soon to give; and every Indian having taken on board his calabash of water and a supply of carrabi as their provision, and the Christians armed with swords and targets and provided with the necessary sustenance, they put to sea. The lieutenant accompanied them to the eastern point of Jamaica to take care that they should not be hindered by the Indians, and remained till night came on and he lost sight of them. He then returned along shore to the ships, conversing in a friendly manner with the Indians as he went along.

After the departure of our canoes from Jamaica, the people in the ships began to fall sick, owing to the hardships they had endured in the voyage, and the change of diet, as we had now no Spanish provisions remaining and no wine; neither had we any flesh, except a few of the huties already mentioned, which were procured by barter from the Indians. Those who still remained in health thought it very hard to be so long confined, and began to cabal among themselves. They alleged that the admiral would never return into Spain, as he had been turned off by their majesties; and would far less go to Hispaniola, where he had been refused admittance on his last coming from Spain: That he had sent the canoes to solicit in his own private affairs in Spain, and not for the purpose of procuring ships or succours for them; and that he intended, while these his messengers were soliciting for him with their Catholic majesties, to fulfil the term of his banishment where he then was: That if it had been otherwise, Fiesco must have come back by this time, as it was given out he had been so ordered: Besides, they knew not but that both he and Mendez had been drowned by the way; and if that were the case they would never be relieved if they did not take care of themselves, as the admiral appeared to neglect using any means for their preservation, and was so ill of the gout as to be scarcely able to stir from his bed, far less to undergo the fatigue and danger of going over to Hispaniola in a canoe. For all these reasons it was urged that they ought boldly to fix their resolutions before they too should fall sick, while it was not in the admirals power to hinder them; and that they would be so much the better received in Hispaniola by how much the more danger they left him in, because of the enmity and hatred which Lores the governor of Hispaniola bore towards him; and that when they got to Spain they would be sure of the favour and support of the bishop Fonseca, and of Morales the treasurer, who had as his mistress the sister of the Porras, who were the leaders of this mutiny, and who did not doubt of being well received by their Catholic majesties, before whom all the blame would be laid upon the admiral, as had formerly been in the affair of Roldan: And finally, it was alleged that their majesties would the rather seize the admiral and all his property, that they might be freed from the obligation of performing all the articles of agreement between them.

By these and such like arguments, and by the persuasions and suggestions of the Porras, one of whom was captain of the Bermuda and the other controller of the squadron, they prevailed on 48 men to join in the conspiracy under the command and direction of Francis de Porras, the captain of the Bermuda. Being all ready armed on the morning of the 2nd January 1504, Captain Francis de Porras came upon the quarter-deck of the admirals ship, and addressed the admiral saying, "My lord, what is the reason that you will not go to Hispaniola, and keep us all in this place to perish?" On hearing these unusually insolent words, and suspecting what might be hatching, the admiral calmly answered that he did not see how this could be accomplished till those whom he had sent in the canoes should send a ship; that no one could be more desirous to be gone than he was himself, as well for his own interest as the good of them all, for whom he was accountable; but that if Porras had any thing else to propose, he was ready to call the captains and other principal people together, that they might consult as had been done several times before. Porras replied, that it was not now time to talk, and that the admiral must either embark immediately or stay there by himself; and turning his back upon the admiral he called out in a loud voice, I am bound for Spain with those that are willing to follow me. On this all his followers who were present shouted out, We will go with you! we will go with you! and running about in great confusion crying, Let them die! let them die! For Spain! for Spain! while others called on the captain for his orders, they took possession of the poop, forecastle, and round tops.

Though the admiral was then so lame of the gout that he could not stand, he yet endeavoured to rise and come out upon deck on hearing this uproar; but two or three worthy persons his attendants laid hold upon him and forcibly laid him again in bed, that the mutineers might not murder him; they then ran to his brother, who was going out courageously with a half-pike, and wresting it from his hands, they forced him into the cabin beside the admiral, desiring Captain Porras to go where he liked, and not commit a crime for which they might all suffer; that he might be satisfied in meeting no opposition to his going away, but if he killed the admiral he must lay his account with being severely punished for what could not possibly be of the least benefit to his views. When the tumult was somewhat appeased, the conspirators seized ten canoes that lay along-side, which the admiral had purchased all about the island, and went aboard of them as joyfully as if they had been in a Spanish port. Upon this many more, who had no hand in the plot, in despair to see themselves forsaken, took what they could lay hold of along with them and joined the conspirators in the canoes, to the great sorrow and mortification of the few faithful servants who remained with the admiral, and of all the sick, who considered themselves as lost for ever and deprived of all hopes of ever getting away. It is certain that if the people had been all in health, not above twenty would have remained with the admiral, who went now out to comfort the remaining men with the best arguments that he could devise in the present posture of affairs.

Francis de Porras went away with his mutineers for the eastern point of the island, whence Mendez and Fiesco had taken their departure for Hispaniola, and wherever they came they insulted the Indians, taking away their provisions and every thing else they pleased by force, desiring them to go to the admiral for payment, or that they might kill him if he refused, which was the best thing they could do, as he was not only hated by the Christians but had been the cause of all the mischief which had befallen the Indians in the other island, and would do the same in this if he were not prevented by death, for his only reason of remaining was to subjugate them as he had already enslaved the natives of Hispaniola.

The mutineers took the advantage of the first calm weather after their arrival at the easternmost point of Jamaica to set out for Hispaniola, taking several Indians in every canoe to row or paddle them, as had been done by Mendez and Fiesco. But before they had been four leagues out to sea, the weather became unsettled and they resolved to return. Being able to make but very little way, as the wind came against them, and as the water flashed in over the gunwales in consequence of their unskilful management, they threw every thing overboard except their arms and as much provisions as might enable them to get back to the island. The wind still freshened and they thought themselves in so much danger that it was resolved to murder the Indians and throw them into the sea. This was accordingly done with several, but others who trusted to their swimming threw themselves into the sea to avoid being murdered, and when weary of swimming clung to the sides of the canoes to rest themselves; those poor fellows had their hands cut off and were otherwise wounded; insomuch that eighteen Indians were slaughtered or drowned, only a very few being spared for each canoe to assist in steering. Being returned to Jamaica they differed in opinion as to their future procedure: Some advised to go over to Cuba in preference to Hispaniola, as they might take the east winds and currents upon their quarter, and could afterwards go from that island to Hispaniola, not considering that the distance was seventeen leagues directly against wind and current: Some said it would be but to return to the ships and make their peace with the admiral, or to take from him by force what arms and commodities he had left; while others were for staying where they were till another calm, when they might again attempt the passage to Hispaniola. This advice prevailed, and they remained in the town of Aoamaquique, waiting for fair weather and destroying the country. When the fair weather came they embarked twice, but were unsuccessful both times, owing to the winds being contrary. Thus foiled in their endeavours, they travelled westwards from one town to another much dismayed and comfortless, leaving their canoes behind; sometimes eating what they were able to find, and sometimes taking provisions by force, according as they found themselves sufficiently powerful to cope with the caciques through whose territories they passed.

After the rebels were departed, the admiral took every possible care that the sick should be furnished with all that could conduce towards their recovery, and that the Indians might be civilly treated, to induce them to continue to bring provisions in exchange for our commodities. All these things were so well managed that the Christians soon recovered, and the Indians continued to supply us plentifully for some time. But they being an indolent race, who take little pains in sowing, while every one of our people consumed as much provisions in one day as would have sufficed an Indian for twenty, and besides having no longer any inclination for our commodities, they began to listen to the advice of the mutineers, since they saw so many of our men had revolted, and therefore did not bring such plenty of provisions as we needed. This brought us into great distress, as if it had been necessary to take these by force, the greatest part of us must have gone on shore armed, leaving the admiral on board in great danger, as he was still very ill of the gout; and if we waited till the Indians brought provisions of their own accord, we must live in great misery, or have paid them ten times the price we did at first, as they were sensible of the advantages our necessities gave them. But God, who never forsakes those who put their trust in him, inspired the admiral with a device by which we became amply provided. Knowing that in three days there was to be an eclipse of the moon in the early part of the night, he sent an Indian of Hispaniola who was on board, to call the principal Indians of that province to talk with him upon a matter which he said was of great importance to them. These Indians came accordingly to wait upon him on the day before the eclipse was to happen, and he desired the interpreter to tell them, That we were Christians who believed in the God of Heaven, who took care of the good and punished the wicked. That God seeing the rebellion of the Spaniards against his faithful servant, would not permit them to go over to Hispaniola, as had been done by Mendez and Fiesco, but had visited them with all those sufferings and dangers which were manifest to the whole island: And that God was angry with the Indians for being negligent in bringing provisions for our commodities, and had determined to punish them with pestilence and famine; and lest they might not believe his words, had appointed to give them a manifest token of his wrath that very night, that they might plainly know whence their punishment was derived. Wherefore the admiral desired them carefully to observe the moon that night when she arose, and they would see her angry and of a bloody hue, as a sign of the punishments which were to fall on them from God. Upon this the Indians were dismissed and sent away, some of them rather afraid and others looking upon it as an idle threat. But on observing the moon to rise in part obscured, and the obscurity increasing as she rose higher, the Indians were so terrified that they hastened from all parts loaded with provisions, crying and lamenting and imploring the admiral to intercede for them with God not to make them undergo the weight of his wrath, and promising to bring him every thing he wanted for the future. The admiral pretended to be softened by their repentance, and said that he would speak to God in their favour. He accordingly shut himself up for some time, till he knew that the eclipse was about to go off, and then coming out of his cabin, he told the Indians that he had prayed to God for them, and had promised in their names that they would be good in future, would use the Christians well, and bring them plenty of provisions and other necessaries; that God therefore forgave them, of which they would he convinced when they saw the anger and bloody colour of the moon go off. And this beginning to take place while he was yet speaking, they gave the admiral many thanks for his intercession, and praised the mercy of the God of the Christians. From that time they always took care to provide every thing which we required; and though they had before seen eclipses, they believed they had portended evils that had befallen them, but thinking it impossible for any one to know on earth what was to happen in the heavens, they certainly concluded that the God of the Christians must have revealed all this to the admiral.

Eight months had passed after Mendez and Fiesco went away, without any intelligence of them, by which the men who remained with the admiral were much cast down and suspected the worst. Some alleged that they were lost at sea, some that they had been killed by the Indians of Hispaniola, and others that they had died with sickness and hardships; for from the point of that island which is next to Jamaica it is above 100 leagues to St Domingo where they had to go in quest of succour, the way by land being over uncouth mountains, and that by sea against the prevailing winds and currents. To confirm their fears some Indians assured them that they had seen a canoe overset and driven by the current on the coast of Jamaica; which report had probably been spread by the mutineers to make those who were with the admiral despair of getting off. Our people at length concluded that no relief was ever to be expected, and became exceedingly dispirited and discontented, and most of them conspired to revolt and join the mutineers, in which they were principally encouraged by one Bernard an apothecary from Valencia, and two others named Zamora and Villatoro. But the Almighty, who knew how dangerous this second mutiny must be to the admiral, was pleased to put a stop to it by the coming of a vessel sent by the governor of Hispaniola. This vessel came one morning to anchor near our grounded ships, and her captain, named James de Escobar, came on board in his boat, saying that he was sent by the governor of Hispaniola to the admiral with his commendations, and that as he had it not in his power to send a ship as yet that could carry off all the men, he had sent to inquire after his situation. Escobar then presented him with a cask of wine and two flitches of bacon, and sailed away again that same night without waiting for any letters.

Our men were somewhat comforted by the appearance of this vessel, and the assurance that Mendez and Fiesco had got safe to St Domingo, and dropt their intended conspiracy and revolt; yet they wondered much that Escobar should have stolen away so privately and suddenly, suspecting that the governor of Hispaniola was unwilling that the admiral should go to that island. As the admiral was aware that the hasty departure of Escobar might occasion speculations and inquiries among the people, he told them that it was by his own directions, because that caravel not being large enough to carry them all away, he would not go himself, as he was unwilling to leave them liable to the disorders that might be occasioned by the mutineers in his absence. But the truth is, that the governor was unwilling to aid the return of the admiral into Spain, lest their Catholic majesties might restore him to his authority as viceroy, by which he would lose his government; wherefore he would not provide as he might have done for the admirals voyage to Hispaniola, and had sent Escobar to Jamaica to espy the condition he was in, and to know whether he might contrive to destroy him with safety. He had learnt the situation in which the admiral was placed from James Mendez, who sent the following account of his proceedings in writing to the admiral by Escobar.

Mendez and Fuesco on the day they left Jamaica held on their way till night, encouraging the Indians to exert themselves with their paddles. The weather was extremely hot, so that the Indians sometimes leaped overboard to refresh themselves by swimming and then came fresh again to their paddles. At night they lost sight of the land, and half the Christians and Indians took watch and watch alternately to sleep and row, taking great care that the Indians might not prove treacherous. Advancing in this manner all night, they were very weary when day appeared; but the commanders encouraged the men, sometimes rowing themselves to give a good example; and after eating to recruit their strength, they fell to their work again, seeing nothing all around but the sky and the sea. Though this was enough to distress them sufficiently, yet they were besides in the predicament of Tantalus, who had water within a span of his mouth yet could not quench his thirst; such was their distress, for, through the improvidence of the Indians and the prodigious heat of the preceding day and night, all their water was drank up without any regard to the future. As heat and labour together are altogether intolerable without drink, and as the heat and thirst increased the second day the higher the sun ascended, their strength was entirely exhausted by noon. By good fortune the captains had reserved two casks of water under their own management, from which they sparingly relieved the Indians, and kept them up till the cool of the evening, and encouraged them by the assurance that they would soon see a small island called Nabazza, which lay in their way eight leagues from Hispaniola. This and their extraordinary thirst quite cast them down, and made them believe that they had lost their way, for according to their reckoning they had now run twenty leagues and ought to have been in sight of Hispaniola; but it was weariness that deceived them, for a canoe that rows well cannot in a day and night proceed above ten leagues, and they had been retarded by the currents which were adverse to their course.

Night being come on they had to throw one into the sea who had died of thirst, and others were lying stretched out in the bottom of the canoe perfectly exhausted, those who were still able to bear up a little being sunk almost in despair, and so weak and spent that they could hardly make any way at all. Some took sea water to refresh their thirst, which may be called a comfort of that kind which was offered to our Saviour when he complained of thirst upon the cross. In this manner they feebly held on their way at the commencement of the second night; but it pleased God to send them succour in their utmost need, for when the moon began to rise, James Mendez perceived that she got up over some land, as a little island covered her in the nature of an eclipse, neither could they have seen this island, it was so small, if it had not been for this circumstance, and without the timely relief of water which it afforded they must all have perished of thirst on the following day. Comforting and cheering them with the joyful tidings and shewing them the land, he so encouraged them, supplying them at the same time with a little water from the casks, that the next morning they were very near the small island of Nabazza. They found this island to be all round one hard rock, about half a league in circumference, without either spring or tree; but searching about they found rain water in holes and clefts of the rock, out of which they filled their calabashes and casks; and though those of knowledge and experience advised the rest to use moderation in drinking, yet thirst made some of the Indians exceed all bounds, whereof some died there and others fell into desperate distempers.

Having remained all day at this island to refresh themselves, and eating such things as they found along the shore, for Mendez had all materials for striking fire, by which they were enabled to cook the shell-fish, they rejoiced at being now in sight of Hispaniola, and fearful lest bad weather might arise to impede the prosecution of their voyage, about sun-set they took their departure from Nabazza for Cape St Michael, the nearest land in Hispaniola, where they happily arrived next morning. After resting there two days Fiesco, who was a gentleman that stood much upon his honour, would have returned to Jamaica in pursuance of the admirals commands and his own engagements to that effect; but the people, who were all sailors and Indians, being spent and indisposed by their past labour and by drinking sea-water, considered themselves like Jonas delivered from the whales belly, having been like him three days and three nights in tribulation, none of them would consent to go with him. Mendez, being most in haste, went up the coast of Hispaniola in his canoe, although suffering under a quartan ague, occasioned by his great sufferings by sea and land. After some time, quitting his canoe, he travelled over mountains and by bad roads till he arrived at Xaragua, in the west of Hispaniola, where the governor then was, who seemed rejoiced to see him, though he afterwards was extremely tedious in dispatching him, owing to the reasons already mentioned. After much importunity Mendez obtained permission to go to St Domingo, where he bought and fitted out a vessel from the private funds of the admiral, which was sent to Jamaica at the latter end of May 1504, and sailed thence for Spain by the admirals direction, to give their Catholic majesties an account of the incidents of the voyage[17].

The admiral and all his company had received much comfort from the knowledge that Mendez had arrived in Hispaniola, and entertained full assurance of being relieved through his exertions; he therefore thought fit to communicate the information to the mutineers, that laying their jealousies aside they might be induced to return to their duty. For this purpose he sent two respectable officers to them who had friends among the mutineers, and suspecting that they might disbelieve, or seem not to credit the visit of the caravel under the command of Escobar, he sent them part of the bacon which she had brought. When these two arrived where Porras and his chief confidant resided, he came out to meet them that he might prevent them from moving the men to return to their duty by the offer of a general pardon, which he justly suspected had been sent by the admiral. Yet it was not in the power of the two Porras to prevent their adherents from learning the coming of the caravel, the returned health of those who were with the admiral, and the offers which he sent them. After several consultations among themselves and with their principal confederates, the Porras refused to trust themselves to the offered pardon; but said they would go peaceably to Hispaniola if he would promise to give them a ship provided two came, or if only one, that he should assign them the half; and as they had lost their clothes and the commodities which they had for trade, they demanded that the admiral should share with them those which he had. The messengers answered that these proposals were utterly unreasonable and could not be granted. To which the Porras proudly replied, that since these were refused by fair means they would take them by force.

In this manner the ringleaders dismissed the admirals messengers, misinterpreting his conciliatory offers, and telling their followers that he was a cruel revengeful man; saying that they had no fears for themselves, as the admiral would not dare to wrong them because of their interest at court, yet they had reason to fear he would be revenged of the rest under colour of just punishment, on which account Roldan and his friends in Hispaniola had not trusted his offers, and it had succeeded well with them, as they had found favour at court, whereas the admiral had been sent home in irons. They even pretended that the arrival of the caravel with news from Mendez was a mere phantom produced by magic, in which the admiral was an adept; as it was not likely, had it been in reality a caravel, that the people belonging to it would have had no farther discourse with those about the admiral, neither would it have so soon vanished; and it was more probable, if it had been a real caravel, that the admiral would have gone on board of it with his son and brother. By these and other similar persuasions, they confirmed their adherents in their rebellion, and at length brought them to resolve upon repairing to the ships to secure the admiral and to take all they found there by force.

Continuing obstinate in their wickedness, the mutineers came to a town then named Maima, in the neighbourhood of the ships, at which place the Christians afterwards built a town called Seville. Upon learning this audacious procedure and their design to attack him, the admiral sent his brother against them, with orders to endeavour in the first place to persuade them to submission by fair words, but so attended that he might be able to oppose them by force if they attempted to attack him. For this purpose the lieutenant landed with fifty men well armed, and advanced to a hill about a bow-shot from the town in which the rebels had taken up their quarters, whence he sent the two messengers who had been with them before, requiring the captain of the mutineers to enter into a conference for ending all disputes. But they being equal in numbers to the party under the lieutenant, and almost all seamen, persuaded themselves that those who were come out against them were weak men and would not fight, and would not therefore permit the messengers to talk with them. They brandished their naked swords and spears calling out tumultuously, Kill! kill! and fell upon the lieutenants party immediately. Six of them had bound themselves by oath to stick close by each other, and to direct their united efforts against the lieutenant alone, being confident of an easy victory if they succeeded in killing him. But it pleased God that they were disappointed, for they were so well received that five or six of them fell at the first charge, most of whom were of the party who had sworn to slay the lieutenant. He now charged the rebels so manfully and was so well seconded by his party, that John Sanchez and John Barba were killed, some others were brought to the ground by severe wounds, and Francis de Porras their captain was made prisoner. Sanchez was the person from whom Quibio escaped in the river of Veragua, and Barba was the first man whom I saw draw his sword at the breaking out of this rebellion.

Finding themselves thus unexpectedly overpowered, the mutineers turned their backs and fled as fast as they could. The lieutenant would have pursued; but some of the principal people about him remonstrated, saying that it was good to punish, but not to carry severity too far, lest when he had killed many of the mutineers the Indians might think fit to fall upon the victors, as they were all in arms waiting the event without taking either side. This advice being approved of, the lieutenant returned to the ships with Porras and the other prisoners, where he was joyfully received by the admiral and those who remained with him, giving God thanks for the victory in which the guilty had received their just measure of punishment, while on our side the lieutenant was slightly wounded in the hand, and one of the gentlemen of the chamber to the admiral had a small wound in his hip from a spear, of which however he died.

Peter de Ledisma (that pilot who went with Vincent Yanez to Honduras, and who so bravely swam on shore at Belem,) in his flight from the lieutenant, fell down some steep rocks unperceived, where he lay all that day and the next until evening, unperceived by any except some of the Indians. They were amazed to see the terrible gashes which he had received in the fight, having no idea that our swords could cut in such a manner, and opened up his wounds with little sticks to examine them. One of his wounds was on the head and the brain was distinctly laid bare; another on his shoulder so large and deep that his arm hung as it were loose; the calf of one leg was so deeply cut that the flesh hung down to his ancle, and one foot was sliced open from the heel to the toe. Yet in this desperate state he would threaten to rise and destroy the Indians when they disturbed him, and they were so afraid as to fly away in consternation. His situation being reported at the ships, he was removed to a hut in the neighbourhood, where the dampness and the intolerable multitude of gnats were sufficient to have destroyed him. Yet being properly attended to, although the surgeon for the first eight days alleged that he discovered new wounds every day, he at last recovered, and the gentleman of the chamber in whom he apprehended no danger, died of his slight wound.

The day after the battle, 20th of May, all the mutineers who had escaped sent a petition to the admiral, humbly repenting of their disobedience, begging that he would mercifully pardon their past transgression, and declaring their readiness to submit to his authority. The admiral granted their request and passed a general pardon, on condition that their captain should remain a prisoner lest he might stir up another mutiny. And as he thought inconvenience might arise if they were admitted on board the ships, by quarrels among the meaner people, and that it might even be difficult to maintain the whole in one place, he sent out a person in whom he could confide to take the command of those who had been in the mutiny, with directions to go with them about the island and keep them in order till the ships came, which he daily expected, and supplied them with a sufficient quantity of commodities to exchange for provisions with the natives.

The mutineers having all returned to their duty, the Indians became more regular in their supply of provisions to us in exchange for our commodities. We had been some days more than a year at Jamaica when a ship arrived which had been fitted out at St Domingo by James Mendez from the admirals private funds, in which we all embarked, enemies as well as friends, and set sail from Jamaica on the 28th of June. Proceeding on our voyage with much difficulty on account of the adverse winds and currents, we arrived in great need of rest and refreshment at St Domingo on the 13th of August 1504. The admiral was received with great demonstrations of honour and respect by the governor, who lodged him in the palace, yet he set Porras who had headed the mutineers at liberty, and even attempted to punish those who had been instrumental in taking him prisoner, pretending to arrogate an authority of trying causes and offences which belonged solely to the jurisdiction of the admiral, who had been appointed by their Catholic majesties admiral and captain-general of their fleet. Notwithstanding of all this he fawned upon the admiral, using every demonstration of kindness in his presence, yet acting treacherously in undermining his character and authority; and this lasted all the time we remained at St Domingo. Our own ship being refitted and supplied with all necessaries for the voyage, and another hired in which the admiral and his kindred, friends, and servants, embarked, we sailed on the 2d of September, most of the other people who had been along with us in our late disastrous voyage remaining at St Domingo. We had scarcely got two leagues from the port when the mast of one of the ships came by the board, and was immediately sent back by the admiral to refit, while we held on our way in the other vessel to Spain.

Having run about a third part of the way, so terrible a storm arose that our ships were in imminent danger; and next day, 19th of October, when the weather was fair and the ship quite steady the mast flew into four pieces; but by the ingenuity of the admiral who was unable to rise from his bed on account of the gout, and by the exertions of the lieutenant, a jury-mast was constructed out of a spare yard, strengthened with some planks taken from the poop and stern, and firmly bound together with ropes. We lost our foremast in another storm; and yet it pleased God that we arrived safe at the port of St Lucar de Barrameda, and thence to Seville; where the admiral took some rest after the many fatigues he had undergone.

In May 1505 he went to the court of King Ferdinand, the glorious Queen Isabella having in the year before exchanged this life for a better. Her loss was severely felt by the admiral, as she had always favoured and supported him; whereas the king had proved unkind and adverse to his honour and interest. This plainly appeared by the reception he met with at court; for though King Ferdinand received him with the outward appearance of favour and respect, and pretended to restore him to his full power, he yet would have stript him of all if shame had not hindered, considering the engagements which both he and the queen had come under to him when he went out upon his last voyage. But the wealth and value of the Indies appearing every day more obvious, and considering how great a share of their produce would accrue to the admiral in virtue of the articles which had been granted previous to his discovery, the king was anxious to acquire the absolute dominion to himself, and to have the disposal of all the employments in the new world according to his own will and pleasure, which by the agreement were in the gift of the admiral as hereditary viceroy, admiral, and governor-general of the Indies. The king therefore began to propose new terms to the admiral by way of equivalent, which negociation God did not permit to take effect; for just when Philip the first came to reign in the kingdom of Castile, at the time when King Ferdinand went from Valladolid to meet him, the admiral, much broken down by the gout, and troubled to find himself deprived of his rights, was attacked by other distempers, and gave up his soul to God upon Ascension day, the 20th of May, 1506, at the city of Valladolid. Before his death he devoutly partook of the holy sacraments of the church, and these were his last words "Into thy hands O Lord! I commend my Spirit." And through his infinite mercy, we do not question but he was received into glory, to which may God admit us with him.

His body was conveyed to Seville, where it was magnificently buried in the cathedral by the order of the Catholic king, and the following epitaph in Spanish was engraven upon his tomb, in memory of his renowned actions and the great discovery of the Indies.

A CASTILIA YA LEON NUEVO MUNDO DIO COLON.

Columbus gave a New World to Castile and Leon.

These memorable words are worthy of observation, as nothing similar or any way equivalent can be found either in the ancients or among the moderns. It will therefore be ever had in remembrance, that he was the discoverer of the Indies; though since then Ferdinand Cortes and Francis Pizarro have found out many other provinces and vast kingdoms on the continent. Cortes discovered the province of Yucutan and the empire of Mexico now called New Spain, then possessed by the great emperor Montezuma; and Francis Pizarro found out the kingdom of Peru which is of vast extent and full of endless wealth, which was then under the dominion of the powerful king Atabalipa. From these countries and kingdoms there come every year to Spain many ships laden with gold and silver and rich commodities, as Brazil wood, cochineal, indigo, sugar, and other articles of great value, besides pearls and other precious stones: owing to which Spain and its princes at this time flourish and abound in wealth beyond all other nations.

[1] D. Ferdinand is surely mistaken here. Martinico, the island probably indicated by the name of Matinino, is about ten leagues distant from Dominca; but the course from the former to the latter is to the north, with a very alight western tendency.—E.

[2] Now called Porto Rico.—E.

[3] He was formerly called Obando; and is named Nicholas de Ovando by Herrera: Perhaps he had a commandary of the above name.—E.

[4] The historian of Columbus does not appear to have been at all conversant in zoology. What the Saavina was cannot be conjectured from his slight notices, unless a basking shark. The other, no way allied to fish except by living in the water, is a real mammiferous quadruped, the Trichechus Manati of naturalists, or the sea cow.—E.

[5] The author or his original translator, falls into a great error here. The land first discovered in this voyage was the island of Guanaia off Cape Casinas or Cape Honduras, therefore W.S.W. from Jamaica, not south. Guanaia seems to be the island named Bonaea in our maps, about ten leagues west from the isle of Ratan.—E.

[6] A blank is left here in the edition of this voyage published by Churchill.—E.

[7] This is an obvious error, as New Spain is to the west of Cape Casinas, off which the admiral now was. If bounds for New Spain, the canoe must have come from the eastwards; if going with commodities from the westwards it was bound from New Spain.—E.

[8] The papal authority for subjugating the Indians to the holy church, prevented D. Ferdinand from perceiving either avarice or robbery in the conduct of the Christians.—E.

[9] It would appear, though not distinctly enunciated, that Columbus had learnt from some of the natives, perhaps from Giumbe, that a great sea lay beyond or to the westwards of this newly discovered continent, by which he imagined he was now in the way to accomplish the original object of his researches, the route westwards to India.—E.

[10] Now called the Mosquito shore, inhabited by a bold race of savage Indians, whom the Spaniards have never been able to subdue.—E.

[11] It is utterly impossible that these people could have the smallest idea whatever of the European art of writing. But they might have heard of the Mexican representations of people and things by a rude painting, and of their frequent and distant excursions in quest of human victims to sacrifice upon their savage altars. This may possibly have been the origin of the terror evinced by the inhabitants of Cariari at the sight of the materials of writing, conceiving that the Spaniards were emissaries from the sanguinary Mexicans, and about to record the measure of the tribute in human blood.—E.

[12] A more charitable construction might be put on all this. The refusal to accept presents, perhaps proceeded from manly pride because their own had been refused. The powder and the smoke might be marks of honour to the strangers, like the rose water and other honorary perfumings of the east.—E.

[13] The similitude is not obvious, but may have been intended to comprae this mountain with the lofty sharp pinnacle on which the hermitage is built near St Jago de Compostella in Spain.—E.

[14] This is probably the first time that Europeans had seen tobacco chewed and the use of snuff; practices which have now become almost necessaries of life among many millions of the inhabitants of Europe and its colonies.—E.

[15] It is probable that the fish, here called pilchards were of one of the kinds of flying fish, which is of the same genus with the herring and pilchard. Voyagers ignorant of natural history are extremely apt to name new objects after corresponding resemblances in their own country.—E.

[16] This appears to have been near Panama, or the western point of the Gulf of Darien in 78 deg. 40' W. long. The pilots seem to have been extremely ignorant, and the admiral to have yielded to their importunity. The harbour of St Domingo being in 69 deg. 50' W. long they ought to have proceeded about nine degrees, or 180 marine leagues farther east, to have insured their run across the trade winds and currents of the Caribbean sea.—E.

[17] Though not mentioned in the text, this vessel would certainly bring refreshments of various kinds, but was probably too small to bring off the people. Mendez appears to have remained at St Domingo in order to fit out a larger vessel, which he accordingly carried to Jamaica in June, as will be seen in the sequel.—E.

* * * * *



CHAPTER II.

ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF AMERCIA, BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; FROM THE HISTORY OF THE WEST INDIES, BY ANTONIO BE HERRERA, HISTORIOGRAPHER TO THE KING OF SPAIN[1].



SECTION I.

Of the Knowledge of the Ancients respecting the New World.

With the generality of mankind, so far from imagining that there could be any such country as the new world or West Indies, the very notion of any such thing being supposed to exist was considered as extravagant and absurd, for every one believed that all to the westwards of the Canary islands was an immense and unnavigable ocean. Yet some of the ancients have left hints that such western lands existed. In the close of the second act of his tragedy of Medea, Seneca says, "The time will come, when the ocean shall become navigable, and a vast land or New World shall be discovered." St Gregory, in his exposition of the Epistle of St Clement, says, "There is a new world, or even worlds, beyond the ocean." We are informed by other authors, that a Carthaginian merchant ship accidentally discovered in the ocean, many days sail from our ancient continent, an incredibly fruitful island, full of navigable rivers, having plenty of wild beasts, but uninhabited by men, and that the discoverers were desirous of settling there; but, having given an account of this discovery to the senate of Carthage, they not only absolutely prohibited any one to sail thither, but put all who had been there to death, the more effectually to prevent any others from making the attempt. Yet all this is nothing to the purpose, as there is no authentic memorial of this supposed voyage, and those who have spoken of it incidentally have given no cosmographical indications of its situation, by means of which the admiral Christopher Columbus, who made the first discovery of the West Indies, could have acquired any information to guide him in that great discovery. Besides, that there were no wild beasts, either in the windward or leeward islands which he discovered, those men who would rob Columbus, in part at least, of the honour of his great discovery, misapply the following quotation from the Timaeus of Plato: "There is no sailing upon the ocean, because its entrance is shut up by the Pillars of Hercules. Yet there had formerly been an island in that ocean, larger than all Europe, Asia, and Africa in one; and from thence a passage to other islands, for such as went in search of them, and from these other inlands people might go to all the opposite continent, near the true ocean." These detractors from the honour of Columbus, in explaining the words of Plato after their own manner, evince more wit than truth, when they insist that the shut up passage is the strait of Gibraltar, the gulf the great ocean, the great island Atlantis, the other islands beyond that the leeward and windward islands, the continent opposite them the land of Peru, and the true ocean the great South Sea, so called from its vast extent. It is certain that no one had any clear knowledge of these matters: and what they now allege consists merely of notions and guesses, patched together since the actual discovery; for the ancients concluded there was no possibility of sailing across the ocean on account of its vast extent. These men, however, labour to confirm their opinions, by alleging that the ancients possessed much knowledge of the torrid zone; as they insit that Hano the Carthaginian coasted round Africa, from the straits of Gibraltar to the Red Sea, and that Eudoxias navigated in the contrary direction from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. They allege farther, that both Ovid and Pliny make mention of the island of Trapobano, now Zumatra[2] which is under the line.

All this however is nothing to the purpose. The expression of Seneca is not applicable; for his proposed discovery is towards the north, whereas ours is to the westwards. The coasting of Africa, as said to have been performed by the ancients, is widely different from traversing the vast ocean, as was accomplished by Columbus, and by the Spaniards after his example. If any notice is due to ancient hints, that only is worthy of observation which we find in the twenty-eighth chapter of the book of Job, in which it seems predicted that God would keep this new world concealed from the knowledge of men, until it should please his inscrutable providence to bestow its dominion to the Spaniards. No attention is due to the opinions of those who would endeavour to establish the Ophir of the Scriptures in Peru, and who even allege that it was called Peru at the time when the holy text was penned. For, neither is that name of Peru so ancient, nor does it properly belong to that great country as its universal appellation. It has been a general practice among discoverers to apply names to new found ports and lands, just as occasion offered, or accident or caprice directed; and accordingly, the Spaniards who made the first discovery of that kingdom, applied to it the name of the river they first landed at, or that of the cacique who governed the district. Besides, the similarity of words is too trivial a circumstance on which to establish a foundation for a superstructure of such importance. The best informed and most judicious historians affirm, that Ophir was in the East Indies: For, if it had been in Peru, Solomons fleet must necessarily have run past the whole of the East Indies and China, and across the immense Pacific ocean, before it could reach the western shore of the new world; which is quite impossible. Nothing can be more certain than that the fleet of Solomon went down the Red Sea; and as the ancients were not acquainted with those arts of navigation which are now used, they could not launch out into the ocean to navigate so far from land; neither could those distant regions be attained to by a land journey. Besides, we are told that they carried from Ophir peacocks and ivory, articles that are not to be found in the new world. It is therefore believed that it was the island of Taprobana, from whence all those valuable commodities were carried to Jerusalem; and the ancients may have very justly called their discovery the new world, to express its vast extent, because it contained as much land as was before known, and also because its productions differed so much from those of our parts of the earth, or the old world. This explanation agrees with the expressions of Seneca and St Jerome.

[1] Churchills Collection, V. 591. All that has been attempted in the present article is to soften the asperity of the language, and to illustrate the text by a few notes where these seemed necessary.—E.

[2] Trapobana, or rather Taprobana, is assuredly Ceylon, not Sumatra.—E.



SECTION II.

Of the Motives which led Columbus to believe that there were unknown Countries.

The admiral Christopher Columbus had many reasons for being of opinion that there were new lands which might be discovered. Being a great cosmographer, and well skilled in navigation, he considered that the heavens were circular, moving round the earth, which in conjunction with the sea, constitute a globe of two elements, and that all the land that was then known could not comprise the whole earth, but that a great part must have still remained undiscovered. The measure of the circumference of the earth being 360 degrees, or 6300 leagues, allowing 17 leagues to the degree, must be all inhabited, since God hath not created it to lie waste. Although many have questioned whether there were land or water about the poles, still it seemed requisite that the earth should bear the same proportion to the water towards the antarctic pole, which it was known to have at the arctic. He concluded likewise that all the five zones of the earth were inhabited, of which opinion he was the more firmly persuaded after he had sailed into 75 degrees of north latitude. He also concluded that, as the Portuguese had sailed to the southwards, the same might be done to the westwards, where in all reason land ought to be found: And having collected all the tokens that had been observed by mariners, which made for his purpose, he became perfectly satisfied that there were many lands to the westwards of Cabo Verde and the Canaries, and that it was practicable to sail over the ocean for their discovery; because, since the world is round, all its parts must necessarily be so likewise. All the earth is so fixed that it can never fail; and the sea, though shut in by the land, preserves its rotundity, without ever falling away, being preserved in its position by attraction towards the centre of gravity. By the consideration of many natural reasons, and by perceiving that not above the third part of a great circle of the sphere was discovered, being the extent eastwards from Cabo Verde to the farthest then known land of India, he concluded that there remained much room for farther discoveries by sailing to the westwards, till they should come to meet with those lands then known, the ends whereof to the eastwards had not been yet explored. In this opinion he was much confirmed by his friend Martin de Bohemia[1], a Portuguese and an able cosmographer, a native of the island of Fayal.

Many other circumstances concurred to encourage Columbus in the mighty enterprize of discovery towards the west, by discoursing with those who used to sail to the westwards, particularly to the islands of the Azores. In particular, Martin Vincente assured him, that, having been on one occasion 450 leagues to the westwards of Cape St Vincent, he took up a piece of wood which was very artificially wrought, and yet was supposed not to have been fashioned with tools of iron: And, because the wind had blown many days from the west, he inferred that this piece of wood must have drifted from some land in that direction. Peter Correa, who had married the sister of Columbuses wife, likewise assured him, that he had seen another piece of wood similarly wrought, which had been drifted by the west winds upon the island of Puerto Santo; and that canes also had been floated thither, of such a size that every joint could contain a gallon of liquor. Columbus had farther heard mention made of these canes by the king of Portugal, who had some of them, which he ordered to be shewn to the admiral, who concluded that they must have been drifted from India by the west wind, more especially as there are none such in Europe. He was the more confirmed in this opinion, as Ptolemy, in the 17th chapter of the first book of his cosmography, describes such canes as being found in India. He was likewise informed by some of the inhabitants of the Azores, that when the wind continued long and violent from the west and north-west, the sea used to throw pine trees on the coasts of the isles of Gracioso and Fayal, in which no trees of that sort grew. The sea once cast two dead bodies on the coast of Flores, having very broad faces, and quite different features from those of the Christians. Two canoes were seen at another time, having several articles in them, which might have been driven out to sea by the force of the wind while passing from one island to another, and thence to the Azores. Anthony Leme, who had married in Madeira, declared that he once run a considerable way to the westwards of that island in his caravel, and fancied that he saw three islands; and many of the inhabitants of Gomera, Hierro, and the Azores, affirmed that they every year saw islands to the westwards. These were considered by Columbus as the same with those mentioned by Pliny in his Natural History, where he says, "That the sea to the northwards cuts off some pieces of woods from the land; and the roots being very large, they drift on the water like floats, and looked at a distance like islands."

In the year 1484, an inhabitant of the island of Madeira asked permission from the king of Portugal to go upon the discovery of a country, which he declared he saw every year exactly in the same position, agreeable to what had been reported by the people of the Azores. On these accounts, the ancient sea-charts laid down certain islands in these seas, which they called Antilla, and placed them about 200 leagues west from the Canaries and Azores; which the Portuguese believed to be the island of the Seven Cities, the fame of which has occasioned many to commit great folly from covetousness, by spending much money to no purpose. The story is, that this island of the Seven Cities was peopled by those who fled from the persecution of the infidels, when Spain was conquered by the Moors, in the reign of king Roderick; when seven bishops embarked with a great number of people, and arrived in that island, where they burnt their ships to prevent any one from thinking to return, and each of the bishops built a separate city for his flock. It was reported, that in the days of Prince Henry of Portugal, one of his ships was driven by a storm upon that island, where the natives carried the sailors to church, to see whether they were Christians observing the Roman ceremonies; and, finding them to be so, desired them to remain till their lord should come; but, fearing they might burn their ship and detain them, the Portuguese returned well pleased into Portugal; expecting a considerable reward from the prince. He, however, reproved them for bringing so imperfect an account, and ordered them to return; which the master and sailors dared not attempt, but left the kingdom, and were never more heard of. It is added, that these sailors, while in the island of the Seven Cities, gathered some sand for their cookroom, which turned out to be partly gold. Some adventurers from Portugal, allured by this report, went out for the purpose of prosecuting this discovery, one of whom was James de Tiene, and the pilot was James Velasquez of Palos. This man affirmed to Columbus, at the monastery of St Maria de Rabida, that they took a departure from Fyal, and sailed 150 leagues to the south-west, and at their return discovered the island of Flores, following many birds flying in that direction, which they knew were not water-fowl. He next said, that they sailed so far to the north-west, that Cape Clare of Ireland bore east of them; where they found the west wind blowing hard, yet with a smooth sea, which they believed was occasioned by the nearness of some land sheltering the sea from the violence of the wind; but that they dared not to proceed on their voyage, it being then the month of August, and they feared the approach of winter. This is said to have happened forty years before Columbus discovered the West Indies.

A sailor belonging to Port St Mary affirmed, that in a voyage to Ireland he saw a country to the westward, which he imagined to have been Tartary; but which has since turned out to be Bacallaos, being a part of Canada, but could not attain the coast by reason of stormy weather[2]. Peter de Velasco of Galicia declared, that, in a voyage to Ireland, he stood so far to the northward that he saw land west from that island. Vincent Diaz, a Portuguese pilot of Tavira, said that one morning, on his return from Guinea, he thought he saw an island under the parallel of Madeira. Diaz discovered the secret to a merchant, who procured the leave of the king of Portugal to fit out a ship for the discovery, and sent advice to his brother Francis de Cazana to fit out one at Seville, and put it under the command of Diaz. But Francis Cazana refusing, Diaz returned to Tercera, where he procured a ship, with the assistance of Luke de Cazana, and went out two or three times above an hundred leagues to the west, but found nothing. To these may be added, the attempts made by Caspar and Michael de Cortereal, sons to him who discovered the island of Tenera; but they were lost in searching for this land. Yet all these particulars contributed to encourage Columbus to undertake the enterprise; for, when Providence has decreed the accomplishment of any thing, it disposes the means, and provides the proper instruments.

[1] This is the person usually called Behain.—E.

[2] Rather Newfoundland.—E.



SECTION III.

Columbus proposes his Design to the King and Queen of Spain; which, after many Repulses, is adopted by the Queen[1].

The reason why Columbus gave the name of Indies to those new found countries, was on purpose to excite the princes he had to deal with to fall into his proposals, as he proposed to find gold, silver, and pearls, and those drugs and spices which are not produced in our countries, and therefore he concluded, that his discoveries might vie with the East Indies, give reputation to his design, and add weight to his proposals. Besides, it was his design to discover the east by way of the west; and as the East Indies lay in the remotest part of the east, going eastwards, which he meant to discover in a western course, it might well be called India. After the actual discovery, and when both New Spain and Peru were found out, the name was made plural, and the new world was called the West Indies. These West Indies are the countries comprehended within the limits assigned to the crown of Castile and Leon, consisting of one hemisphere, or half the globe, being 180 degrees of longitude. These limits commenced at a meridian, 30 or 40 degrees westwards from that of the city of Toledo, and proceeded from thence to the west; so that allowing 17-1/2 leagues to a degree, this allotment contains 3700 Spanish leagues in breadth, between east and west[2].

Columbus, whom the Spaniards call Colon, to adapt his name to their language, was born in Genoa, his fathers name being Dominick. As to the original of his family, some derive it from Placentia, others from Cucureo, a town on the coast near that city, others from the lords of the castle of Cucaro, in Montferrat, near Alexandria de la Pagla. In 940, the Emperor Otho II. confirmed to the brothers and earls, Peter, John, and Alexander Columbus, the real and feudal estates which they possessed in the liberties of the cities of Aqui, Savona, Asti, Montferrat, Turin, Vercelli, Parma, Cremona, and Bergamo, with all the rest they held in Italy. By other records, it appears that the Columbi of Cucaro, Cucureo, and Placentia, were the same; and that the before-mentioned emperor granted, in the same year 940, to the same three brothers, the castles of Cucaro, Cowzana, Rosignano, and others, with the fourth part of Bistagno, which belonged to the empire. This sufficiently demonstrates the antiquity and importance of the family. When very young, Christopher Columbus came into Spain, or Portugal rather, to seek his fortune like other men. He there married Donna Philippa Moniz de Perestrello, by whom he had one son, Don James Columbus; and afterwards, by a second wife, Donna Beatrix Henriquez of the city of Cordova, he had another son, Don Ferdinand Columbus, a gentleman excellently qualified and well learned.

Being entirely convinced that there were new lands to discover, which he had been long revolving in his mind, he at length determined to attempt carrying his design into execution; but knowing that such an undertaking was fit only for some sovereign prince or state, he made the proposal, in the first place, to the republic of Genoa, where it was looked upon as a chimera. He then communicated his design to John II. of Portugal, who gave him a favourable hearing, but was so much occupied with the discoveries along the western coast of Africa, that he was unwilling to engage in another enterprize of so much importance. King John, however, referred the matter to three persons on whom he placed great reliance in matters relating to cosmography and discovery; one of these was Don James Ortez, bishop of Ceuta who was a Spaniard, born at Calzadilla in the commandary of St Jago, and commonly called the Doctor Calzadilla; the other two were Roderick and Joseph, two Jewish physicians. These persons pretended to consider the design of Columbus as wild and impracticable; yet, after hearing his reasonings, and an account of the course he proposed to steer, they advised the king to send out a caravel upon the discovery, giving out that it was destined for Cabo Verde. This was done accordingly, and the vessel went many leagues to the westwards; but, encountering severe storms, it returned without effecting any discovery, and holding out the notions of Columbus to ridicule. He, not ignorant of this underhand dealing, was much offended, and his wife being dead, he took a great aversion to Portugal, and resolved upon going into Spain to offer his schemes at that court. Lest he might be treated there as he had been in Portugal, he sent his brother Bartholomew Columbus into England, where Henry VII. then reigned. But Bartholomew spent much time by the way, being taken by pirates; and after his release and arrival in England, he had to stay a long time before he learnt how to solicit the affair with which he was entrusted. In the mean time, Don Christopher Columbus departed privately from Portugal in 1484 for Andalusia, knowing that the king of Portugal was sensible that his scheme was well grounded, and was satisfied the people of the caravel had not done their duty, so that he still inclined to consult farther respecting the enterprize. Columbus landed at Palos de Moguer, whence he went to the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, or Elizabeth, king and queen of Spain, then at Cordova, leaving his son James in the monastery of Rabida, half a league from Palos, under the care of John Perez de Marchena, the father guardian of that house, who was learned in humanity, and had some skill in cosmography.

On his arrival at Cordova, Columbus made known the object of his journey, and found most encouragement from Alonso de Quintanilla comptroller of Castile, a wise man and fond of great undertakings, who, finding Columbus a man of worth and merit, invited him to his table, without which he could not have subsisted during his tedious solicitation. After some time, their Catholic majesties, so far listened to the proposal, as to refer it to Ferdinand de Talavera, prior of Prado, and confessor to the queen, who afterwards became the first Christian archbishop of Granada. Columbus was called before an assembly of cosmographers, of whom there were few then in Spain, and those none of the ablest; and besides the admiral was unwilling to explain himself too unreservedly, lest he might be served as already in Portugal; wherefore the result of this consultation was adverse to his expectations and wishes. Some said, that as there had been so many persons well skilled in maritime affairs in all ages of the world, who never dreamt of those lands which Columbus endeavoured to persuade them he should find, it was not to be imagined that he was wiser than all who had gone before his time. Others alleged that the world was so large, that it would require a voyage of three years at least, to reach those farthest parts of the east to which Columbus proposed to sail; and quoted Seneca in confirmation of their opinion, who says, "That wise men were divided whether the ocean might not be of infinite extent, so that it would be impossible to sail across its bounds; and, even if navigable, it was questionable if there were any inhabited land beyond, or if there were a possibility of going to such a distance." They farther alleged that no other part of our globe was inhabited, except that small parcel which existed above the water in our hemisphere, all the rest being sea: Yet they conceded, that, if it were found practicable to go from Spain to the farthest parts of the world eastwards, it must likewise be granted, the same might be done by a western course. Others contended, that should Columbus sail directly westwards, it would be impossible for him ever to get back to Spain, owing to the rotundity of the globe; for, whoever should go beyond the hemisphere known to Ptolemy, must necessarily descend so much that it would be impracticable to return, which in that case would be like climbing up a steep mountain. Although Columbus answered all their objections, they could not comprehend his reasonings, and the assembly declared his project to be vain and impracticable, and unbecoming the majesty of such mighty princes to be undertaken on such trivial information. Thus, after much time spent in vain, their Catholic majesties ordered Columbus to be informed, that, being engaged in several wars, particularly in the conquest of Granada, they could not then venture upon other expences; but, when that was over, they would again examine the matter; and so dismissed him.

Having received this mortifying answer, Columbus went away to Seville, much discontented, after having spent five years at court to no purpose. He then had his project made known to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and as some say, to the Duke of Medina Celi likewise; and being rejected by them, he wrote to the king of France on the subject, and intended, if rejected by the French court, to have gone over himself into England in search of his brother, from whom he had not heard of a long while. Having formed this resolution, he went to the monastery of Rabida, intending to place his son in Cordova during his absence; and, having discovered the nature of his designs to Father J. Perez de Marchena, it pleased God that the father guardian prevailed on him to postpone his journey. Associating with himself Garcia Hernandez a physician, Perez and he conferred with Columbus on the matter; and Hernandez being a philosopher, was much pleased at the proposed discovery. Whereupon Father John Perez, who was known to the queen as having sometimes heard her confession, wrote to her majesty on the subject, and received orders to repair to court, then at the new city of Santa Fe before Granada, and to leave Columbus at Palos, with some hope of being successful. When John Perez had discoursed with the queen, she ordered 20,000 maravedies[3] to be carried by James Prieto to Columbus at Palos, to enable him to return to court.

On his coming back, the prior of Prado, and the others who were joined with him in commission, were still averse from the undertaking; and besides, as Columbus demanded high conditions, among which were to have the titles of admiral and viceroy over all his discoveries, they thought he required too much in case of success, and that such a grant would seem dishonourable in case of failure. The treaty was therefore again entirely broken off, and Columbus resolved to go away to Cordova, in order to proceed for France, being positive not to go to Portugal on any account. Alonzo de Quintanilla, and Lewis de Santangel, who was clerk of the green cloth to the crown of Arragon, were much concerned that this enterprize should be laid aside, and at their request, and that of John Perez, Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza heard what Columbus had to say on the subject, with which he was well pleased, valuing him as a man of worth. But the adverse party still objected that Columbus ventured nothing of his own on this discovery, requiring to be made admiral of a fleet by their Catholic majesties, while it would be no loss to him even if the enterprize should fail. To this he answered, that he would be at an eighth part of the expence, provided he were entitled to a proportional share in the profits. Yet nothing was concluded; whereupon Columbus left the city of Santa Fe in January 1492, in great perplexity, on his way for Cordova. That same day, Lewis de Santangel represented to the queen, that he was astonished she, who had ever shewn much genius for great undertakings, should here fail where so much might be gained, and so very little could be put to hazard; and, should the enterprise be undertaken by any other prince, as Columbus affirmed it would, her majesty might easily see how great an injury this would prove to her crown, especially as Columbus seemed a person of worth, and required no reward but what he should find, venturing even his own person, and part of the charges. He farther urged that the thing was by no means of an impracticable nature, as represented by the cosmographers, nor ought the attempt to be considered as indiscreet, even if it should not succeed. Besides, that Columbus only demanded a million of maravedies[4] to fit himself out for the expedition; and he therefore earnestly entreated that so small a sum might not obstruct so great an enterprize. At the same time, the queen was much importuned by Alonzo de Quintanilla, who had great credit with her majesty; she thanked them for their advice, and said she would willingly embrace it, when she had a little recovered from the expence of the war; or, if they thought it necessary to proceed immediately, she was willing to have the money raised by pawning some of her jewels. Quintanilla and Santangel kissed her hand, and expressed their thanks that her majesty had been pleased to listen to their advice, after the matter had been refused by the counsel of so many others; and Santangel offered to lend the sum required out of his own money. All this being settled, an alguazil or messenger was dispatched after Columbus, with orders from the queen for his return. The messenger overtook him at the bridge of Pinos, two leagues from Granada; and, though much concerned to have been so much slighted, he returned to the city of Santa Fe, where he was well received, and the secretary, John Coloma, was ordered to prepare the contract and instructions, after he had spent eight years, with much vexation and uneasiness, in soliciting to have his project undertaken.

[1] We have here omitted two sections of very uninteresting cosmographical observations on the antipodes, the torrid zone, the climate of the Western hemisphere, and the peopling of America.—E.

[2] The author or translator has here committed a material arithmetical error; as 180 degrees, multiplied by 17-1/2, only produce 3150 leagues.—E.

[3] This sum does not much exceed ten pounds of our present money; yet in these days was thought a gift worthy of a queen.—Churchill.

The value of money must then have been much greater than now, perhaps ten times; in which case this supply may have been equal to about 22 hundred guineas in effective value.—E.

[4] This is little above L.520 of our money, according to the present computation.—Churchill.

Probably equal in effective value to L.5200 in the present time.—E.



SECTION IV.

Conditions granted to Columbus by the Crown of Castile, and an Account of his first Voyage, in which he discovered the New World.

Columbus and the Secretary Coloma conferred together upon the conditions, which he had demanded from the beginning, and they at length agreed to the following articles, which were signed on the 17th April 1492.

1. Their Catholic majesties, as sovereigns of the ocean, do from this time constitute Don Christopher Columbus their admiral, throughout all those islands or continents, that by his means shall be discovered and conquered in the said ocean, for the term of his life, and after his death to his heirs and successors for ever, with all the immunities and prerogatives belonging to the said office, in the same manner as they have been enjoyed by their admiral, Don Alonso Enriquez, and his predecessors, within their liberties.

2. Their highnesses do constitute and appoint the said D. C. Columbus their viceroy and governor-general of all the islands or continents, which, as has been said, he shall discover and conquer in the said seas; and that he shall nominate three persons for the government of each of them, of whom their highnesses shall choose one.

3. Their highnesses grant to the said D. C. Columbus, the tenth part of all commodities whatsoever, whether pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spice, or any other, bought, bartered, found, taken, or otherwise had, within the limits of the said admiralty, the charges being first deducted; so that he shall take to himself the said tenth part, to use, enjoy, and dispose of at his pleasure.

4. In case any controversies shall arise on account of the commodities he may bring from the said islands or countries, so conquered or discovered as aforesaid, or on account of those here taken of other merchants in exchange for these, in the place where the said trade shall be settled; if it shall belong of right to the admiral to try such causes, he shall be allowed to do so by himself or deputy, as was allowed to the admiral Don Alonso Enriquez, and his predecessors, within their districts.

5. It shall be lawful for the said D. C. Columbus, whenever any ships are fitted out for the aforesaid trade, to contribute the eighth part of the cargo, and accordingly to receive the eighth part of all the produce in return.

These articles were signed in the city of Santa Fe, in the plain of Granada; with which, and with the before-mentioned sum of money, he departed from that place on the 12th of May, and leaving his sons at school in Cordova, he went himself to the port of Palos, in order to expedite the preparations for his voyage, very few of the persons at court believing that he would perform what he had promised. Their Catholic majesties having strictly enjoined him not to touch at Guinea, nor to come within an hundred leagues of the Portuguese conquests, gave him letters patent to all kings and princes in the world, requiring them to receive, honour, and relieve him as their admiral. He chose Palos, as a place where there were many experienced seamen, and because he had friends among them; as also for the sake of John Perez de Marchena, who greatly assisted him in this affair, by disposing the minds of the seamen to accompany him, as they were very unwilling to venture upon an unknown voyage. He had orders for the town of Palos to furnish him with two caravels, with which that place was obliged to serve the crown during three months of every year. He fitted out a third vessel as admiral, which he called the St Mary. The second was named the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonso Pinzon, having his brother, Francis Martinez Pinzon as master or pilot; and the third, La Vinna, which had latine or triangular sails, was commanded by Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who was both captain and pilot. This person advanced half a million of maravedies, for the eighth part of the charges of the expedition[1], the family of the Pinzons being of the first rank in Palos, very wealthy, and excellent sailors; the common mariners, through their example and influence, became willing to engage in the voyage, which at first they were much averse from.

The vessels being ready for sea, were supplied with provisions for one year, and took on board a complement of ninety men, most of whom were inhabitants of Palos, except some friends of Columbus, and a few servants of the court. They set sail half an hour before sun-rise on the 3d of August 1492, going over the bar of the river Saltes, on which Palos is situated, and directing their course for the Canaries; the whole crews of all the three vessels, after the example of Columbus, having previously made confession of their sins, and partaken of the holy sacrament. On the very next day, the rudder of the caravel Pinta, which Martin Alonso Pinzon commanded, broke loose; which was suspected to have happened by the contrivance of Gomez Rascon and Christopher Quintero, her owners, and serving as seamen on board, because they went on the voyage against their inclination, and had endeavoured to throw obstacles in its way before setting out. This obliged the Pinto to lie to, and the admiral made up to the caravel, though he could not give any aid, on purpose to encourage the men. Martin Alonso Pinzon being an experienced seaman, soon fastened the rudder in such a manner with ropes as enabled her to continue the voyage: But on the Tuesday following, it broke loose again through the violence of the waves, and the whole of the small squadron was forced to lie to. This early misfortune might have discouraged a superstitious person, more especially considering the refractory conduct of M.A. Pinzon afterwards. The rudder was again made fast as well as they could; and, continuing their voyage, they discovered the Canaries about day-break of the 11th of August. After endeavouring for two days to reach Gran Canaria, and always baffled by contrary winds, Martin Alonso was left with orders to proceed to land as soon as he could, to endeavour to procure another ship, and the admiral went with the other two to Gomera with the same view. Not finding any vessel for his purpose, he returned to Gran Canaria, where he got a new rudder for the Pinta, and had her sails changed from latine or triangular, into square, that she might labour less, and be able more safely to keep up with the others. Leaving Gran Canaria on the afternoon of the 1st September, he returned to Gomera, where he took in a supply of flesh, and wood and water, with great haste in the course of four days; as he had heard of some Portuguese caravels cruising in those parts to intercept him, the king of Portugal being much concerned to learn that Columbus had agreed with their Catholic majesties, by which he had missed the opportunity of aggrandizing his own crown.

On Thursday the 6th of September, Columbus took his final departure from Gomera, standing to the westwards in quest of his proposed discovery, and made but little way for want of wind: Yet they lost sight of land next day, when many bewailed their state with sighs and tears, believing they were never more to see land; but Columbus did all in his power to raise their hopes, by the promise of success, and of acquiring wealth. That day they ran eighteen leagues, while the admiral gave out they had only advanced fifteen; thinking it prudent to reckon the voyage short, on purpose to lessen the apprehensions of the seamen. On the 11th of September, being 150 leagues to the westwards of Ferro, they saw a mast floating on the sea, that seemed to have been drifted by the current, which a little farther on, they found setting very rapidly to the northwards. On the 14th September, being 50 leagues more to the west, the admiral, about night-fall, perceived the needle to vary a point westwards, and somewhat more early next morning. This variation had never been observed before, and therefore astonished the admiral greatly; and still more so, three days after, when he had advanced 100 leagues farther to the westwards, on finding the needle to vary two points in the evening, and to point directly north next morning. On the night of Saturday the 15th September, being then near 300 leagues west from Ferro, they saw a flame of fire drop into the sea, four or five leagues S.W. from the ships, the weather being then calm, the sea smooth, and the current setting to the N.E. The people in the Ninna said they had seen some water-wagtails on the day before, at which they much admired, considering that these birds never go above fifteen or twenty leagues from land. On the next day, they were still more surprised at seeing some spots of green and yellow weeds on the surface of the sea, which seemed newly broken off from some island or rock. On Monday the 17th, they saw much more, and many concluded they were near land, more especially as a live grasshopper was seen on the weeds. Others of the companies alleged these weeds might come from banks or rocks under water, and the people, beginning to be afraid, muttered against the prosecution of the voyage. They now perceived that the water was not more than half as salt as usual, and that night they saw many tunny fishes, which followed so near the ships that a man belonging to the Ninna killed one with a harpoon. In the morning the air was temperate and delightful, like the April weather of Andalusia. When about 360 leagues westwards of Ferro, another water-wagtail was seen; and on Tuesday the 18th September, Martin Alonso Pinzon, being before in the Pinta which was an excellent sailer, lay to for the admiral, and reported that he had seen a numerous flock of birds flying westwards, from which he had hopes of discovering land that night, at about fifteen leagues to the northwards, and even fancied he had seen it: But the admiral did not credit this, and would not lose time by deviating from his course in search of the supposed land, though all the people were much inclined to have made the attempt. That night the wind freshened, when they had sailed eleven days always before the wind to the west, without ever having to handle a sail. During the whole course, the admiral constantly noted down every circumstance; as the winds, the fishes, birds, and other tokens of land, and continually kept a good look out, frequently trying for soundings.

[1] This is about L.260.—Churchill

Equal to about L.2600 of our present money in effective value: But is difficult to conceive how the eighth part of this small armament should require so large a sum, which would extend the total amount to L.2080 of solid money, equal in efficacy to L.20,800 in our times: and, besides the crown had advanced L.520, equally to L.5200, as its contribution for seven eighths.—E